southern Italian dialects

In the present article, I analyze Domenico Dara’s three novels, their complex architectures and the poetic mode deployed in the narratives examined. The southern region of Calabria – where Dara was born and raised and where his narrations take place – is at the core of the novels and is depicted in ways that are distant from stereotypical and
conventional representations of Southern Italy. The analysis that I articulate in this text scrutinizes the elements of continuity and intertextuality in Dara’s novels, in particular the creation of an experimental language and the diffused presence of mental illness in
Dara’s imaginary and narratives.

La Quaresima, dal latino cristiano quadragesimam diem, cioè il 'quarantesimo giorno' prima della settimana santa e, quindi, a rigor di logica si dovrebbe indicare con questo nome solo il mercoledì delle Ceneri, segnava nel passato un periodo di penitenza, di digiuno, e soprattutto di astensione dalle carni e in senso più ampio da tutto ciò che contribuiva al godimento del corpo. Il significato precipuo era, pertanto, quello di poter meglio riflettere sulla caducità delle cose terrene, in attesa che la resurrezione di Cristo spalancasse all'animo umano le porte della vita eterna.

La presente relazione è la versione scritta di una presentazione orale, presieduta dal prof. Alberto Varvaro, che ho tenuto all'Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II dietro il gentile invito del Dipartimento di Filologia Moderna 'Salvatore Battaglia' il 14 dicembre 2009. Ringrazio il pubblico presente a tale presentazione e, in particolare, b.

In questo articolo si analizza la traducibilità degli scenari sociolinguistici e culturali. Si tratta di un tema ampio e complesso al quale proveremo a dare soltanto qualche contributo, non avendo la presunzione di poterlo affrontare e risolvere in un breve contributo.
Gli obiettivi dell'intervento sono a) tornare su questo tema cruciale, b) fare il punto su alcune posizioni teoriche rilevanti, e c) individuare un caso interessante di traduzione che soffre proprio della mancanza di cura delle implicazioni sociolinguistiche nell'uso delle varietà o nelle scelte traduttive. Il caso che discutiamo riguarda la traduzione nei sottotitoli del dialetto napoletano di Gomorra considerando sia le scelte traduttive verso l'italiano sia alcune scelte relative alla versione inglese.

Giulio Cesare Cortese (1575 - 1627?).
La Vaiasseide è un poemetto in cinque canti che narra le vicende delle vaiasse, le serve napoletane. Per chi non conosce il dialetto napoletano, riportiamo a latere la traduzione di qualche parola, quanto basta per poter distintamente seguire l’azione. Brevi note in calce per modesti approfondimenti.

The Cosentino dialect has produced a vast literature that dates back to the 15th century. Most of the research conducted on this dialect has focused on the spoken language in terms of acoustic phonetics and, more recently, on the structural configurations which underlie the distribution of agreement of adjectival adverbs of manner. However, studies on the literary varieties of Cosentino are lacking, both from a synchronic and a diachronic perspective. The present article aims at providing a classification of the Cosentino adverbs used in the recent translation of Saint-Exupéry’s The Little Prince, which can serve as a basis for further investigation and comparison.

It is well-known that the dialects of Extreme Southern Italy are deeply influenced by a long-time contact with Italo-Greek. Nevertheless, such an influence is anything but uniform, since it produced many different grammars, which coexist side-by-side in a quite homogeneous linguistic area. This dramatic variation (so-called microvariation) can be
explained in different ways: the different period in which the same calquing occurred in distinct varieties is one of the conceivable explanations. The present paper aims at showing two case-studies related to such “diachronically grounded” microvariation. The first one
concerns the so-called “loss (or avoidance) of the infinitive”, a contact-induced change by which a broad range of subordinate clauses, generally coded by the infinitive in Standard Italian and most of Western Romance languages, is replaced in these dialects by finite clauses introduced by a complementiser. In such a replacement, north-eastern Sicilian dialects show a conservative status, in that they keep the infinitive in coreferential structures; others dialects display a transitional stage, in which infinitive clauses, available with a class of restructuring predicates, are replaced first when a pronominal clitic surfaces in
the sentence. The latter case-study involves another calquing from Greek, i.e. the coding of complementiser-headed main clauses with a “volitional” meaning: next to the present indicative, some dialects also use the imperfect for conveying counterfactual meanings. In such a case, a Greek pattern (a main clause headed by a complementiser) intertwines with an aspectual feature of the Romance verbal system, and turns out to produce a morphological “blend”, otherwise unattested in other Romance languages.

Il testo propone un viaggio suggestivo tra le parole più “genuine” del nostro dialetto, quelle parole che oggi si sentono sempre meno e che rischiano di scomparire dall’uso linguistico siciliano perché scomparsi sono gli oggetti cui si riferivano o mutato è il contesto culturale specifico del loro utilizzo. Ma sono anche termini che rivivono nella finzione letteraria tra le pagine di Consolo, Sciascia, Camilleri, e ancora Grasso, Agnello Hornby, Alajmo, Di Cara e tanti altri.

È vietata la riproduzione, anche parziale, non autorizzata, con qualsiasi mezzo effettuata, compresa la fotocopia, anche a uso interno e didattico. L'illecito sarà penalmente perseguibile a norma dell'art. 171 della Legge n. 633 del 22.04.41

Articolo espletivo e marcatura differenziale dell'Oggetto nel dialetto reggino di San Luca * 1. Nel 2015, in occasione della revisione di una tesi di laurea triennale (Giorgi 2015), ebbi modo di notare una particolarità sintattica presente nel dialetto reggino di San Luca 1 : la presenza dell'articolo cosiddetto espletivo 2 (m.sg. u; f.sg. a; m.f.pl. i) davanti ai nomi propri di persona, maschili e femminili, in posizione argomentale 3 . Si tratta di una caratteristica assai rara nei dialetti dell'area reggina (nel caso specifico del versante jonico), sorprendentemente non documentata da Rohlfs, né da Falcone (1976) nella monografia dedicata al profilo linguistico della Calabria, e segnalata per la prima volta, a quanto io ne sappia, solo cursoriamente da Ledgeway (2006:112) in un esempio dal dialetto di Bianco 4 . Ben diversa la situazione del salentino, per il quale è ben nota la presenza dell'articolo espletivo a precedere i nomi propri di persona, maschili e femminili. La comparsa di questo tratto in aree caratterizzate in passato da una massiccia presenza greca è una chiara prova corografica (in senso ascoliano) a favore dell'ipotesi di un calco morfo-sintattico dalle varietà italo-greche, dove l'impiego dell'articolo definito è la norma sia davanti ai nomi propri di persona, maschili e femminili, sia davanti ai nomi di luogo, tanto nel grico salentino, tanto in bovese (Rohlfs 1977:181; Katsoyannou 1995:182 e Violi 2004:25 per il greco bovese). Valga per tutti quanto afferma in proposito Rohlfs (1977:181) relativamente ai dialetti italo-greci: «Sono preceduti dall'articolo determinativo: il nome di Dio, i nomi di persona, i nomi di città e di stati […]». E ancora: «Si premette l'articolo ai giorni della settimana» (Rohlfs 1977:181).

Italo-Romance southern dialects show a double complementation system: declarative and epistemic subordinates (the so-called ‘realis’ clauses) are generally headed by an outcome of Lat. QUIA, whereas volitive dependent clauses (the so-called ‘irrealis’ clauses) are headed by a reflex of QUĬD (in the upper southern dialects)/MŎDO and QUŎD (in the extreme southern dialects). According to Rohlfs, this pattern reflects the similar double system of Italo-Greek. As I argue in this paper, extreme southern dialects exhibit a third complementiser, that is the outcome of Lat. QUĬD, attested both in the ‘realis’ domain and the ‘irrealis’ one. Its conservative status can be inferred, among other things, by its usage to introduce relative clauses, where it replaces the anaphoric pronoun specified with the role of the head of the NP, also in those dialects whose ‘realis’ complementiser surfaces as ca < QUIA. Moreover, in the same varieties, it is still preserved in the ‘after-that’ temporal clauses.

SOMMARIO DEL VOLUME LXXX (Serie Terza, XVI) Premessa Ricordi Maria Iliescu, Moments inoubliables de mon contact avec le grand italianiste et linguiste qui fut Max P ster Giorgio Marrapodi, "O bene… dunque…". Max P ster onomasta e "onomaturgo" Dialettologia Luca Bellone, Gio ani, linguaggio gio anile, dialetto in pro incia di Cuneo: nuo e ri essioni sociolinguistiche e lessicali a margine di una recente inchiesta sul campo Anna Cornagliotti, "Sant Antòni patanù": gli agionimi in piemontese Alessandro De Angelis, Articolo espletivo e marcatura di erenziale dell Oggetto nel dialetto reggino di San Luca Patrizia Del Puente, Tra colonie galloitaliche e spunti lessicali lucani Angelo Variano, Intorno al dialetto di Campobasso (più di cent anni dopo) Etimologie Fabio Aprea, Le forme coetimologiche di singhiozzo nell Italia centromeridionale Marcello Aprile, Giudeo-it. sciattare, it. sciatto. Scoperte etimologiche nella redazione del LEI Pag. L ITALIA DIALETTALE, LXXX Daniele Baglioni, Un esercizio etimologico mediterraneo: malt. gremxul(a) 'lucertola † Remo Bracchi, In margine al LEI Pasquale Caratù, Reti, corde e… amanti. Lessico marinaresco pugliese Franco Crevatin, Supplementi istriani al REW Franco Fanciullo, Vicende lessicali nel LEI e intorno al LEI Massimo Fanfani, Sull etimologia di aggeggiare Wolfgang Haubrichs, Un termine longobardo nella toponimia dell Italia settentrionale: germ. *stôda-gardôn, long. *stodegarda 'recinto per cavalli Ottavio Lurati, Addio a Max: schede tra religione e società civile Marco Maggiore, Per l etimologia dell italiano sfasciare 'rompere Fabio Marri, Una caponata lessicale tra Olindo Guerrini e Max Pfister Alessandro Parenti, Per l etimo dell italiano antico guastada 'sorta di bottiglia Dario Petrini, Intorno al milanese campaná 'puzzare Wolfgang Schweickard, It. assareli / assareri Carolina Stromboli, Osservazioni sull etimologia di attaccare e staccare Fonetica storica Hans Dieter Bork, Zur Entwicklung der inlautenden Konsonantengruppen -ns-, -nf-, -nv-in den romanischen Sprachen Mariafrancesca Giuliani, Il luogo dell incrocio: sull inserto nasale nella derivazione italoromanza di lat. *COCTARE » Adriana Cascone, Ricerche etimologiche tra vecchie e nuo e ipotesi: una proposta per il sic. urvicari Vito Luigi Castrignanò, "Ceraldi" e "sanpaolari". Considerazioni sul lessico del tarantismo Jean-Paul Chauveau , Français parcours, d un fantôme l autre Luca D Onghia, Aggiunte settentrionali al Dizionario del lessico erotico Sergio Lubello, Italiano e lessico giuridico: il LEI sub specie iuris Stella Retali-Medori, La Corsica alla luce del LEI: omaggio a Max Pfister Giovanni Ruffino, I nomi del ghiozzo in Sicilia. Un saggio del ocabolario-atlante del lessico marinaro Storia delle lingue Andrea Bocchi, Benutino da Cingoli e la mala vicinanza del comune di Montecchio (cinque lettere cingolane del 1398-1401) Chiara Coluccia, Voci dantesche rare, il LEI e la lingua italiana Rosario Coluccia, Iberismi quattrocenteschi e storia della lingua italiana: cosa insegna il LEI Francesco Crifò, «Restituire la storia medesima dell uomo». Per un Dizionario Etimologico del Veneziano

As in general in Italian dialectology, the contribution of Gerhard Rohlfs (1892-1986) is absolutely central to the study of language contact between Italo-Romance and Greek. Alongside many studies (e.g. Rohlfs 1932; 1972) and a reference grammar of Greek enclaves (Rohlfs 1977), he provided (southern) Italian dialect lexicography with an essential tool, viz. his LGII (and its predecessor, the EWUG), a work which figures prominently in any discussion of Hellenisms. Like all scientific work, though, Rohlfs’ LGII must be examined critically. In particular, it has been argued that the author not infrequently “proposed unacceptable Greek etymologies” (Alessio 1980:5) for example for Calabrian words that G. Alessio has more persuasively interpreted as medieval Gallicisms, which entered both Romance and Greek dialects of southern Italy in parallel. The tendency to overestimate the Greek lexical share also creeps elsewhere in Rohlfs’ work, not only to the detriment of Gallicisms but also of the indigenous lexical stock of Latin origin. This will be shown analyzing the names of the ‘blackberry’ in the south-eastern corner of the Peninsula between Salento, Puglia and eastern Lucania, as exemplified by Barese lúmərə. For this, Rohlfs (1923) proposed a Greek etymon (later reproduced in EWUG 5 and LGII 9) which I will critically evaluate against the background of previous proposals by Salvioni (1909; 1911) and Merlo (1919). These ultimately trace back lúmərə and its many variants (as diverse as e.g. Salentino krúmmula, númaru, rúmula etc.) to Latin morum ‘blackberry’, an explanation rejected by Rohlfs (1923) appealing to a geolinguistic argument which is refuted here.

Among the morpho-syntactic patterns by which Italo-Romance varieties code there sentences, a peculiar structure surfaces in extreme southern varieties, particularly in Salento and in southern Calabria: this involves an invariable 3rd person form of the outcome of HABĒRE as the copula, with no agreement with the postcopular nominal, the so-called pivot. Even though this pattern is attested in other Romance languages too, it proves, however, to be peculiar, insofar as it hosts top-ranking definite NPs (especially 1st and 2nd person pronouns), which are generally disallowed within ‘to have’ there sentences in the Romance varieties. In the present paper we infer that this pattern depends on the contact with Italo-Greek, which displays similar constructions, with an invariant 3rd sg. form of ‘to have’, the lack of the proform and the pivot marked as accusative. However, a diachronic investigation reveals that neither the extreme southern Italo-Romance varieties nor Italo-Greek displayed in their Medieval stage a similar construction, since both of them exhibited the definiteness effect. Sociolinguistic factors can account for the two systems influenced each other, by ruling out the definiteness effect from the respective patterns at the end of the interference process.

Chi Carnûalë volë fà, da Sand'Anduonë adda accumëngià 1 , dice un proverbio lucano. E infatti il giorno di S. Antonio Abate (17 genn.) ha inizio il Carnevale a Pignola, un paese del Potentino adagiato alle falde del Monte Serranetta: ma non senza aver prima onorato il Santo con l'antica usanza di appïccià a fanoië, di accendere il falò, la sera della vigilia, davanti alla chiesa a lui dedicata.

Scopo di questo lavoro è di raccogliere alcune riflessioni sui verbi modali nei dialetti pugliesi 1 . L'articolo è organizzato come segue: al § 2 discuteremo le forme con cui viene espresso il verbo dovere, sia con valore epistemico che deontico; al § 3 esamineremo le modalità di espressione del futuro. I § § 4-5 sono dedicati rispettivamente ai verbi volere e potere, dei quali si mostreranno non solo alcuni aspetti morfologici, ma anche dei fatti interessanti che riguardano la complementazione e forme lessicalizzate. Il § 6 contiene alcune conclusioni, generalizzazioni e spunti per ulteriori approfondimenti.

Grammatical gender processing is a classic topic in the neurolinguistic literature. However, most of the studies consider major standard languages, such as English, Dutch, Spanish or Italian. This is a limitation, since these languages display relatively simple systems that are fairly stable and do not allow to address language variation and change. Here we investigated gender agreement in a dialect of Southern Italy spoken in Agnone, using Event-Related Potentials. Compared with Italian and most standard Romance languages, the Agnonese gender system is more complex (with three target genders: feminine, masculine, neuter) and, also under the pressure of standard Italian, undergoing change, with the neuter merging into the masculine. Results showed that all determiner-noun gender mismatches elicited robust P600 and moderate Left Anterior Negativity (LAN) effects. Yet not all violations involving neuter nouns were equally outright. For masculine-neuter, the amplitude of the P600 was less pronounced than for feminine-neuter violations. Moreover, when looking at individual differences, the P600 for masculine-neuter was progressively reduced as participants' competence in the Agnonese conservative variety decreased. Since sociolinguistics shows that individual variation within the speech community may reflect linguistic change, the smaller P600 exhibited by less conservative speakers could be described as a brain signature of ongoing language change in the Agnonese gender system. In other words, the attenuation of ungrammaticality-driven brain responses may provide a measurable indicator of the fading of the neuter and its merging into the masculine. This work paves the way to the neurolinguistic description of non-standard varieties and also breaks ground for a "diachronic neurolinguistics", extending investigation into the neurobiology of language beyond the syn-chronic dimension.

Il testo propone un viaggio suggestivo tra le parole più “genuine” del nostro dialetto, quelle parole che oggi si sentono sempre meno e che rischiano di scomparire dall’uso linguistico siciliano perché scomparsi sono gli oggetti cui si riferivano o mutato è il contesto culturale specifico del loro utilizzo. Ma sono anche termini che rivivono nella finzione letteraria tra le pagine di Consolo, Sciascia, Camilleri, e ancora Grasso, Agnello Hornby, Alajmo, Di Cara e tanti altri.

This chapter undertakes an overview of the structural conditions regulating the distribution of a phonological fortition process, raddoppiamento fonosintattico “phonosyntactic doubling”, in the Calabrian dialect of Cosenza, focusing on some particularly striking cases which also reveal the role of phases in constraining the application of RF. On the one hand, the data highlight the advantages of interpreting locality not just narrowly in terms of the three core structural configurations Spec-Head, Head-Head and Head-Comp, but also more broadly in terms of phasal domains, showing how different phonological realizations represent the spell-out of deep syntactic differences mapped at the interface between narrow syntax and PF (Phonological Form). On the other, the theoretical assumptions assumed here provide us with the key to understanding some intriguing empirical generalizations about the role of RF in signalling, among other things, informational structure content and binding relations, which, in turn, throw new light on current theoretical assumptions about clause structure and the nature of phases.

This article undertakes a descriptive overview of the variation in the distribution and licensing of differential object marking across a wide range of dialects of the south of Italy. It is shown how variation in this area is not random, but follows patterns of structured variation which can be modelled in a scalar fashion in terms of four broad splits based on grammatical person, and on pronominal–nominal, head–phrasal and animacy/specificity oppositions. These four broad dimensions of variation are, in turn, demonstrated to conceal a number of more subtle differences of a microvariational nature. This microvariation, it is suggested, can be read not only horizontally as synchronic variation across the dialects, but also vertically to provide some key insights into the diachronic development of (Italo-)Romance DOM.

 Explain the weakening of voiced stops in initial position in Neapolitan -not in terms of lenition but as a quasi-morphological paradigm.  Demonstrate that in Neapolitan one cannot unify {#__ , V__V} as one weak environment.  Underpin the explanation in terms of Honeybone's (2005) 'sharing makes us stronger' is behind the inhibition of voiced stop lenition (in all position).

As in general in Italian dialectology, the contribution of Gerhard Rohlfs (1892-1986) is absolutely central to the study of language contact between Italo-Romance and Greek. Alongside many studies (e.g. Rohlfs 1932; 1972) and a reference grammar of Greek enclaves (Rohlfs 1977), he provided (southern) Italian dialect lexicography with an essential tool, viz. his LGII (and its predecessor, the EWUG), a work which figures prominently in any discussion of Hellenisms. Like all scientific work, though, Rohlfs’ LGII must be examined critically. In particular, it has been argued that the author not infrequently “proposed unacceptable Greek etymologies” (Alessio 1980:5) for example for Calabrian words that G. Alessio has more persuasively interpreted as medieval Gallicisms, which entered both Romance and Greek dialects of southern Italy in parallel. The tendency to overestimate the Greek lexical share also creeps elsewhere in Rohlfs’ work, not only to the detriment of Gallicisms but also of the indigenous lexical stock of Latin origin. This will be shown analyzing the names of the ‘blackberry’ in the south-eastern corner of the Peninsula between Salento, Puglia and eastern Lucania, as exemplified by Barese lúmərə. For this, Rohlfs (1923) proposed a Greek etymon (later reproduced in EWUG 5 and LGII 9) which I will critically evaluate against the background of previous proposals by Salvioni (1909; 1911) and Merlo (1919). These ultimately trace back lúmərə and its many variants (as diverse as e.g. Salentino krúmmula, númaru, rúmula etc.) to Latin morum ‘blackberry’, an explanation rejected by Rohlfs (1923) appealing to a geolinguistic argument which is refuted here.

This paper provides an overview of the different dimensions of variation found in the Inflected Construction (IC) (cf. Cardinaletti and Giusti (2001, 2003)) arising with motion verbs in most Sicilian dialects. It does so by discussing data from the dialect of Delia (Caltanissetta) at face value with the dialect of Marsala (Trapani). The micro-variation emerging from the discussion challenges Cruschina's (2013) morphomic account; while it is 1 two anonymous reviewers for stimulating remarks. All errors remain on our own. Although the paper has been written four hands at all stages, for the sake of the Italian academic law, Giuliana Giusti is responsible for sections 1-2 and 4, while Vincenzo Nicolò Di Caro is responsible for sections 3 and 5-6. 2 easily captured by Cardinaletti and Giusti's (to appear) hypothesis that a semi-functional V1 fills a remerged functional head (t-T, cC). Merger in t or c is not only restricted to lexically specified forms of V1 but, in given feature combinations, also to lexically specified forms of V2 in T or C.

As is well known, the dative case declined in Greek starting already in the first centuries of the koiné (as early as by Polybius' time), and fell completely out of use in the spoken language by the 9 th -10 th century CE, cf. Humbert (1930: 199-200); Horrocks (2010: 284-5); Holton et al. (2019). The dative was replaced in its core function as marker of indirect objects (IOs) by the genitive or by the accusative -by the bare accusative in case of clitic person pronouns and by prepositional phrases governing the accusative in case of full noun phrases (though the details are more complex and there are often fluctuations even within the same text). This split seems to consolidate at the latest by the 15 th c., or possibly much earlier (Lendari and Manolessou 2003), along a clear geographical line: northern varieties, together with Pontic and Cappadocian, eventually favoured the accusative, while the other dialects opted for the genitive (Horrocks 2010: 284).

Percezione del repertorio multilingue e selezione lessicale nel greco di Calabria Maria Francesca Stamuli L'enclave greco-calabra si estende sul territorio aspromontano della provincia di Reggio; Condofuri, Amendolea, Gallicianò, Roccaforte e il suo Chorìo, Rochudi e il suo Chorio, Bova sono i comuni della valle dell'Amendolea, a ridosso dello stretto di Messina, la cui parlata greca, insieme a quella di Cardeto, è stata documentata a partire dal XIX secolo. Con la legge 482 del 1999, il territorio della minoranza storica si allarga a Bova Marina, Palizzi, San Lorenzo, Melito Porto Salvo, Staiti, Samo, Montebello Jonico, Bagaladi, Motta San Giovanni, Brancaleone, alla stessa città di Reggio; di queste comunità non si possiede, circa l'alloglossia, alcun dato. Per quel che riguarda l'enclave tradizionale, invece, la varietà è ormai uscita fuori dall'uso comunitario ovunque 1 ; gli studi linguistici condotti sull'area ne segnalano la progressiva dismissione già a partire dagli anni '50. Oggi non si può sentire parlare in greco che su richiesta 2 ; il dialetto romanzo è il mezzo di comunicazione abituale.

In the southern Italian dialect of Airola (Campania) feminine plural and masculine plural are distinguished by means of two phonological processes: metaphony and Raddoppiamento Fonosintattico (RF henceforth). They appear to be in complementary distribution and to
create gender distinction in the plural of nouns; in fact, metaphony takes place in masculine plural forms, while RF marks feminine plural ones. Therefore, two distinct phenomena, one being phonological, namely metaphony, and one being phono-syntactic, namely RF, happen to interact within plural noun formation. These two processes, which developed separately, acquired, synchronically speaking, a value of gender distinction.
Metaphony is a well-known phenomenon of Italian dialects, which consists in the raising or diphthongization of a stressed vowel under the influence of a non-adjacent following high vowel (Rohlfs 1966, Fanciullo 1994, Ledgeway 2009, Maiden 2010). In the dialect of Airola, it only affects mid vowels, namely /ɔ, o, e, ɛ/, and its attestation is not limited to the nominal class; it occurs, in fact, in various word categories, such as adjectives, verbs and possessive pronouns.
RF is an external sandhi phenomenon which consists in the gemination of a word-initial consonant under the influence of a preceding word (Rohlfs 1970, Leone 1984,
Loporcaro 1997, Borrelli 2002). In Airolano RF is lexically triggered, differently from the RF attested in Standard Italian, which occurs to be stress-induced.
The aim of this thesis is to describe the two phenomena, metaphony and RF, in Airolano and to give an analysis of them in order to explain their division of labor. To do so, the processes are first analyzed separately. Then, a unified analysis is elaborated aiming to shed some light on the difference between genders in the plural of nouns.
The analysis of the two phenomena will be based on data from Airolano that were collected in December 2013 and April 2014 by the author.Ten informants were selected, which were classified into four different age groups. All
the recordings were, subsequently, transcribed in IPA and they appear in this form in the text. The full set of data is stored in the Italian Dialect archive of Leiden University.

In southern Italian dialects, possessives have an enclitic variant typically associated with kinship nouns (Rohlfs 1967, Sotiri 2007, Ledgeway 2009, D’Alessandro &amp;amp; Migliori 2017) (e.g. [ˈfratə-mə] ˈbrother myˈ). The most common strategy to avoid violations of the three-syllable window is to avoid the enclitic form of the possessive, or stress shift, as in Lucanian (e.g. [ˌiennəˈru-mə] cf. [ˈiennərə], Lüdtke 1979:31). In the dialects of Airola and Boiano, a different strategy is attested: with proparoxytonic nouns (e.g. [ˈjennərə] ˈson-in-lawˈ in both varieties and [ˈsɔtʃəra]/[ˈswotʃəra] ˈmother/father-in-lawˈ in Boiano), the last unstressed syllable of the host is deleted (e.g. [ˈjennə-mə], [ˈsɔtʃə-mə], [ˈswotʃə-mə]). We claim that possessive enclitics in Airola and Boiano are internal clitics, that is, they amalgamate with the prosodic word that contains the host noun. We further propose that both proparoxytonic stress and the three-syllable-window derive from internally layered ternary feet (Martínez-Paricio 2013). These feet need to be aligned with the right edge of their containing prosodic word. When a possessive enclitic is incorporated, the most optimal strategy to comply with this alignment requirement is to build an internally layered ternary foot and delete the last syllable of the host noun, stress shift being excluded.

this paper tries to analyse the formal, stylistic and above all linguistic patterns of the language used in the Palermitan royal Chancery during the XVth century to write a considerable part of the administrative and political routine correspondence. The texts are very often built according to a strange law of ever-changing alternance of Sicilian and Latin, with apparently no fixed rules. The notaries crossed easily the frontier between the two languages. Hence the idea that we could analyze these redaction-patterns with the help of the sociolinguistic notion of "code-switching". Indeed, we come to the idea that this chancery style could be analyzed not as some "macaronic" or bombastic verncular code, but as a true intermediate form between Latin and Sicilian, a form that, nevertheless, never really gained momentum towards the creation of a permanent linguistic code, even if it left some traces in the "longue durée" history of administrative practices. Needless to say, this Sicilian-Latin chancery slang had a lot of cousins on the continent (Napolitan-Latin chancery style, etc, etc...). I think that these administrative languages are worth a linguistic study that transcends the frontiers between "Italian" and "Latin studies.