Think Tanks

This dissertation tackles one central problem: What were the intellectual and social origins of New Order Indonesia (1966-1998)? The analytical lens that this study employs to examine this society is the Indonesian middling classes’ pursuit of modernity. The dissertation comes in two parts. Part One reconstructs the evolution of the Indonesian middling classes and their search for progress. Part Two uses three case studies to analyze the middling classes’ search for Indonesian modernity under the New Order. The first explores the top-down modernization undertaken by President Soeharto’s assistants at the National Development Planning Board, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Agency for the Assessment and Application of Technology. The second case study investigates the “bottom-up” modernization performed by the Institute for Economic and Social Research, Education, and Information. The third case study deals with how several authors used popular fiction to criticize the kind of Indonesian modernity that emerged in the New Order era. This research yields several findings. First, the Indonesian middling classes championed a pragmatic, structural-functional path to modernity. Second, to modernize the country rapidly and safely, the modernizers proceeded in an eclectic and pragmatic manner. Third, between the Old and the New Order, there existed strong continuity in ideas, ideals, skills, and problems. Fourth, the middling classes’ modernizing mission was fraught with contradictions, naïvetés, ironies, and violence, which had roots in the nationalist movement in the first half of the twentieth century. The New Order was neither wholly new nor an aberration from the “normal” trajectory of Indonesia’s contemporary history. The sort of modernity that the Indonesian middling classes ended up creating was Janus-faced.

Delinear a trajetória do pensamento político e social brasileiro não pode se furtar a um olhar sobre os think tanks (TTs). Ainda que sua definição seja incipiente e polêmica, é possível identificar situações sobre as quais não recai dúvida. Caso emblemático nesse contexto é o Cebrap – Centro Brasileiro de Análise e Planejamento. Entendido como um típico TT – organização dedicada à pesquisa e disseminação de ideias afetas às políticas públicas – o Cebrap albergou grandes intelectuais do país, servindo de ambiente de debates acerca dos principais problemas nacionais. Assim, se tornou referência nas ciências sociais, políticas, filosofia e na crítica literária e artística.; estão entre seus principais intelectuais. O Cebrap também inspirou a criação de institutos similares e essa proeminência justifica sua centralidade no cenário intelectual brasileiro das últimas décadas. Para explorar esse destaque, o artigo faz uma elucidação teórica dos TTs e o Cebrap enquanto tal; segue-se um resg...

Think tanks are omnipresent in the British media as sources of expertise for journalists and politicians; they themselves claim that their ideas form the basis of new policies and that they have influenced the thinking of leading decision-makers. This article aims to shed light on whether think tanks have played a role in the modernisation of the Conservative party under David Cameron between 2005 and 2010. The institutions focused on here are Policy Exchange, Reform, Centre for Social Justice, ResPublica, Politeia and Civitas. If these think tanks influenced the Conservatives' modernisation, which important impulses did they give and how? The article also addresses the more general question of why think tanks are worth academic scrutiny.

Analizo en esta comunicación algunos aspectos fundamentales del tratamiento de las denominadas Primaveras o Revueltas Árabes de 2011 en tres de los más importantes think-tank españoles. Los tres centros de estudios de los que se ocupa de analizar esta comunicación son el Real Instituto Elcano (RIE), el Instituto Europeo del Mediterráneo (IEMed), y el Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB). Los tres son institutos de reputado prestigio internacional, ubicados en España, con una nutrida producción científica y divulgativa en relaciones internacionales y estudios estratégicos, y de fácil y completo acceso a través de sus portales digitales. Son instituciones centrales en la configuración de la imagen de conflictos internacionales en la opinión pública y política. Veremos algunas características de cómo trataron tanto la emergencia como las consecuencias en el tiempo.
I analyze some main aspects about how three important Spanish think-tanks have focused on 2011 Arab Springs or Uprisings. Thouse three research centers are Real Instituto Elcano (RIE), Instituto Europeo del Mediterráneo (IEMed), and Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB). All of them are internationally prestigious, Spain located, and they produce a big easy-web-accessible amount of scientific researching on International Relations and Foreign Affairs.  They all are main institutions on public and political point of view making. I look over the way they look at the Arab Uprising, on 2011, and later on.

The main objective of this paper is the analysis of the development of Think Tanks and Public Policy Centers in Russia and other post-communist countries. Think Tanks are small practically oriented research teams comprising both academic researchers and experts who are familiar with political practices and capable of implementing proposed solutions to topical problems in social and political life. In the community of Think Tanks, which usually carry out commissions we can distinguish one type, the activities of which are based on a socially signifijicant idea, i.e. the promotion of development in post-authoritarian and postcommunist states by encouraging truly public and open policy. In early 21st century such organizations were named "Public Policy Centers" (PPC).

With the threat of a nuclear North Korea, constant tensions in the
Taiwan Strait, and growing posturing over resource-rich territories,
how can lasting peace, order, stability, and prosperity be achieved in
Northeast Asia?
Globalization and China’s galloping economy have caused radically
different economic growth rates, resulting in constant fluctuations in
the balance of power among the nations of Northeast Asia. With new
emerging threats to security as well as those posed by environmental
degradation and disasters, the old concept of sovereign independence
no longer offers satisfactory solutions for Northeast Asia. Alternatives
are needed that provide more plausible answers to the region’s
emerging challenges.
Institutionalizing Northeast Asia advances the notion of regional
institutionalism as a counterweight to the principle of sovereignty.
The contributors argue that cooperation through regional
institution-building is the best way to deal with the growing
intertwinement of global issues and developments and the needs
and interests at the regional and national levels. A unified
regional voice could also answer the demand for supra-territorial
policy responses to such issues as trade, finance, the environment,
human rights, and human security.

Of which an emergence of deliberative participatory governance and inclusive policy design (IPD) as parts of evolution in public administration’s body of knowledge, this paper will demonstrate that “scenario planning”, although been practiced in some quarters of public administration and policy making process, should be recognized as a vital instrument applied in the contemporary policy making process. The paper will unveil three major driving forces: an evolution of governance, design technology and a paradigm shift in epistemology of public administration as a backdrop of this transformation. Although there is a proposal to suggest think tanks, a de facto track II player as an intermediary between the governmental agencies (track I) and grassroots organizations (track III), as an important actor in policy circle should adjust itself to capture the changing phenomenon into a modern modification called Think Tank 2.0 or for short TT2.0 such as to equip itself with post-positivist research methodology, it should also consider scenario planning to be its major alternative. Nevertheless, collective actions by our reflective behavior such as to equip with better instruments will push unintended acceleration in the changing process even more, therefore based on findings in this paper, it will also point out the next generation think tank and its possible updated equipment to be exploited in the future to be further considered.

The book present a thoroughly reflected analysis of future global trends by drawing on insights and expertise from leading researchers, think tanks, and activists. Climate change and sustainability transformation, digitalization, growing inequalities, urbanization and smart cities, green economy, and sustainable finance are among the key megatrends. Addressing geopolitical shifts and the future of multilateralism, the authors also discuss new trends in democracy and governance, migration, the futures of health and nutrition, and civilizational developments: demography, diversity, identity politics, individualization, and gender shift. Based on their own research and a series of future talks with leading analysts and researchers from different world regions, they present cutting-edge content of future studies.

This article describes and analyses whether and how the British Labour government under Tony Blair, in its first term in office between 1997 and 2001, made use of policy expertise from non-governmental organisations to shape its social policy agenda. Focus will be on think-tanks which have been credited with – or, alternatively, accused of – significant influence on the programmatic transformation of the Labour Party in the 1990s. The article takes a fresh look at the power and influence that think-tanks are said to have by choosing New Labour’s governmental social policy agenda as a case study which juxtaposes the role of think-tanks for a political party with that of their role for a government. This policy field lends itself to investigation because of its centrality with respect to Labour’s core values and because welfare and labour market reform were in the focus of Labour’s first term in office. The aim of the article is to establish whether think-tanks as government-external agents of change have been relevant to the policy process under scrutiny or whether e.g. the civil service has been the main source of advice for ministers.

In recent years, science studies scholars have critically examined several methods used by the pharmaceutical industry to exert control over knowledge about drugs. Complementary literatures on "medical neoliberalism" and "neoliberal science" draw attention to the economic ideas justifying such methods of organizing knowledge, and in so doing suggest that neoliberal thinkers may play an important role in developing them. As yet, the nature of this role remains unexplored. Relying on heretofore-unexamined archival evidence, this article establishes a direct link between the Chicago School of Economics and the mobilization of the pharmaceutical industry in the 1970s. It argues that economists affiliated with the Chicago School of Economics sought to influence pharmaceutical policy and science and constructed institutions to do so. These institutions--most notably the Center for the Study of Drug Development--remain highly influential. This article contributes to a historical understanding of how neoliberal ideas came to assume prominence in pharmaceutical policy, the management of science, and scientific practice.

"Political consulting is as old as civilization itself. Think tanks as organizations of policy research and advice are a relatively new phenomenon. Originated in the United States, it is often said that they are now also present in Germany. In this paper, the detailed functions of think tanks are elaborated and the variety of think tanks in the U.S. is displayed in a systematic, comparative way. For that, the three ideal types of think tanks “independent academic think tank”, “contract research think tank” and “advocacy think tank” and their corresponding real think tanks Brookings Institution, Rand Cooperation and Heritage Foundation, respectively, are compared by the criteria of historical formation, self-image and mission, research agenda setting, structure, staff, funding and output. In the second part, potential German think tanks are reviewed to examine if we find american-style think tanks also in Germany. As a result, we find only little evidence for German think tanks sensu stricto, but there are at least functional equivalents. This result is explained by the different political system and political culture in Germany compared to the U.S.

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Politikberatung ist so alt wie die menschliche Zivilisation. Think Tanks als Organisationen, die Politikforschung und -beratung betreiben, sind dagegen relativ neu. Sie entstanden zunächst in den USA und scheinen mittlerweile auch in Deutschland zu existieren. In dieser Arbeit werden die detaillierten Funktionen der Think Tanks aus der Literatur herausgearbeitet. Anschließend wird die Bandbreite der Think Tanks in ihrem Heimatland USA systematisch untersucht, indem drei Idealtypen und deren empirische Referenten Brookings Institution, RAND Cooperation und Heritage Foundation anhand der Kriterien Entstehung, Selbstverständnis und Mission, Forschungsagenda-Setting, Struktur, Personal, Finanzierung und Output vergleichend analysiert werden. Bei den drei Idealtypen handelt es sich um den „unabhängigen Think Tank“, den „Auftrags-Think Tank“ und den „ideologischen Think Tank“. Im zweiten Teil der Arbeit wird in Deutschland nach potenziellen Think Tanks U.S.-amerikanischen Vorbilds gesucht. Für diese gibt es aber nur wenig Evidenz, dafür wird auf funktionale Äquivalente in Deutschland verwiesen. Der Unterschied zwischen beiden Staaten wird durch die verschiedenen politischen Systeme und – Kulturen erklärt."

RESUME
Les think tanks sont parmi les acteurs politiques importants en Turquie, ainsi que dans le monde. Surtout au cours des dernières années, on a observé qu'ils commencent à être efficaces dans les processus décisionnels politiques. Dans cette étude, les influences possibles de trois think tanks (ORSAM, SDE, SETA) entre les années 2010-2016 sur la politique étrangère turque seront discutées. Notre étude était basé sur les relations turco-russes et les relations turco-américaines, qui constituent deux piliers importants de la politique étrangère turque. La mesure d'influence a été effectuée en examinant les publications des trois think tanks et en tenant compte de la participation des décideurs politiques aux institutions qu'ils organisent. En outre, les experts qui sont les principaux éléments de travail des think tanks sont considérés comme un nouveau groupe d'élite. Il est mentionné cette l'étude pourquoi les experts des think tanks devraient être considérés comme un nouveau groupe d'élite. En plus de toutes ces études, l’arrière-plan, les fonctions, les rôles et le statut des think tanks en Turquie constituent les chapitres descriptifs de cette étude.
Mots clés : think tanks, groupes de réflexion, politique étrangère turque, experts de think tank

ÖZET
Think tankler dünyada olduğu gibi Türkiye’de de önemli siyasi aktörler arasında yer almaktadır. Özellikle son yıllarda siyasi karar alma süreçlerinde etkili olmaya başladıkları gözlemlenmiştir. Bu çalışmada, ele alacağımız üç düşünce kuruluşunun (ORSAM, SDE, SETA) 2010-2016 yılları arasında Türk Dış Politikasına olası etkileri incelenmiştir. İncelememiz Türk Dış Politikasının iki önemli noktasını oluşturan Türk-Rus İlişkileri ve Türk-Amerikan İlişkileri üzerinden gerçekleştirilmiştir. Söz konusu üç düşünce kuruluşunun yayınları ve düzenledikleri organizasyonlara siyasi karar alıcıların katılımı göz önüne alınarak etki analizi yapılmıştır. Ayrıca think tanklerin asli çalışan unsuru olan uzmanlar, yeni bir elit grubu olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Çalışma içerisinde think tank uzmanlarının neden yeni bir elit grup olarak değerlendirilmesi gerektiğinden bahsedilmiştir. Tüm bu incelemelerin yanında think tanklerin tarihsel geçmişi, işlevleri, rolleri ve Türkiye’deki durumları da bu çalışmanın tanımlayıcı kısımlarını oluşturmaktadır.
Anahtar kelimeler: think tankler, düşünce kuruluşları, elitler, Türk Dış Politikası, think tank uzmanları

This thesis analyses the emergence and evolution of the think-tanks in Turkey. It seeks primarily to answer to whether or not it is possible to mention ‘a think-tank culture’ in Turkey. After the definition, characteristics and types of the think-tank term are debated, the historical background of think-tanks all over the world is analyzed. The thesis looks at similarities and differences among the think-tanks in and outside Turkey in terms of their size and areas of specialization. It also tries to
find out who are pioneering to the establishment of think-tanks, whom the thinktanks are serving, which financial resources and functions they have in Turkey.

By articulating discourse theory to build on the concepts of 'strategic culture', 'security culture' and 'grand strategy', we argue that the European Union has adopted a 'global power' approach since approximately 1999, having been previously constituted as a 'civilian power' since the 1970s. We suggest this paradigmatic shift was influenced by a growing discourse coalition of 'euro-strategists', which mobilized to prevent another European foreign policy failure like the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s. While this project remains in its infancy, it has already led to the articulation and institutionalization of a new vision of security within the enlarged European community. Indeed, we contend that the continued expansion of this 'global power' approach is likely to have profound implications for the future of European integration, potentially leading to a deeper and more tightly unified European geopolitical space.

Over the last decades privatization policies have taken centre stage in many processes of educational reform globally. In Latin America, these policies have played an important role since the 1990s leading to an increasing participation of private agents in educational provision. The case of Uruguay stands out for having remained somehow apart from this privatization agenda. More recently, however, research has identi- fied a significant shift in the discursive order especially driven by a series of new actors including think tanks and civil society organiza- tions favourable to different forms of privatization. Building on case study methods and informed by a cultural political economy (CPE) approach this paper addresses two purposes. First, it attempts to explore possible explanations for the scarce development of the pri- vate sector in Uruguayan education. Second, it aims to characterize the discourses and strategies increasingly used by different actors to frame and promote policy ideas potentially leading to privatization policies. The study shows how a small but influential number of actors have become involved in the process of promoting ideas that seek to influence policymaking. Findings reveal how these actors frame school autonomy and accountability as policy solutions by means of different strategies of networking and knowledge mobilization.

This paper on lobbying in British democracy is intended to raise some discussion points on the legitimacy and effectiveness of lobbying, and, in doing so, to explore the various ways in which different organisations might be said to be involved in influencing policy-makers.

Expert advice is gaining importance in advanced-knowledge societies. The demand for scientific knowledge increases as political decision-makers look for answers to cope with the ever more complex challenges of a globalised world. At the same time, scientific evidence has become a strategic resource capable of justifying world-views and political positions. Against this background, the 'global spread' of think tanks seems to respond to this growing demand for scientific expertise. Defining what a think tank is, let alone what they do and if they are able to effectively shape political ideas, is still a controversial issue. This contribution outlines a conceptual framework for analysing the strategies of different types of think tanks in distinct institutional environments. Starting with classical typologies to distinguish between organisations, those which adhere to standards of scientific inquiry at one end of a continuum and ideologically biased institutes at the other, the analytical model takes into account distinct 'points of intervention' and systematically considers the respective institutional and ideological environment. The first dimension allows for distinguishing between distinct effects of political ideas: They can influence decision-making as concepts in the foreground or as underlying assumptions in the background of policy debates. At the cognitive level, they can function either as programmes (foreground), serving as policy prescriptions for the political elite necessary to formulate actual agendas, or as paradigms (background). Considering different 'knowledge regimes' permits to test the influence of respective institutional and normative settings and simultaneously assess the assumptions and convictions underlying these models and typologies.

El artículo presenta los resultados de un estudio de caso centrado en analizar la dinámica de producción, circulación y uso de la investigación en el área de las ciencias sociales en el Paraguay. La metodología utilizada para tal efecto consistió, principalmente, en el análisis de los datos provenientes de fuentes secundarias, documentación o cial, estadísticas gubernamentales y entrevistas a actores claves de diversos ámbitos.

An alternative manifesto process AMPlify was an alternative manifesto process to come up with new ideas and existing good ideas for the first West Yorkshire Mayor, elected in May 2021. More than 350 people took part in some way, contributing well over 700 hours of time. Their participation ranged from joining a public zoom meeting to small groups of people having walks around West Yorkshire neighbourhoods.

Charter 88 was committed to achieving one central aim—shifting the nature of British democracy from a highly majoritarian polity to a more pluralistic or consensual model of democracy. This article argues that New Labour has not demonstrated a clear commitment to a more consensual or pluralist model of democracy but has instead implemented a bi-constitutional system whereby a system of ‘modified majoritarianism’ has been retained at the national level while at the same time creating more consensual and pluralistic polities in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. However bi-constitutionalism within a unitary state is unlikely to prove unstable in the long-term. A focus on future dynamics opens up space not only for the assertion that it may still be too soon to comprehend the legacy and impact of Charter 88 (because the organisation’s work planted certain seeds that may in the long-term indirectly lead to systemic change of the nature it campaigned for) but also because there exists a contemporary need for groups like Charter 88 in providing a new narrative in the form of a holist approach to understanding and shaping the constitutional configuration, thereby providing a form of constitutional morality and ending the current situation of constitutional anomie.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo discutir uma interseção de temas muito pouco explorada nas literaturas brasileira e estrangeira: as relações entre partidos políticos e centros de pesquisa, produção e articulação  de  conhecimentos  voltados  à  formulação,  implementação e avaliação de políticas públicas (think tanks). Mais especificamente, o trabalho pretende abordar os seguintes problemas de pesquisa: de que forma é possível enquadrar institutos e fundações vinculados a partidos políticos brasileiros a partir da conceituação e da metodologia de pesquisa próprias do estudo dos think tanks? Qual é o potencial analítico-explicativo decorrente desse enquadramento? A pesquisa justifica-se não apenas em decorrência da crescente relevância do campo de estudos sobre think tanks, ainda incipiente no Brasil, mas também diante da importância de se compreenderem o significado e o papel desempenhado pelas fundações partidárias na atual democracia brasileira, tanto estritamente no campo da formação de quadros partidários, quanto, de modo geral, na formulação de programas de governo e no impacto sobre a formulação de políticas públicas.

(POR)
Esta monografia tem como principal objetivo identificar e analisar a força de influência de um mecanismo como os think tanks1, utilizando como exemplo o Instituto de Pesquisas e Estudos Sociais (IPES), formado por empresários e militares, com amparo do governo norte-americano, que teve importante participação no golpe de Estado de abril de 1964 no Brasil, que depôs o governo do presidente João Belchior Marques Goulart, cujos associados e parceiros chegaram à condução do novo regime, elaborando políticas públicas e conduzido reformas. O IPES, para alcançar seu objetivo, montou uma estrutura com um grau de complexidade amplo e sofisticado, que tinha a finalidade de desenvolver e atuar estrategicamente, arquitetar campanhas e estudos antagônicos ao governo de Goulart. Simultaneamente, elaborou projetos de governança e anteprojetos de reformas de base, que foram utilizados pelo governo do presidente Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco. Sua expertise foi repassada para as frentes direitistas chilenas que eram antagônicas ao governo de Salvador Allende.

(ENG)
This thesis has as main objective to reflect the influence force of a think tank especially the Institute of Research and Social Studies (IPES), formed by businessmen and military, with support from the US government, which had important participation in the coup From April 1964, that overthrew the government of President João Belchior Marques Goulart, whose associates and partners lead the new regime, developing public policies and organizations promoted. The IPES, for its purpose, set up a structure with a degree of complexity, ample and sophisticated for the strategic undertaking, campaigns and studies antagonistic to the government of Goulart. At the same time, it drafted governance projects and pre-projects for basic reforms, which is used by the government of President Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco. Their expertise was passed on to the chilean right wing fronts that were antagonistic to the Salvador Allende government.

في معرض وصفه لركائز المستقبل التي تعتمد عليها إسرائيل، ذكر رئيس الدولة الإسرائيلية شيمون
7012 ( في كتابه " الشرق الأوسط الجديد" أن القوة في العقود القادمة في /2/72 :7002/1/ بيريز ) 11
الجامعات وليس في الثكنات" ) 2(. وقد عبر بيريز بقوله هذا عن مدى اهتمام القيادة بالبحث العلمي، فهو
الركيزة التي تعتمد عليها إسرائيل لاستكمال مخططها الاستيطاني، بل هى مصدر القوة على حد تعبيره.
فالاعتماد على البحث والدراسة ليس بأمر طارئ أو جديد على الدولة الاستيطانية، وإنما استند قيام تلك
الدولة المحتلة على خطط وأفكار وضعها مفكروها وخبراؤها. ) 3( فأمن إسرائيل يستند إلى العلم
والمعرفة والبحث؛ ففي عام 0202 حاول مركز السياسة والاستراتيجية خلال مؤتمر هرتسيليا للأمن
القومي صياغة مفهوم الأمن الاستراتيجي لإسرائيل، فجاءت النتيجة أنه من أصل 35 محدِّدًا لمفهوم
الأمن الإسرائيلي مستقبلا ، كانت هناك عشرة محددات ذات أهمية خاصة، خمسة منها ذات صلة بالتعليم
والبحث العلمي، كما أن المحددين الأول والثاني لهما علاقة بالتعليم والبحث العلمي وهما الأكثر وزنًا
والأكثر إجماعًا بين أعضاء البحث. ) 4( لا غرابة إذن أن يكون العلم، والبحث، والمعرفة، والدراسة
بمثابة الركيزة الأساسية للاستراتيجية الأمنية لإسرائيل حتى تستطيع البقاء في محيط إقليمي معاد لها.
فجاءت إرهاصات مراكز الفكر ) 5( مصاحبة لنشأة هذه الدولة. فوجود مراكز الفكر ضرورة ملحة ليس
بإسرائيل فقط وأنما في الدول التي تتطلع للمستقبل فلم تعد عملية صنع السياسة العامة حكراً على الدولة
ومؤسساتها الرسمية، فهناك قوى جديدة بازغة )مراكز الفكر( لها إسهامها ودورها، بل وتقوم بوظائف
جديدة تعجز بعض الحكومات عن الاضطلاع بها. فقد جاء ظهورها نتيجة للاحتياج المجتمعي
والتطورات على الساحة الدولية وما تفرضه من ضرورة مساعدة صناع السياسة في مواجهة القضايا
) المعقدة التي أصبحت سمة العصر. ) 1
في ضوء ذلك، يحاول هذا الفصل رسم خريطة لمراكز الفكر الإسرائيلية، من حيث بداية ظهورها
وتصنيفاتها والقضايا محور اهتمامها على خلفية وجودها في نظام سياسي برلماني قائم على التعددية
الحزبية، وتكوين حكومات ائتلافية كسمة ملازمة للسياق السياسي بإسرائيل، الذي يعمل في إطار
أيديولوجي صهيوني استيطاني ذي مخططات توسعية تحتاج للبحث والتحليل لتحقيق مخططاتها، كما
توجد في سياق اجتماعي يتسم بالصراعات الداخلية والانشقاقات المجتمعية. ودراسة مدى تأثير هذه الأطر
على القضايا موضع اهتمام تلك المؤسسات البحثية. أو بيان حدود دورها في عملية صنع السياسة العامة
بإسرائيل.
هذا وتنقسم هذه الورقة البحثية إلى مبحثين؛ المبحث الأول يدرس خريطة مراكز الفكر الإسرائيلية
واهتمامتها، بينما يناقش المبحث الثاني تأثير مراكز الفكر على عملية صنع القرار بإسرائيل.

The authors of this edition propose a novel and inspiring research approach to the subject of plants, which – being a form of life that is different, yet akin to us – is a constant source of nourishment and metaphors, decoration and obsessions. The articles included in this thematic block on plants enter into lively ongoing debates on genetics, feminism, ecology and plant ontology. They are excellent examples of the fact that in Polish philosophical and cultural reflection there was an understanding very early on of the challenges that posthumanism poses to our anthropocentric intellectual habits. Foreign readers will recognize in these Polish reflections a bold willingness to ask ethical and aesthetic questions of great relevance to the modern world that go far beyond the safe, though most likely imagined, limits of what it is to be human.

RAND’ın Ocak 2020’de yayımladığı rapor “Türkiye'nin Milliyetçi Rotası” adını taşıyor. Raporun alt başlığı ise, “Türkiye-ABD Stratejik İlişkileri ile Amerikan Ordusu İçin Çıkarımlar”. Bu yazının amacı RAND raporunun değerlendirilmesidir.

RAND’ın “Türkiye’nin Milliyetçi Rotası” başlığını taşıyan son raporu da bir siyaset aracıdır. ABD adına düşman ve dost kuvvetleri belirlemektedir. Düşman kuvvetler (ABD karşıtı cephe) arasına nifak sokmayı, ABD yanlısı kuvvetleri (Atlantik Cephesi) birleştirmeyi ve cesaretlendirmeyi hedeflemektedir. Erdoğan’a karşı “en zorlu adayın Ekrem İmamoğlu” olduğunu söylemekte, üç büyük muhalefet partisi bir araya gelirse “otoriter Erdoğan yönetimini” devirebilir ve Batı yanlısı demokrasi tekrar kurulur demektedir.

RAND Corporation raporunun kapsamlı değerlendirilmesi, ABD’nin Türkiye ve komşularımız için önümüzdeki dönem ne planladığını anlamak ve buna karşı siyaset üretmek açısından büyük önem taşımaktadır.

A possible vehicle for strengthening political parties and fostering organizational development would be political party institutes and party “think tanks”. Most of the major political parties in the Philippines have attempted to establish their party institutes or think tanks. This paper seeks to identify the role of political institutes and think tanks in the development of the political party system in the Philippines.

Apresentação O passado condena. Foi assim com a extrema-direita na Europa no pós--guerra. Manchada pela exibição mundial dos horrores do nazismo e pela vergonha da colaboração com os invasores, a extrema direita encolheu por toda Europa, e desceu aos subterrâneos da vida pública. É certo, desde então a política nos países europeus foi estruturada em termos de um embate ainda travado entre dois campos, à direita e à esquerda. Mas a competição entre eles se fazia agora de forma civilizada, no âmbito do grande consenso que calçava o chamado Estado de Bem-Estar Social. A direita pura e dura, que desempenhara papel tão relevante na política desses países em passado recente, parecia ter se esvanecido. No universo da política institucional, ela estava banida.

In January 2017, the University of Pennsylvania released the 10th anniversary edition of its Global Go To Think Tank Index Report, giving an overview of top think tank performance and sharing predictions for the future. According to the report editor, James McGann, 2016 was not the best year for think tanks around the globe; however, the worst is yet to come.

Think tank experts and their opinions have acquired a very influential position in China's public diplomacy. While the presence and roles of think tanks is rarely questioned within developed democracies, their position in emerging powers and the developing world is debatable. This article argues that the landscape of the think tank sector in China—indeed the biggest developing country and the most powerful emerging economy—has changed over the course of the last decade. By providing a detailed account of the evolution of this sector in China, the intent is to enlarge think tank studies beyond liberal contexts and to overcome limitations about the study of Chinese think tanks. As demonstrate by the expanding role of think tank networks in the Belt and Road Initiative they have been able to secure a special niche with regard to foreign policy and diplomacy, notwithstanding China's authoritarian political environment.

A Chinese government plan to construct think tanks with “Chinese characteristics” has sparked intense debate among the country’s academics. The plan suggests that the political elites intend to gain greater control of this key sector of policymaking, which could mean that think tanks become more inclined to serve the interests of the Party in the coming years.