Economic Diplomacy

1. Western Balkan states should reinforce the regulatory and institutional framework and empower independent authorities so as to mitigate political bargaining and interventions. 2. Western Balkan states should establish appropriate environmental standards for business activity in line with the EU's acquis communautaire in order to attract 'green' Foreign Direct Investments. 3. The EU should focus on the genuine compliance of Western Balkan states with EU standards and on the comprehensive application of adopted legislation.

Reseña de los libros publicados por Diego Melo Carrasco: Las alianzas y negociaciones del sultán: Un recorrido por la historia de las "relaciones internacionales" del sultanato nazarí de Granada (siglos XIII-XV), Murcia, Editum, 2015; Compendio de cartas, tratados y noticias de paces y treguas entre Granada, Castilla y Aragón, Murcia, Editum, 2016

COMMERCIAL DIPLOMACY AND ITS ROLE IN THE 21ST CENTURY.  As a result of stability in the field of international relations and the absence of acute security threats in many countries and regions of the world (this applies to the EU as well), and as a consequence of the influence of globalization in articular, the importance of the economic dimension of foreign policy is more accentuated at the beginning of the 21st century. Therefore, commercial diplomacy is more important as well, and at the same time, the character of its functions changes, which is the main object of research in this study. In the first part, a brief historical survey of functions of commercial diplomacy, from their very beginnings to their present shape, is drafted. In the second chapter, the term commercial diplomacy is defined, and related terms are described as well. In the third part, the following basic functions of commercial diplomacy (as implemented in contemporary practice) are analyzed: trade promotion and development, investment promotion, economic-information functions, political-legislative functions, development aid assistance and state promotion. The fourth part of this work is focused on the issue of transnational companies (TNCs), whose number rose dramatically in the last few decades, and at present, this subject is considered to be one of the most important factors
influencing the character of commercial diplomacy both  currently and in the future. The author concludes that commercial diplomacy will be focused particularly on small and medium sized enterprises in the future. At the same time, the complexity of functions of commercial diplomacy will rise, particularly as a result of a diffusion of the economic and political dimensions of foreign policy.

The transition of power among national states creates a great deal of complexity and challenges for governments - the great powers, the developing countries, as well as those countries that are viewers of the transition. Keywords: USA, China, economic diplomacy

This paper introduces the concept of investment promotion, a form of marketing used by national governments to attract foreign investments into their country. While it is not a new concept, it barely makes it to academic literature. The paper brings investment promotion to the forefront for the purpose of creating a research interest in this topic and also contributes to the development of literature. It attempts to integrate investment promotion activities into already established marketing models and frameworks and set a marketing research agenda on the topic. Since attracting foreign investment is a policy and country situation issue, this paper will support and serve as a reference for governments as they design foreign investment policies and improve the attractiveness of their country as an investment destination using marketing tools. The paper first discusses the influence of marketing on investment promotion and how investors should be viewed as consumers who have needs to be satisfied. Various frameworks and concepts like the consumer decision-making process, market segmentation and marketing communications mix are discussed to show how they can be applied in investment promotion. The application of marketing concepts and theories has been beneficial in the business world, and this paper argues that there are potential benefits for countries who decide to apply the same concept and theories to attract investors.

Qatar won the right to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup by placing its bid at the centre of its national and foreign policy strategy.

Published by Australian Outlook, the journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs

http://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/australian_outlook/football-diplomacy-how-qatar-won-the-2022-world-cup-hosting-rights/

ABSTRACT
As a foreign policy tool, economic diplomacy is a vital instrument for the promotion and the protection of a nation’s economic and national interest objectives. The research studied the quest to bring about economic development under Goodluck Jonathan administration in line with vision 20:2020 of president yar’adua, the administration adopts economic diplomacy as its major foreign policy thrust. But the policy thrust is faced with proliferation of security challenges such as Boko haram insurgency, Niger Delta militancy, and infrastructural decay. Unemployment. Using realist theory in analyzing the work it shows that economic power is very important to any nation and states will do anything to protect that interest. Though with the increased in FDIs, Nigerian economic development was not achieved consequently for Nigeria to make effective use of economic diplomacy the government  should not  focus some much on foreign investment  as the only aspect of economic diplomacy which  usually attracts  concessionary terms, the government should invest more in the provision of infrastructural facilities as this would create the right kind of environment which would attract foreign capital investment without having to make too many concessions. The security of the country should be given high priority as the basis for achieving national economic development.

Το παρόν πόνημα επιχειρεί να αφουγκραστεί τον γεωπολιτικό απόηχο της διαδικασίας της οικονομικής επανένταξης του Ιράν στο Διεθνές Σύστημα. Δεδομένης της βαρύτητας της προαναφερθείσας μεταβατικής καταστάσεως, επιχειρείται μέσω ποιοτικών, ποσοτικών, αλλά και κοινωνικο- πολιτισμικών στοιχείων να καταλήξει τελικώς στο αν και με ποιο τρόπο πραγματοποιείται η οικονομική επανένταξη του Ιράν στο διεθνές οικονομικό σύστημα, μετά από τη χρόνια επιβολή οικονομικών κυρώσεων. Αναλυτικότερα, επιχειρείται η ανάλυση του ζητήματος μέσω της Συστημικής Γεωπολιτικής Αναλύσεως, εισαχθείσας από τον Καθηγητή Ι.Θ. Μάζη, Σύμφωνα με τον Καθηγητή Μάζη, «γεωπολιτική ανάλυση ενός γεωγραφικού Συστήματος ανισορρόπου κατανομής ισχύος καλείται η γεωγραφική εκείνη μέθοδος, η οποία μελετά, περιγράφει και προβλέπει τις συμπεριφορές και τις επιπτώσεις των σχέσεων των αντιτιθέμενων και διακριτών πολιτικών δράσεων ανακατανομής ισχύος και των ιδεολογικών μεταφυσικών που τις καλύπτουν, στο πλαίσιο των γεωγραφικών συμπλόκων που οι πολιτικές αυτές εφαρμόζονται» (Μάζης,2002). Κατά την Γεωπολιτική Ανάλυση μελετώνται τέσσερις πτυχές ασκήσεως της επιρροής ασκήσεως της ισχύος των εθνικοκρατικών δρώντων ή άλλης μορφής διεθνών δρώντων (νέων πόλων διεθνούς ισχύος). Οι πτυχές αυτές, ονομάζονται σύμφωνα με τον Καθηγητή Μάζη, «γεωπολιτικοί πυλώνες» και αυτοί είναι οι εξής: Άμυνα/ Ασφάλεια, Οικονομία, Πολιτική, Πολιτισμός/Θρησκεία. (Μάζης,2002).
Στο ανάγνωσμα της «Ισλαμικής Δημοκρατίας» εύλογα η πρώτη σκέψη είναι το θεοκρατικό καθεστώς. Η ανάληψη της εξουσίας από τον «κλήρο» επηρέασε την εικόνα του Ιράν τόσο στο εσωτερικό της χώρας όσο και στο εξωτερικό. Αυτό δε συνέβη μονάχα χάρη στην καινοφανή εδραίωση του θεοκρατικού καθεστώτος. Πριν το ιρανικό κοσμικό ημερολόγιο φθάσει στην τελευταία του σελίδα, έχει συμπληρώσει πολλές άλλες σελίδες με γεγονότα που ήταν καθοριστικά για την εξέλιξη προς το σημερινό Ιράν και για την πορεία ως την Ισλαμική Επανάσταση.
Προκειμένου να αναδειχθεί η αλληλουχία των γεγονότων ανάμεσα στο κοσμικό προεπαναστατικό και στο θεοκρατικό μετεπαναστατικό Ιράν, παρατίθεται σχετικό χρονολόγιο με τα πιο σημαντικά γεγονότα του 20ου και 21ου αιώνα, το οποίο παρουσιάζεται επισυναπτόμενο ως Παράρτημα Ι.
Στο Κεφάλαιο Πρώτο της εν λόγω εργασίας παρατίθεται αναλυτικά η φύση του σιιτικού σχίσματος, η έννοια του «ισλαμισμού» καθώς και η θέση του «κλήρου» στη διακυβέρνηση του μετεπαναστατικού Ιράν. Στο κεφάλαιο αυτό συμπεριλαμβάνεται συνέντευξη που παραχωρήθηκε από τον Καθηγητή Ισλαμικού Δικαίου, Κυριάκο Θ. Νικολάου –Πατραγά σχετικά με τον σιιτισμό και τη διακυβέρνηση στο Ιράν. Στη συνέχεια παρουσιάζεται η πορεία συγκερασμού σιιτισμού – ιρανικής ταυτότητας καθώς και λεπτομέρειες για την ενδότερη διάσπαση του σιιτικού Ισλάμ. Τέλος, το κεφάλαιο περιέχει πληροφορίες για το Σύνταγμα της Ισλαμικής Δημοκρατίας συνοδευόμενες από το μεταφρασμένο στα ελληνικά Προοίμιό του καθώς πληροφορίες και για τα θεσμικά και εκτελεστικά όργανα του Ιράν.
Το Κεφάλαιο Δεύτερο της εργασίας πραγματεύεται στο σύνολό του την ανάλυση των συνιστωσών που οδήγησαν την Τεχεράνη στον οικονομικό απομονωτισμό. Αναλυτικότερα στο κεφάλαιο παρατίθενται πληροφορίες για την αρχή της κατασκευής του ιρανικού πυρηνικού προγράμματος υπό τον Σάχη και για το πώς αυτό συνδυαστικά με τη διπλωματική κρίση ανάμεσα στις ΗΠΑ και το Ιράν του Khomeini (1979) οδήγησε σε μια σειρά οικονομικών κυρώσεων επιβαλλόμενων από τις ΗΠΑ, το Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας των Ηνωμένων Εθνών και την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (εντεύθεν ΕΕ), οι οποίες έπληξαν σε βάθος την ιρανική οικονομία. Στη συνέχεια δίνονται βασικά σημεία της επίσημης έκθεσης της Παγκόσμιας Τράπεζας, ενώ η ίδια παρουσιάζεται αυτούσια ως Παράτημα ΙΙ. Κατόπιν, δίνονται βασικά σημεία του Κοινού Ολοκληρωμένου Σχεδίου Δράσης (εντεύθεν JCPOA), το οποίο υπεγράφη ανάμεσα στα πέντε μόνιμα μέλη του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας των Ηνωμένων Εθνών συν την Γερμανία και το Ιράν. Η Συμφωνία είχε ως σκοπό το πυρηνικό πρόγραμμα του Ιράν να εξυπηρετεί μόνον ειρηνικούς σκοπούς, με ανταλλαγή την ολική άρση των οικονομικών κυρώσεων που είχαν μέχρι τότε επιβληθεί στη χώρα σχετικά με το ζήτημα. Στο κεφάλαιο συμπεριλαμβάνεται η εισαγωγή και το κομμάτι του JCPOA που αναφέρεται στο ενδεχόμενο επιβολής εκ νέου κυρώσεων, όλα ανασυρόμενα από το «Ενημερωτικό σημείωμα για την άρση των κυρώσεων της ΕΕ δυνάμει του ΚΟΣΔ». Στη συνέχεια, γίνεται προσπάθεια σφυγμομέτρησης σχετικά με την επίδραση και την απόδοση του JCPOA, μέσω επίσημων οικονομικών εκθέσεων διεθνών οικονομικών οργανισμών αλλά και αναλυτών, ενώ αργότερα παρουσιάζονται ως παρελκόμενο της δυνατότητας άρσης των επιβληθεισών κυρώσεων οι σχέσεις της ιρανικής οικονομίας με το σύστημα SWIFT. Μετέπειτα παρατίθεται αναλυτικά το «Δόγμα Obama» με άξονα τη διαπραγματευτική στρατηγική προς το πυρηνικό πρόγραμμα της Τεχεράνης καθώς και η στάση που έχει κρατήσει μέχρι τώρα η Κυβέρνηση του Donald J. Trump απέναντι στη Συμφωνία και στο Ιράν εν γένει. Τέλος, παρουσιάζονται οικονομικές συμφωνίες που έχει συνάψει το Ιράν με τις ΗΠΑ, την ΕΕ, τη Ρωσία και την Κίνα μετά την υπογραφή του JCPOA. Το κεφάλαιο κλείνει με τα συμπεράσματα που διεξάγονται μετά την επιμέρους ανάλυση των προαναφερθέντων.
Στο Κεφάλαιο Τρίτο μετά την αποκωδικοποίηση του τίτλου του θέματος, έχοντας προσδιορίσει τα όρια του Γεωγραφικού Συμπλόκου και έχοντας ορίσει τον ακριβή προς μελέτη Χώρο, αφού επιχειρούμε να ορίσουμε τον γεωπολιτικό παράγοντα και να ολοκληρώσουμε τον προσδιορισμό της συστημικής δομής και της εσωτερικής διάρθρωσης των γεωπολιτικών χώρων σε υποσυστήματα και υπερ-σύστημα. Στη συνέχεια, προχωράμε στην εξαγωγή συμπερασμάτων μέσω της Συστημικής Γεωπολιτικής Αναλύσεως, η οποία σύμφωνα με τον Ι.Θ. Μάζη, είναι «η γεωγραφική αναλυτική μέθοδος που μελετά, προβλέπει και περιγράφει την ανακατανομή της ισχύος στον πλανήτη». Σε αυτό το σημείο πρέπει να διασαφηνιστεί ότι η εργασία δεν προβλέπεται να ασχοληθεί με άλλες χώρες της περιοχής (λ.χ. Τουρκία, Αίγυπτος, Ισραήλ ή γενικώς με μεσανατολικά κράτη), καθώς σχεδιάζεται να δοθεί έμφαση στις σχέσεις του Ιράν με τους μεγάλους δρώντες του Διεθνούς Συστήματος. Επιπρόσθετα επιχειρείται η εξαγωγή συμπερασμάτων για τα αναλυόμενα υποσυστήματα και υπερ-σύστημα μέσω πρόσθετων πληροφοριών, οι οποίες στοχεύουν στην ανάδειξη της συνισταμένης της Ισχύος που αποκτά η Ισλαμική Δημοκρατία του Ιράν μετά την άρση των κυρώσεων που συντελέστηκε με την υπογραφή της «Ενδιάμεσης Συνθήκης της Γενεύης» (Geneva Interim Agreement) ή αλλιώς του «Κοινού Σχεδίου Δράσης» (Joint Plan of Action) τον Νοέμβριο του 2013, αργότερα γνωστή και ως P5+1+. Τέλος, ακολουθεί η εξαγωγή Γενικών Συμπερασμάτων μαζί με τον τελικό Επίλογο. Θέμα της παρούσας εργασίας είναι «Η Οικονομική Επανένταξη του Ιράν στο Διεθνές Σύστημα: Μια Γεωπολιτική Ανάλυση».

At the present moment, publications on various aspects related to the formation and development of the Japanese foreign policy prevail in academic literature. Indeed, many scholars pay increased attention to the activities of the Japanese state agencies, as well as political agents, as key elements of modern Japanese diplomacy. At the same time, there is a significant gap associated with the activities of foreign diplomatic missions and diplomats in Japan. Examining the activities of foreign diplomatic entities in Tokyo allows readers to get a fresh look at how Japanese partners are building their relationship with Japan and what tools they used in order to achieve their primary goals. In this regard, the author uses constructivism, as well as desk research and discourse analysis to evaluate the activities of diplomatic missions in the formation of Japan s Central Asian vector, using the example of Kazakhstan s Foreign Ministry and its Embassy in Tokyo. In this paper, the author uses all available sources, including relevant legal acts, as well as numerous articles, speeches, and interviews by retired and acting Kazakh diplomats that were usually ignored by the academic society.

Bangladesh-China bilateral relationship has its foothold right through the historical records of two thousand years. Ever since the establishment of the formal diplomatic relationship in October 1975, Bangladesh and China continued to be closer friends and development partners. Their relationship is often termed as 'trusted friendship' or 'all weather friendship'. Successful bilateral cooperation between Bangladesh and China has been attained in a number of sectors, including politics, economy, military and culture. Over the years, they have signed quite a lot of bilateral treaties, agreements, and memoranda of understandings on mutual economic engagement, cultural sharing, infrastructure development, educational exchange and military support. Mutual reciprocity based on shared interests has largely contributed to keep Bangladesh-China bilateral relations sustainable over time. In this milieu, the objective of the present study is to offer a comprehensive approach to Bangladesh-China bilateral relations at the dawn of the twenty-first century. It elucidates the historical development of this bilateral relationship; goes through its various dimensions; identifies major challenges; and suggest a bunch of policy imperatives to foster this friendship.

Κατά την εικοσαετία 1990-2010, η Βαλκανική αποτελεί τη μόνη Ευρωπαϊκή περιοχή, η οποία έζησε ένα είδος « σκωτσέζικου ντους». Από την μία γνώρισε την ευχάριστη μετάβασή της στην ελεύθερη οικονομία, παρά τις ενεχόμενες δυσκολίες, τις οποίες εκλήθη να ξεπεράσει. Από την άλλη, γνώρισε όμως, το ανελέητα δυσάρεστο πρόσωπο του πολέμου, καθώς η περιοχή «εσείσθη» σχεδόν καθ' ολοκληρίαν και κατά κύματα, από διαδοχικές και διαφορετικές ένοπλες αναμετρήσεις. Οι συγκρούσεις αυτές, είχαν σαν αποτέλεσμα έντονα και εκτεταμένα μετάσυγκρουσιακά συμπτώματα, όπως διαλυμένους οικονομικούς και κοινωνικούς ιστούς με ανεργία και ανέχεια στα όρια της ανθρωπιστικής κρίσης, καταρρακωμένο ηθικό και κατεστραμμένες υποδομές. Η πολυδιασπασμένη και βρίθουσα αντιπαραθέσεων περιοχή, έγινε όμως παράλληλα και θέατρο της μόνης στην ιστορία «σύμπραξης» της Διεθνούς κοινότητας, τέτοιας ποσοτικής και ποιοτικής εμβέλειας. Με περισσότερες από 22 χώρες δωρητές/χορηγούς και επενδυτές, πέραν των διεθνών και πολυμερών οργανισμών, οι συνολικές ροές ΕΑΒ και ΑΞΕ στην περιοχή υπολογίζεται ότι ξεπέρασαν τα 150 δις ευρώ κατά την υπό εξέταση περίοδο. Ως εκ τούτου, η περιοχή αποτελεί υπόδειγμα ανασυγκρότησης, αναδιάρθρωσης και οικονομικής ανάπτυξης.

Economic Diplomacy is one of the proper and effective tool for strengthening the national economy for the small and weak state like Nepal. Nepal has already taken some steps in the field of economic diplomacy but they seem insufficient. Thus, the paper aims to discuss in detail about the background of economic diplomacy in Nepal with justifications of economic diplomacy for Nepal. The major sectors of economic diplomacy for Nepal will be briefly discussed. Further, the paper also aims to recommend the proper initiatives for the implementation of economic diplomacy to be considered by Nepal.

In ancient times, Middle East countries concluded agreements among themselves in order to ensure security of trade flows. The ancient Greek city-states, Romans and Byzantines made siginificant contributions to the development of diplomacy practice. The first permanent diplomats were appointed among the Italian city states, subsequently this practice adopted by other European countries. In the 19th century, especially in Vienna Congresses, a number of new rules were introduced for diplomacy. At the end of the century, with the increase of international capital flow and trade, the first commercial diplomats were appointed to other countries, and international agreements, regarding international units of measurement, railway and postal transport had been signed. After the World War II, international economic organizations such as IMF, WTO, GATT and WB were established. In connection with increase in international trade, capital flows and investments, thanks to the acceleration of globalization after 1980s, NGOs and the business community started to get involved in diplomacy activities. In Turkey, for the first time appointment of commercial counsellors took place in 1925. Commercial diplomacy activities have been carried out by HDTM, DTM and Ministry of Commerce, chronologically. The first overseas contracting activities started in the 1970s and as a result of economic policies implemented after 1980, exports recorded considerable increases. Turkey's proximity to the Middle East, EU, Balkans, Africa and Eurasian countries provides a very important advantage for both exports and contracting sectors. The global crisis in the 2000s, especially in 2008, drops in oil and natural gas prices in the 2010s, and the Arab spring caused contraction for both of the sectors. Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa and Asia-Pacific countries were identified as new target markets. In this context, commercial counselors posted in these regions made significant contributions for both of the sectors. In this study, the positive relationship between the appointment of commercial counsellors and increase in both of the two sectors is analyzed. In the study, after the literature review, data obtained from the Ministry of Commerce and TUİK are analyzed by regional and country groups, and the results are presented graphically.

This article interrogates the undercurrents of small states foreign policy and the determinants of foreign policy making in small states. It question small states are positioned in the web of international relations with other player, such as large states. The research is guided by the assumption that small states are somewhat limited by domestic and external factor, which are the driving catalysts of international relations agendas. The analysis aims to determine how the smallness of a state can be a challenge, and how small states can survive the limitations of their smallness. The article makes use of Liberalism/Neo-Liberalism theories of International Relations (IR) Studies.

South Korea and Japan are democracies with close economic ties. However, contemporary bilateral relations have been fraught with tensions over history. Why has this been the case? Scholars have flagged history, domestic and economic diversionary benefits, and the role of the US as possible answers. This chapter argues that there is a need for greater specificity in scales and sectors of analysis. The 1965 Treaty of Normalization between the two countries created a system within which two divergent official interpretations of history are a constant, and policy area or sector-specific calculations and preferences are variables.

This essay develops a contemporary analysis of the Global Economic
Diplomacy. The intent is to provide a theoretical and methodological basis
for further understanding of the economic relations and international
negotiations complicated procedure. After contextual and generic discussion on the topic, it approaches the question of the European Union role in Economic Diplomacy and its various levels of power that constitutes its institutional structure and the connection of these with others actors
capable of influencing Brussels decisions. In particular, it’s discussed the
useful capability of the European Union to control and to operate within the
international market. Sequentially, it demonstrates how the theoretical
questions tabled in the first section of the work, apply to real events. In
fact, the last segment focuses on three case studies. All of which are
relatively recent episodes within the Italian political, economic reality. The
first analyses the economic diplomacy from the central state point of view.
The timeframe covered starts with Berlusconi’s period as prime minister in
the early 2000’s to conclude with the events of the subprime financial crisis
in 2008. It’s also highlighted the deep interconnections between political
decisions and economic repercussion both on the civil society as well as on the governmental structures itself. Indeed, all this approach is linked to the effects of the globalised international market in internal affairs.
Sequentially, the final case studies take into consideration a different
perspective of the political and economic circumstances worldwide. Hence, it is intended to analyse and understand deeply how corporations use the
instruments of economic diplomacy to guarantee positive economic
outcomes, influence governments and bend policy decision-making.
Additionally, it reveals the importance of how these companies deal with an
international crisis.
The timeframe of this study is relatively short, however, incredibly dense in
events that transformed the international economic arena thoroughly.
Furthermore, the necessity to tackle the subject of economic diplomacy
from a multi-sectoral perspective generates astonishing curiosity and
enthusiasm because grants space to seek to understand throughout several academic fields. Hence, the attempt to connect, link and intertwine different study areas and academic fields into one very current and important subject was the main challenge of this work.

The article analyses the potential role of diplomatic missions as a specific kind of foreign affairs state bodies in the pursuit of economic diplomacy that is considered to be a set of activities aimed at promoting foreign economic interests of state by peaceful means. It is believed that the diplomatic missions are one of the key actors of economic diplomacy at present. They play an important or even a vital role in implementing a number of diplomatic functions, particularly the promotion of trade and investment, providing political support to businesses abroad as well as shaping economic legislation. The added value of diplomatic missions as actors of economic diplomacy lies in their ability to provide entrepreneur sector with useful information on business and investment opportunities abroad, which is especially useful for small and medium enterprises, or to provide political support to businesses in foreign countries, which is in some countries and/or in some cases a prerequisite for companies to succeed.

In the following paper economic diplomacy and international trade are analysed. The authors examine the basic components of economic diplomacy, its tools, objectives, and strategy. The article also overviews the transformation of the international trade agenda and the impact of globalization on trade policy. Multilateral initiatives in the framework of the World Trade Organisation, free trade, and open market are viewed as drivers in the long run. However, against the backdrop of globalization and pandemic, economic diplomacy remains a challenge. The authors suggest the WTO elaborate agenda and start procedural actions that would set the countries' economic, trade, and investment policies in alignment with their foreign and domestic policies to address the backlash against all-embracing globalization. It is concluded that successful economic diplomacy should be grounded on a rules-based multilateral system, norms, and standards, broader foreign policy aims, bilateral and multilateral agreements, greater transparency, as well as a pluralistic approach to global rules to strengthen the multilateral trade system.

Este trabalho reflecte em torno do gás natural como instrumento de política externa de Moçambique para a África do Sul. O guia-se na perspectiva de identificação de estratégias que Moçambique pode adoptar com vista a dar uma utilidade prática ao gás natural na condução da sua política externa, uma vez que durante o período de 2004 à 2016 o país não conseguiu usar o gás como instrumento de poder na sua relação com a África do Sul, que é o principal importador do gás produzido em Moçambique. Os dados da pesquisa foram obtidos a partir de fontes primárias, com a realização de entrevistas, e de fontes secundárias, através da revisão da literatura sobre o assunto.
A ideia central do trabalho assenta sobre a possibilidade de o Estado moçambicano utilizar o gás natural que possui como instrumento de política externa. Para tal, o Estado moçambicano deve adoptar medidas a curto e médio prazos, no sentido de desenvolver o seu sector do gás natural e consolidar o seu poder energético, de modo que a um longo prazo, o gás natural sirva como um instrumento de política externa na sua relação com a África do Sul e outros países da região da África Austral. Esta ideia origina-se do facto de observar-se a nível do sistema internacional, exemplos de Estados que recorrem ao gás natural como meio para o alcance dos seus objectivos de política externa, como são os casos da Rússia e do Qatar.
O trabalho foi desenvolvido à luz de duas teorias das Relações Internacionais, que são: a teoria Neo-Realista e a da Interdependência Complexa. A utilização destas duas teorias é justificada pela complexidade do tema em estudo, sendo que através das mesmas, foi possível o alcance dos objectivos da pesquisa. Através destas teorias foi possível explicar as relações de poder e de interdependência assimétrica entre Moçambique e a África do Sul, não só a nível político e militar, mas também a nível económico, com maior enfoque para o gás natural. Neste caso, para que o gás natural sirva de instrumento de poder na política externa de Moçambique para a África do Sul, é necessário que o primeiro país tenha maior poder energético e que esteja numa posição de vantagem na relação de interdependência assimétrica com o segundo.

"Autorka w swoich badaniach podjęła się ukazania wieloaspektowej historii tej placówki, która oficjalnie rozpoczęła działalność 30 X 1919 r. Do 1921 r. funkcjonowała
jako konsulat, potem w latach 1921–1923 Konsulat Honorowy RP, w latach 1923–1939 konsulat, a w 1939 r. Konsulat Generalny RP. Tak więc cezury czasowe publikacji
nie są przypadkowe, obejmują okres ponad 20 lat pracy i istnienia konsulatu, aż do zamknięcia 23 IX 1940 r. (...) Publikacja zawiera również aneksy, które obejmują cztery wybrane dokumenty: Kwestionariusz zagadnień do opracowania dla praktykantów MSZ; Organizacje/Stowarzyszenia/ Towarzystwa; Wymiana towarowa Polski z koloniami francuskimi (Algieria, Tunis, Maroko) z uwzględnieniem obrotów portu marsylskiego, natomiast ostatni: Podstawowy księgozbiór placówki konsularnej. Uzupełnieniem całości publikacji są wykaz skrótów, spis ilustracji, indeks osób, streszczenie. Autorka dobrze poradziła sobie z zasadniczym celem swojej pracy – ukazaniem zagadnień politycznych, administracyjnych, socjalnych, gospodarczych Konsulatu RP w Marsylii. Odniosła się do wszystkich spraw, jakimi zajmował się personel tej placówki. Książka Anny Ambrochowicz-Gajownik, która trafiła do czytelnika, zasługuje na wysoką ocenę. Warto ją przeczytać, gdyż niewątpliwie uzupełnia dotychczasową lukę w historiografii i stanowi cenny wkład w badania nad dziejami tej placówki". Z recenzji dr hab. Anny Pachowicz, "Dzieje Najnowsze" 2020, nr 3, s. 340-344.
"Książkę A. Ambrochowicz-Gajownik zdecydowanie warto przeczytać. Tak jak warto podkreślić wielki trud autorki związany z jej przygotowaniem. Monografia ta będzie przydatna zarówno dla specjalistów, jak i dla miłośników historii. Jeśli „czytanie to najlepszy sposób uczenia się” (Aleksander Puszkin),czytelnik po lekturze tej pracy lepiej zrozumie meandry funkcjonowania przedwojennego MSZ, specyfikę relacji polsko-francuskich w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym, ponadto pozna nieco mentalność urzędników ówczesnej epoki. Nie mam wątpliwości, że niniejsza praca to pozycja, bez której nie obejdzie się żaden badacz zainteresowany dziejami dyplomacji". z rec. dr. hab. Marcina Kruszyńskiego, "Komunizm-system-ludzie-dokumentacja" 2020, nr. 9, s. 361-366.

In this paper, the narrative of the emergence of the People " s Republic of China (PRC) as a global power began with Chairman Mao Zedong " s failed attempt to transform China into a modernised and industrialised State. By 1978, the pragmatic leader, Deng Xiaoping, came into power and reformed China " s closed economy. Ever since then, China for more than three decades has been experiencing an unprecedented economic growth rate of 9-10%. This " economic miracle " has not only made the Chinese State an economic powerhouse recently but also a country that is fast becoming a military power under the incumbent President, Xi Jinping. The South China Sea (SCS) is an approximately 3.5 square kilometres sea in the western region of the Pacific Ocean. This geostrategic sea " s waterways, geographical features and natural resources have for more than three decades been subjected to the overlapping sovereignty and jurisdiction claims of the heavyweight, China and the diminutive littoral States – Taiwan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei that surround the South China Sea. This paper therefore takes first and foremost, a critical look at the emergence of China as a global power and lastly whether it would be a peaceful rise or pose a threat to international order in the context of the South China Sea Disputes. The historical and analytical approaches were used to carry out this study as well as the qualitative method of data collection.

La Singapore indipendente e la Repubblica Popolare Cinese (RPC) hanno una relazione storica varia e complessa. I due stati godono di legami economici eccellenti, che hanno rappresentato una chiave caratteristica delle interazioni bilaterali dall’inizio del processo di apertura e di riforme della RPC alla fine degli anni ’70 del XX secolo. Sostanziali scambi culturali, educativi, e turistici sono un tratto distintivo delle relazioni tra Singapore e PRC. Tuttavia, i rapporti diplomatici solo recentemente stanno tornando a un clima di generale cordialità dopo un periodo protratto di due anni di frizioni. Ci furono in verità altri più prolungati periodi di allontanamento tra Singapore e Pechino – Singapore scoraggiò i cittadini dall’avere contatti con la PRC durante la Rivoluzione Culturale e stabilì legami ufficiali con la PRC solamente nel 1992.

The Purpose of this research is to analyze China's Economic Diplomacy toward U.S Trade War Threats in 2017-2018. This research is using qualitative method. The techniques of data collections are library research from books, journals and websites. This research is using Economic Diplomacy through multitrack diplomacy as the theories and concepts. The result of this research describe about the implementation, understanding and application of economic diplomacy carried out by China toward US Trade War Threats where is government and private sector to do diplomacy and negotiations through on bilateral, multilateral and coercive diplomacy. The economic diplomacy carried out by China has succeeded in protecting China’s economic interests by reaching a consensus between the US and China namely a 90-day ‘truce’, which eased tensions between the two countries due to trade wars.

თანამედროვე საერთაშორისო ურთიერთობების დისციპლინაში დებატების ერთ-ერთი
ყველაზე აქტუალური თემაა საერთაშორისო ეკონომიკური სანქციების ეფექტურობა.
მიუხედავად ამისა, კვლევები, რომლებიც შედარებით კონტექსტში აანალიზებენ
სანქციათა ტიპების ეფექტურობას, დეფიციტურია. ქვემდებარე კვლევის მიზანია
ურთიერთშედარების საფუძველზე საერთაშორისო ყოვლისმომცველი ეკონომიკური
სანქციებისა და საერთაშორისო მიზნობრივი ეკონომიკური სანქციების ეფექტურობის
განსაზღვრა, სამი შუალედური ცვლადის - ეკონომიკური ურთიერთდამოკიდებულების,
პოლიტიკური რეჟიმის და სახელმწიფოს ეროვნული უსაფრთხოების გავლენის
შემოწმების ჭრილში. კვლევის ამოცანაა ეკონომიკური ურთიერთდამოკიდებულების,
სუბიექტი და ობიექტი სახელმწიფოს პოლიტიკური რეჟიმისა და ეროვნული
უსაფრთხოების ელემენტის როლის განსაზღვრა ერთი მხრივ ყოვლისმომცველი, ხოლო
მეორე მხრივ მიზნობრივი სანქციების საბოლოო შედეგიანობაში, ასევე სანქციების
სიცოცხლისუნარიანობისა და ხანგრძლივობის საქმეში, ისე სახელმწიფოს გამძლეობაში
ჰიპოთეტური ეკონომიკური ზარალის მიმართ. საერთაშორისო ეკონომიკური სანქციების
12 ეპიზოდის ანალიზის შედეგად, კვლევამ აჩვენა, რომ ორივე ტიპის საერთაშორისო
ეკონომიკური სანქცია ტოლფასოვნად არაეფექტურია. 2 შემთხვევაში სანქციები
აღმოჩნდა ეფექტური, 2 შემთხვევაში _ ნაწილობრივ ეფექტური, ხოლო დანარჩენ
შემთხვევებში სანქციების ეპიზოდი უშედეგოდ დამთავრდა. ეს მიუთითებს იმაზე, რომ
ქვემდებარე კვლევის შერჩევათა 17% აღმოჩნდა შედეგიანი, 17% ნაწილობრივ, ხოლო 66%
უშედეგო. ორივე ტიპის სანქციის შემთხვევებიდან, სახელდობრ საერთაშორისო
ყოვლისმომცველი და მიზნობრივი სანქციებიდან მხოლოდ თითო-თითო შემთხვევაში
სანქციები აღმოჩნდა ეფექტური.

Concerning the effectiveness of international economic sanctions, there are a lot of debates in the
contemporary field of International Relations. However, there is a little number of research
focusing on the comparative effectiveness of two types of sanctions: international comprehensive
economic sanctions and international targeted (also known as “Smart”) economic sanctions. The
following paper, Effectiveness of International Economic Sanctions: Comparative Analysis of
Comprehensive & Targeted (Smart) Sanctions by Giorgi Kekeliani, aims to analyze relative
effectiveness of international comprehensive and targeted sanctions using three intervening
variables, such as Economic Interdependence, Political Regime of the State, deploying economic
sanctions as well as of the State, subject to international economic sanctions and presence/absence
of the Element of National Security. The goal of the following research is to define the role of
Economic Interdependence, Political Regime and National Security in the effectiveness, viability,
durability, on one hand, of International Comprehensive Economic Sanctions and on the other
hand, of International Targeted Economic Sanctions. The research also examines the role of
above-mentioned variables in economic and political endurance of the state to hypothetical
economic loss negated by international economic sanctions. After analyzing 12 sanctions episodes
the research concluded, that both types of international economic sanctions are equally
ineffective. Sanctions proved to be effective in only two cases, in other two cases sanctions were
partly effective and in other cases sanctions appeared to be ineffective, i.e. only 17% of cases were
effective, 17% were partly effective and 66% of the cases proved that sanctions do not work. Only
one case per sanction type ended with states reaching compromise by using sanctions as a foreign
policy tool.

Drawing on the literature on strategic hedging and adapting it to China's use of economic diplomacy in the service of comprehensive national security goals within the regionalised foreign policy approach of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), we examine China's approach to securing and expanding its interests in the Persian Gulf. To implement the trade and infrastructure connectivity goals of the BRI and to secure the continued flow of diversified energy supplies, China needs to boost relations with both regional powerhouses, Iran and Saudi Arabia, without alienating either of them or the regional hegemon, the United States. The resulting strategy of strategic hedging is based in the Chinese approach to economic diplomacy, which utilises Chinese commercial actors in the service of national strategic objectives. Relations require careful and ongoing management if China is to achieve outcomes which benefit all sides while avoiding becoming entangled in the region's intractable geopolitical problems.

The passage from a plant that was outside capitalism to a highly technical global commodity is far from simple or transparent. However, commercialization analyzes have been reduced mostly at the time of manufacturing. This centrality has meant concentrating attention exclusively on the traditional three factors of production (labor, capital, raw material) as well as in a single physical place (the productive unit). Our focus was, instead, on unveiling the socio-cognitive mechanisms that preceded the strictly economic phase and that were decisive in the subsequent distribution of benefits. The relations between producers, intermediaries, mediators and exploiters of traditional, scientific and technological knowledge, and the role of regulations on knowledge are highlighted. We hold that the final merchandise crystallized the power relations expressed in that history prior to commercialization. With a balance at the end of enlargement of the global asymmetries. In an effort to complement the classic Marxist vision (focused on the accumulation of capital through the exploitation of labor power), we were interested in bringing up these other mechanisms of accumulation that have become increasingly important in the current stage of capitalism: the Intellectual Property Rights. In a way, the history of the commodification of Stevia became an angle from which to look at the behavior of the capitalist whole and, above all, the forms of concentration and accumulation of capital linked to the exploitation of knowledge. /// El pasaje de una planta que se encontraba fuera del capitalismo a una mercancía global altamente tecnificada está lejos de ser sencillo o transparente. Sin embargo, los análisis sobre mercantilización se han reducido la mayoría de las veces al momento de la manufacturación. Esta centralidad ha implicado concentrar la atención exclusivamente en los tradicionales tres factores de producción (trabajo, capital, materia prima) así como en un único lugar físico (la unidad productiva). Nuestro foco estuvo puesto, en cambio, en develar los mecanismos socio-cognitivos que antecedieron a la fase estrictamente económica y que fueron determinantes en la distribución de beneficios posterior. Se destacan las relaciones entre productores, intermediarios, mediadores y explotadores de conocimientos tradicionales, científicos y tecnológicos, y el papel de las regulaciones sobre los conocimientos. Sostenemos que la mercancía final cristalizó las relaciones de fuerza expresadas en esa historia previa a la comercialización. Con un saldo al final del proceso de ampliación de las asimetrías globales. En un esfuerzo por complementar la clásica visión marxista (centrada en la acumulación de capital mediante la explotación de la fuerza de trabajo), nos interesaba traer a colación esos otros mecanismos de acumulación que han cobrado un creciente protagonismo en la actual etapa del capitalismo: los derechos de propiedad intelectual. En cierto modo, la historia de la mercantilización de la Stevia se volvió un ángulo más desde donde mirar el comportamiento de la totalidad capitalista y, sobre todo, de las formas de concentración y acumulación de capital vinculadas a la explotación de conocimientos. /// A passagem de uma planta que estava fora do capitalismo para uma mercadoria global altamente técnica está longe de ser simples ou transparente. No entanto, os estudos de sua mercantilização foram reduzidos, na maioria das vezes, ao momento da fabricação. Essa centralidade fez com que a atenção dos estudos se concentrasse exclusivamente nos três fatores tradicionais de produção (trabalho, capital, matéria-prima) e em um único lugar físico (a unidade produtiva). Nosso foco foi, ao contrário, o de desvelar os mecanismos socio-cognitivos que antecederam a fase estritamente econômica e que foram decisivos na posterior distribuição de ganhos econômicos. As relações entre produtores, intermediários, mediadores e exploradores do conhecimento tradicional, científico e tecnológico, bem como o papel das regulações sobre o conhecimento são destacadas. Consideramos que a mercadoria final cristalizou as relações de poder expressas nessa história anterior à comercialização.Com um saldo no final do processo de ampliação das assimetrias globais. Em um esforço para complementar a visão marxista clássica (com foco na acumulação de capital através da exploração da força de trabalho), interessávamo-nos em trazer os outros mecanismos de acumulação que tiveram um papel crescente na fase atual do capitalismo: os direitos de propriedade intelectual. De certa forma, a história da mercantilização da Stevia tornou-se um ponto de fuga a partir do qual se olha o comportamento do todo capitalista e, acima de tudo, as formas de concentração e acumulação de capital, ligadas à exploração do conhecimento.

Contemporary state diplomacy is engaging an increasingly wide range of actors alongside professional diplomats.
Urban or  city  diplomats is one of most important actors in modern diplomacy.
Urban or  city  diplomats is one of most important actors in modern diplomacy.

Leo Suryadinata's The Rise of China and the Chinese Overseas: A Study of Beijing's Changing Policy in Southeast Asia and Beyond is a very welcome addition to the discussion of ties between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and ethnic Chinese living beyond its borders. Suryadinata makes the case in the book that as the PRC becomes more globally prominent, it is increasingly blurring lines in its treatment of PRC citizens and non-PRC citizen ethnic Chinese overseas. This claim comes amid allegations of growing PRC efforts to mobilize ethnic Chinese communities abroad to serve its national interests, be they economic, political, or strategic. These concerns are not new and are in fact a throwback to the past. They give the book an added timeliness and importance.
For much of the Cold War, ethnic Chinese communities in non-communist parts of Southeast Asia faced the suspicion of being a possible subversive fifth column for the PRC, especially if they seemed left-leaning. Such perspectives diminished as the PRC engaged in economic reform from the late 1970s, eschewed radical revolution, and passed a nationality law in 1980 clearly demarcating non-PRC citizen ethnic Chinese abroad from PRC citizens. Recent reports of PRC efforts to lobby and police opinion in foreign countries using members of local ethnic Chinese communities ranging from Europe and North America to Oceania and Southeast Asia have again brought these long-dormant issues to the fore.1 This is an issue on which Suryadinata has previously written, and he provides readers a brief reminder of these themes in Chapter 3.2 [End Page 151]
An Awkward Closeness
Suryadinata organizes the book into four parts. Part I (Chapters 1–3) discusses the PRC's rise to prominence from the 1980s till the present, changes in ethnic Chinese communities outside the PRC, and the organization of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office (OCAO). The OCAO is the government body responsible for managing official ties with ethnic Chinese communities outside the PRC, be they PRC citizens abroad or ethnic Chinese who do not hold PRC citizenship. Within these pages, Suryadinata introduces his main observation—that Beijing seems to be reverting to its older policy of reducing distinctions between PRC citizens and non-PRC citizen ethnic Chinese in foreign jurisdictions. The key motivation behind this move, according to Suryadinata, is PRC efforts to advance and protect its interests and concerns overseas.
Part II (Chapters 4–8) examines how the PRC responds officially to events outside its borders that affect ethnic Chinese and PRC citizens. Each chapter contains a case where ethnic Chinese come under threat from developments outside China and assess the PRC position. Beijing's reaction to the 1998 anti-Chinese race riots in Indonesia and violence in the South Pacific, Middle East, and Africa indicates a willingness to evacuate PRC citizens, especially those who work for PRC state-owned enterprises (SOEs). The 2014 anti-Chinese riots in Vietnam, triggered by a Beijing-initiated escalation in its maritime dispute with Hanoi, suggests that the PRC is not above placing its citizens overseas in danger for the pursuit of more important interests.
However, contrasting PRC responses to incidents involving ethnic Chinese in Malaysia and Myanmar point toward an evolution in Beijing's position. Beijing responded to alleged ill-treatment of its citizens by Malaysian police in 2005 as well as political pressure, even violence, toward ethnic Chinese Myanmar citizens in the Kokang region along the PRC border in 2015 with diplomatic entreaties. Such actions resulted from Beijing's desire to maintain positive official relations with Malaysia and Myanmar. Threats against ethnic Chinese Malaysians in 2015, in comparison, saw the then-PRC ambassador to Malaysia publicly expressing an intention to protect these co-ethnics even though this was tantamount to intervention and divided local opinion. This step appears to portend an effort by Beijing to extend influence over non-PRC citizen ethnic Chinese communities overseas, even at the risk of upsetting foreign governments.
The next four chapters in Part III examine the ways domestic considerations in the...

In a growing number of countries diplomatic systems are being overhauled so that the commercial activities of diplomatic services have been centralised, the commercial activities of diplomats have been extended, and business interests have been formally integrated within diplomatic systems. These changes result directly from the tendency of governments to reorganise, and in many cases merge, their trade and foreign ministries, as well as the strategy of building formal business–government links within diplomatic institutions. While none of these features is unfamiliar to previous diplomatic systems, what is exceptional is the relative neglect of the commercial aspects of diplomacy within diplomatic studies. This lack of attention to the commercial and business elements of diplomacy in traditional theories of diplomacy means that we find ourselves trying to analyse contemporary changes to diplomatic organisation and practice without a suitable conceptual and analytical framework. Highlighting the significance of a political economy approach to diplomacy, and also engaging with orthodox approaches to diplomacy, this article begins to develop some analytical and conceptual tools to better identify, explain and understand changes in diplomatic systems as well as the increased influence of private interests in diplomatic practice now under way.

У статті здійснено теоретичне узагальнення, запропоновано типізацію комерційної дипломатії з огляду на низку критеріїв. Визначено, що практика комерційної дипломатії різниться залежно від рівня реалізації, кількості, специфіки сторін, масштабів їх інтересів, стилю роботи дипломатів, наявності/відсутності цільової спрямованості, а також специфіки форм (каналів), що використовуються. Надано конструктивну характеристику типів комерційної дипломатії з відповідними прикладами сучасної практики. Стаття є внеском у розвиток теоретичних засад комерційної дипломатії.

In the last decades the processes of globalization gave rise to economic interdependencies, leading to the increasing importance of economic diplomacy. The European Union is the largest trading block in the world and therefore exerts considerable power in international trade affairs. This thesis will pursue a theory-testing approach to analyze whether the EU is a realist or liberal actor in economic diplomacy. Through three case studies we come to a complex conclusion, that highlights the realist strategic thinking embodied in EU actions and the liberal set of tools that is used to achieve those. Die Prozesse der Globalisierung habe in den letzten Jahrzehnten die ökonomischen Verflechtungen weltweit vergrößert, was zu einer gestiegenen Relevanz der ökonomischen Diplomatie geführt hat. Die Europäische Union ist der größte Handelsblock der Welt, was sie zu einem wichtigen Akteur in der internationalen Handelspolitik macht. Diese Arbeit wählt einen theorietestenden Ansatz, um zu analysieren ob die EU in ihrem Handeln im Rahmen der ökonomischen Diplomatie von der Denkschule des Realismus oder des Liberalismus geleitet ist. Durch drei Fallstudien ergibt sich dabei ein komplexes Bild, welches zeigt das strategische Überlegungen aus dem Realismus eine große Rolle spielen, aber auch liberale Instrumente genutzt werden.

Коммерческая дипломатия разных стран демонстрирует значительную вариативность в организации и имплементации: каждая страна находится в поиске того комплекса организационных элементов и инструментария коммерческой дипломатии, который будет наиболее эффективно способствовать продвижению торговли и инвестиций. Тем не менее, существующая практика коммерческой дипломатии позволяет выявить общие для ключевых торговых регионов мира черты. Статья посвящена определению специфики региональной коммерческой дипломатии, исходя из степени ее интеграции с традиционной дипломатией, подхода к реализации, целевого направления, приоритетности на разных уровнях реализации и в сферах охвата, а также организационного обеспечения. Сделан вывод о существовании четырех устоявшихся моделей коммерческой дипломатии – североамериканской, европейской, азиатской и латиноамериканской. Африканская модель коммерческой дипломатии находится в стадии формирования, обретая контуры в процессе экономического развития региона.