Civil Society

Many studies have examined the impact of the arts on educational outcomes, physical and mental health outcomes, local economies, and community well-being. Yet considerably less attention has been given to the impact that participation in the arts has on civil society. This study seeks to remedy this gap in the literature by examining the effect that audience-based arts participation and direct arts participation have on three measures of civil society. We rely on data from the General Social Survey, which offers information on the arts participation behavior as well as person contributions to civil society of a random sample of adults living in the U.S. (n=2,765). Multivariate analysis is used to estimate the effects of audience-based arts participation, as well as direct participation in the arts on three dimensions of civil society: civic engagement, social tolerance, and other-regarding behavior. We find strong evidence that the arts enhance civil society; individuals who have bo...

https://classiques-garnier.com/l-histoire-et-la-question-de-la-modernite-chez-antonio-gramsci.html

Le marxisme ouvert d’Antonio Gramsci permet de redéfinir la philosophie de l’histoire en échappant à tout dogmatisme. Gramsci cherche en effet à penser le processus historique dans sa consistance tout en accordant un rôle central à l’activité et aux luttes humaines, en particulier grâce aux notions de praxis, d’hégémonie et de rapports de forces. L’auteur des Cahiers de prison s’attache ainsi à comprendre la complexité de la modernité européenne, depuis ses origines jusqu’à la crise organique qui marque son temps, et s’arrête notamment sur la Renaissance, la Réforme, la Révolution française, le Risorgimento, l’américanisme, le fascisme et le socialisme soviétique.

While the very possibility of a philosophy of history has been widely questioned, this book shows that Antonio Gramsci’s open Marxism gives it new life, away from all dogmatism. Gramsci seeks to conceive the historical process in its consistency while giving a central role to human agency and struggles, thanks to notions such as praxis, hegemony and relations of force. His determination to understand both the coherence and the complexity of European modernity leads him to trace its development from its origins to the organic crisis it was undergoing in his time, from the Renaissance and the Reformation to Americanism, Fascism and Soviet socialism, via the French Revolution and the Risorgimento.

Although conservative civil society groups existed in Ukraine long before the 2013–2014 Euromaidan demonstrations and the ongoing armed conflict in Donbas, they have grown in number and prominence since 2014. Two different strands of conservative civil society are on the rise in Ukraine. One is a series of civil society groups focused on conservative social and religious values. These have gained support in part as a backlash to Ukraine’s adoption of European Union (EU) legal norms. The other is an extreme, far-right nationalist strand of civil society that has gained prominence in reaction to Russia’s military intervention.

Ce mémoire a pour but d’évaluer le rôle de la société civile dans le processus de consolidation démocratique sud-coréen à travers l’exemple de la mobilisation sociale ayant suivi le naufrage du ferry Sewol en avril 2014. La préoccupation principale est de déterminer si la société civile est toujours mobilisée vingt-cinq ans après la transition à un régime démocratique. La mobilisation du Sewol montre que la société civile sud-coréenne s’est remobilisée et participe de la politisation d’enjeux afin de mettre à l’agenda des réformes démocratiques destinées à être entreprises par l’Etat. Néanmoins le gouvernement et plus généralement la société politique sud-coréenne est immobilisée, léthargique et ne prend pas la mesure des aspirations de la société civile. Ainsi le dialogue entre société civile et société politique, crucial dans ce contexte de consolidation démocratique, est miné. En raison du manque de confiance entre les deux parties, les membres de la société civile et plus généralement les citoyens ont tendance à contourner le jeu des partis politiques, ce qui pourrait être dangereux pour le futur de la consolidation démocratique sud-coréenne.

Mots-clés : Corée du Sud – Sewol – société civile – société politique – transition démocratique – consolidation démocratique – politisation – mouvements sociaux

This thesis is intended to assess the role of civil society in South Korean democratic consolidation process through the example of the social mobilization following the April 2014 Sewol ferry tragedy. The main concern is to determine whether civil society is still mobilized or not twenty five years after the transition to a democratic regime. The Sewol mobilization shows that South Korean civil society re-mobilized and is currently politicizing issues in order to push for democratic reforms to be implemented by the state. However the government and generally speaking South Korean political society is immobilized, lethargic and does not understand civil society’s aspirations. Therefore the dialogue between civil society and political society, crucial in this democratic consolidation context, is undermined. As a consequence of the lack of trust between both parties, civil society members and citizens more generally tend to bypass the political parties arena, which could be dangerous for the future of South Korean democratic consolidation.

Key-words: South Korea – Sewol – civil society – political society – democratic transition – democratic consolidation – politicization – social movements

"En las siguientes páginas se analizan principalmente dos aspectos. En primer lugar, la posición de los diferentes actores políticos y sociales marroquíes con respecto a la situación de los derechos civiles y políticos. De entre estos actores me ha
interesado especialmente el movimiento de defensa de los derechos humanos. La pregunta que subyace en todo el estudio es en qué medida este movimiento contribuyó a la liberalización del régimen y en qué medida puede contribuir a su democratización.
Con esta intención he analizado su cultura política, sus características sociológicas y, sobre todo, su posición y margen de maniobra dentro del campo político (vínculos e instrumentalización por el poder, relaciones con los partidos políticos, con actores internacionales, etc.). Se trata de determinar la capacidad y los límites de un movimiento que ha experimentado una importante transformación en las últimas tres décadas. El contexto represivo de los años setenta (en el
que el movimiento únicamente podía preocuparse de su propia supervivencia y debía guardar silencio sobre gran parte del dossier represivo de los años de plomo) se suavizó a finales de los ochenta, y la liberalización se consolida en la segunda
mitad de los noventa."

Nach diesen überblickenden Perspektiven nimmt Jenni Winterhagen das ›Entwicklungspolitische Engagement migrantischer Organisationen in Deutschland‹ in den Blick und eruiert, welche migrantischen Organisationen in Deutschland entwicklungspolitisch engagiert sind sowie auf welche Weise sie in diesem Kontext mit welcher Reichweite wirken.

In the aftermath of the July 15, 2016 attempted coup, the decision of the Parliament of July 20, 2016 approving the declaration of the state of emergency, enabled the government to enact emergency decree laws.

Civil society in Turkey has been long affected by a number of destabilizing pressures, including renewed tensions over the Kurdish conflict, instability spilling over from neighboring Syria, a series of terrorist attacks by ISIL, the increasing flow of refugees, political deadlocks, an economic decline and most devastating, a coup attempt aftermath. The political instability has paved way for a state of constant readiness to curb basic freedoms, including the freedoms of association, assembly and expression, allegedly for the sake of the preserving “national security” or “public order”.

In recent years, the authorities in Turkey have established a disturbing track-record of suppressing dissent and gradually restricting human rights and fundamental freedoms, including obstructing by various means the work of human rights defenders, restricting the environment in which they operate and often targeting them directly.

The paper describes and analyses the role of civil society in five conflict cases -Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, Western Sahara and Israel/ Palestine. It evaluates the relative effectiveness of civil society organisations (CSOs) and assesses the potential and limits of CSO involvement in conflicts. In particular it concentrates on civil society activities in the fields of peace training and education, including formal and non-formal education, as well as research and media work. The research also identifies the obstacles that local third sector is faced with, examining experiences and lessons learned. The study then presents critical assessments of local CSO contributions to conflict transformation and concludes with a set of suggestions for local and mid-level civil society actors involved in these five conflict cases and beyond. This paper is an overview study, to provide ideas and documentation to the more detailed empirical research carried out in the context of the MICROCON Work Package 'Conflict in the European Neighbourhood'.

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, a majority of countries worldwide have introduced severe limitations on the freedom of assembly, if not an outright lockdown, in many cases complemented by restrictions on further civil and political rights. Although restrictions were generally considered necessary to save lives and protect health care systems from overburdening, they also pose the risk of government overreach, that is, governments may use the pandemic as a convenient opportunity and justification to impose restrictions for political purposes. In this sense, COVID-19 may give yet another substantial boost to a global trend that has been unfolding since the early 2000s: the shrinking of civic spaces, which is characterized by an increase in government restrictions that target civil society actors and limit their freedoms of assembly, association, and expression. The aim of the paper is to assess civic space restrictions that have been imposed in response to the COVID-19 pandemic ...

The phenomenon of closing civic space essentially reflects a political struggle over the legitimate role of civil society organizations in public affairs as well as over the legitimate role of the state in regulating such civil society activities. The public sphere is a key site in which this struggle is waged. In general, in the context of closing spaces, governments publicly define increasingly narrow limits as to what kinds of civil society organizations and activities are to be considered appropriate. Based on such a definition of standards of appropriateness, governments may then publicly
criticize individual civil society organizations (CSOs) with a view to designating them as, in one way or another, outside the realm of legitimate civic behavior. The chapter reconstructs the basic logic of what is called “reputational attacks against civil society actors” and suggests a set of strategic responses available to CSOs.

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, a majority of countries worldwide have introduced severe limitations on the freedom of assembly, if not an outright lockdown, in many cases complemented by restrictions on further civil and political rights. Although restrictions were generally considered necessary to save lives and protect health care systems from overburdening, they also pose the risk of government overreach, that is, governments may use the pandemic as a convenient opportunity and justification to impose restrictions for political purposes. In this sense, COVID-19 may give yet another substantial boost to a global trend that has been unfolding since the early 2000s: the shrinking of civic spaces, which is characterized by an increase in government restrictions that target civil society actors and limit their freedoms of assembly, association, and expression. The aim of the paper is to assess civic space restrictions that have been imposed in response to the COVID-19 pandemic with a view to exploring their immediate consequences as well as their potential mid-term implications for civil society organizations in general and contentious civic activism in particular. We do so by, first, providing evidence from multiple data sources about the global spread of COVID-19-related restrictions over time and across countries. Second, we identify key dynamics at work in order to assess the immediate consequences and the potential mid-term implications of these restrictions. These dynamics are illustrated by looking at experiences from individual countries (including Cambodia, Germany, Hungary, and Lebanon).

This paper discusses the nature and purpose of foreign assistance in the Western Balkans through an examination of donor strategies and practices in civil society assistance. It draws on a series of interviews with donor representatives across the region to challenge the current conceptualisations of foreign assistance as a tool for promoting democracy and building good governance. I argue that donor intervention in the region should be understood as a short-term support to the region’s integration in the EU, rather than a long-term developmental project. As a result, donor practices have contributed to emergence of a project-based, donor-driven NGO scene that is detached from the local communities.

Individual Giving and Philanthropy in Turkey 2021 Report, which presents comprehensive and up-to-date data on individual giving and philanthropy. Co-authored by Prof. Dr. Ali Çarkoğlu and Assoc. Professor Selim Erdem Aytaç from Koç University Center for Civil Society and Philanthropy Research, the report presents data under sections Perceptions of Civil Society, Individual Giving and Giving Motivations in Turkey. Referencing the earlier research conducted by TÜSEV, the report also provides a comparative analysis of the change that took place in the field of individual giving in Turkey over a 15-year period. We hope that the report we published will contribute to the field of individual giving in Turkey.

This work asks questions on the relationship between innovative collective actors, such as the 'new social movements' and the political institutions of representative democracy starting from an underlying hypothesis: the idea that civil society is the main source of political legitimation of liberal democracy. More precisely, what this monograph reflects on is the capacity of the social movements to concretely test alternative forms of democracy. The aim of the contemporary movements is to augment the fundamental values of the "democratic revolution", namely the principles of freedom and equality. They constantly lead to conflict and social antagonism: indeed new conflicts and new antagonisms arise every time that the movements implement radical experiences of democracy in the multiple and different spheres of social life. Only by accepting and setting value by these alternative democratic practices and experiences - and this is the author of this work's thesis - may democratic ideals be revived in contemporary society.

Restrictions on NGOs and others promoting civil liberties have caused alarm about «shrinking civic space» perpetrated by their domestic regimes. Yet because most camps in the world’s civil societies are left
unmolested (indeed many are growing) and because non-domestic sources of constraint often play decisive roles, there are reasons to re-think the issues and ask how, and for whom, civil spaces are shaped. 
This exploratory article draws attention to forces set in motion from central, transnational levels that affect civic spaces: securitization; constraints on organized labour; marketization; transnational non-state actors; citizen disengagement driven by state retrenchment; and social media. As problematized in most policy, activist and scholarly writings, outside forces affecting civic space for emancipatory camps are often ignored, despite their being more susceptible to counteraction from outside than are repressive regimes. These issues await deeper  investigation and discussion.

This report on Cambodia is one of a set of four country case studies designed to study the implications of closing civic space for the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The case study was commissioned in response to the wave of legal, administrative, political and informal means to restrict civic space and the activities of civil society actors in countries around the world in the past decade. Based on a literature review and conceptual framework developed for the study (see also Hossain et al 2018), the report documents changing civic space in Cambodia. The country is characterized by a centralised political system where power is increasingly concentrated in the hands of the dominant ruling class. Development policy has prioritized high-growth goals, with documented violations of land, labour and freedom of speech rights in the process. The case study documents the impacts on specific Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) objectives, including no poverty (SDG 1), zero hunger (SDG 2), decent work (SDG 8), gender and economic equality (SDGs 5 and 10) inclusive communities (SDG 11), life on the land (SDG 15).

This study focuses on hegemonic contests in Zimbabwe between Authoritarian Nationalism and Democratic nationalism as competing national visions. It focuses on understanding the tri-factor of: the crisis in Zimbabwe post-2000 in its proper historical context; regime survival and attempts at hegemony during it and how the dominance and attempts of the state at hegemony were contested. The study adopts and adopts and adapts Gramscian analytics to answer these questions, and find that while the authoritarian regime was matched in terms of its tactics, the counter-hegemonic bloc could not match it at the level of scale. It ends by urging ​consideration of steeping democratic discourse in social justice as a way of ensuring that it covers critical elements of economic redistribution alongside its focus on political representation and recognition. A case study of the ‘Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition’ is used to highlight how authoritarianism was resisted through the sponsorship of an alternative national vision that centred on democracy.

Lietuvos pilietinės visuomenės būklės analizė

Stipri pilietinė visuomenė ir joje veikiančios aktyvios, piliečiams atstovaujančios nevyriausybinės organizacijos (NVO) – tai demokratijos ir nacionalinio saugumo garantas, darbo vietų šalyje kūrėjos. Remiantis atliktų tyrimų išvadomis, konstatuojama, jog dėl fragmentuoto, todėl ilgalaikių rezultatų neužtikrinančio, tik paslaugoms teikti skiriamo NVO
finansavimo, Lietuvos pilietinė visuomenė tebėra silpna, piliečių įsitraukimas į NVO smunka, piliečiai ir NVO menkai dalyvauja viešojoje politikoje, o ligšiolinės pilietinės visuomenės stiprinimo priemonės – neveiksmingos. Studijoje akcentuojama, jog pilietinės visuomenės
plėtros proveržį gali paskatinti strateginis NVO institucinių gebėjimų stiprinimas, kokybiškai organizuojama savanorystė ir piliečių įtraukimas į viešąją politiką, tačiau lig šiol šios prioritetinės sritys buvo fragmentuotai finansuojamos laikinųjų užsienio šalių fondų, itin ribotai ES investicijų priemonėse bei vos 2 teminėse programose.

PVPA tikslas, veiklos, rezultatai

Todėl, siekiant kryptingai stiprinti pilietinės visuomenės organizacijas bei įgalinti piliečius dalyvauti viešojoje politikoje, taip prisidedant prie Lietuvos
pažangos strategijos „Lietuva 2030“ įgyvendinimo, sėkmingo veikimo ES
bei integracijos į EBPO, siūloma įsteigti į reikšmingus ir ilgalaikius socialinius pokyčius orientuotą, tarpsektorinę valstybės biudžeto lėšomis finansuojamą Pilietinės visuomenės plėtros agentūrą (PVPA). Siekiant stiprinti bendruomeniškumą ir NVO bei bendruomenes įtraukti į sprendimų priėmimo procesus, tokią agentūrą (NVO fondo) steigti numatyta ir XVII LR Vyriausybės programoje.

PVPA veiklos: (1) NVO veiklų, prisidedančių prie efektyvaus ir demokratiško
dalyvavimo viešojoje politikoje, bei pilietinės visuomenės (organizacijų)
gebėjimų ugdymo finansavimas, ES ir užsienio šalių fondų finansuojamų projektų kofinansavimas; (2) informacijos apie NVO sektorių kaupimas ir analizė, NVO vaidmens ir veiklos rezultatų viešinimas, geresnio suderinamumo su kitais NVO sektoriaus donorais užtikrinimas,
gero valdymo principų sklaida NVO sektoriuje.

Prognozuojami PVPA veiklos rezultatai: (1) sustiprintas bendruomeniškumas: išaugęs pilietinėse veiklose, tarp jų ir NVO, kokybiškai dalyvaujančių gyventojų skaičius, sustiprėjusi pilietinės visuomenės organizacijų veikla; (2) užtikrintas veiksmingesnis viešasis valdymas:
išaugęs valstybės institucijų konsultacijų su visuomene skaičius, NVO ir
valstybės institucijų partnerystė, didesnis skaičius piliečių, žinančių, kokiais
būdais teikti siūlymus jiems svarbiais klausimais, gyventojų aktyvesnis dalyvavimas sprendžiant viešuosius reikalus, užtikrinti teisės viršenybės principai.

Finansavimo resursai, šaltiniai, teisės aktų pokyčiai

Norint užtikrinti siekiamą kokybinį pilietinės visuomenės plėtros proveržį,
numatomas kasmetinis 20,5 mln. EUR lėšų poreikis, siūlomas finansuoti iš nepaskirstytų 2 ir 1 procentų gyventojų pajamų mokesčio, taip pat optimizuojant ilgainiui PVPA konsoliduoti ir iš valstybės biudžeto finansuojamas NVO programas. Steigiant PVPA siūloma koreguoti
NVO plėtros ir Gyventojų pajamų mokesčių įstatymus, detalų PVPA veikimą
aptariant PVPA įstatuose.

Siūlomas PVPA veiklos modelis

Studijoje įvertinami 3 galimų PVPA valdymo modelių (NVO savireguliacija,
valdoma išimtinai valstybės, bendradarbiaujant valstybės institucijai ir NVO) privalumai ir rizikos. Siūlomas kokybišką skirtingų sektorių bendradarbiavimą, nepriklausomumą nuo vienos tematinės
žinybos bei skaidrumą užtikrinantis PVPA modelis – viešoji įstaiga, įsteigta
ir valdoma bendradarbiaujant valstybės institucijai (Socialinės apsaugos ir darbo ministerija pagal NVO plėtros įstatymą) bei didžiausią pilietinės visuomenės organizacijų atstovavimą užtikrinančios NVO. PVPA sprendimus priimtų visuotinis dalininkų susirinkimas, tvirtinantis
5 asmenų valdybą, sudarytą iš NVO srities ekspertų valstybiniame ir NVO
sektoriuose, priežiūrą vykdytų 5 asmenų komitetas. Administraciją formuotų dalininkų susirinkimo tvirtinamas direktorius, projektų paraiškas vertintų nepriklausomi ekspertai.

Studijos prieduose pateikiama PVPA steigimo ir veiklos rizikų analizė, gerieji NVO praktikos pavyzdžiai, NVO sektoriaus finansavimo poreikis ir panašių užsienio šalyse veikiančių fondų apžvalga.

This paper attempts to take the first steps toward developing a theory of non-governmental organizations (NGO)-state relations under dictatorship. Drawing on evidence from East Asia, the author argues that dictatorships typically employ one of two strategies in attempting to govern NGOs. First, some dictatorships follow a corporatist strategy, in which business associations, development, and social welfare organizations are co-opted into the state and controlled through a variety of strategies. Second, other dictatorships pursue an exclusionary strategy in which NGOs are marginalized and replaced with state institutions. Variation in the strategy chosen may be explained by differing levels of elite competition and the type of development strategy. Single-party states tend to regulate elite conflicts better and thus often choose corporatist strategies. In personalist regimes dictators tend to fear the organizational and mobilizational potential of NGOs and thus tend to pursue exclusionary strategies. This choice, however, is conditioned by the development strategy employed, as socialist development strategies reduce the incentives to allow NGOs.

This handbook provides practical guidance for Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) to advocate and litigate using EU law to protect their rights and civic space in the EU.It aims to be a user-friendly guide for CSOs who want to know::What EU law is and how it affects individuals and organisations;When and how CSOs can challenge national provisions or measures that impact their mission, activities and operations on the basis of EU law, including the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFR);Which legal avenues and resources are available for CSOs to defend their civic space within the EU law frameworkA list of resources as well as practical tools can be found in the last part the document

The increasing professionalization of civil society is a global trend that stems largely from the growing role of third sector organizations in policy making and service delivery. Such a trend can also be identified in Finland, providing a timely moment to take stock of the current provision of tertiary level civil society management education in the Finnish higher education system. In this article, I identify two ways of conceptualizing the role of civil society whereby civil society organizations are seen as a function of either service delivery or democratization. In Finnish civil society education, the latter view tends to be emphasized, leaving a gap between the needs of professionalizing civil society organizations and the current provision of higher education courses on civil society management.

Cet article examine le rôle des groupes d’intérêt du secteur culturel dans l’élaboration de politiques publiques et les relations qu’ils entretiennent avec le gouvernement dans un tel contexte. L’analyse est basée sur une étude de cas, soit le conflit qui a opposé ces groupes d’intérêt au gouvernement lors du dévoilement du premier plan d’action gouvernemental sur les langues officielles en 2003. À partir de documents d’archives et d’entrevues avec les principaux protagonistes du conflit, l’article dégage trois tensions qui marquent l’activité de ces groupes d’intérêt : une confusion entre l’intérêt public et les intérêts particuliers, une ambiguïté dans les relations avec le fonctionnariat et une rivalité entre les différents groupes d’intérêt. L’article permet ainsi de dégager une perspective critique sur l’action des groupes d’intérêt du secteur culturel et de mieux comprendre leurs rapports avec les membres de la communauté politique au sein de laquelle ils sont actifs.

Th is book explores the activism promoted by organised networks of civil society actors in opening up possibilities for more democratic supranational governance. It examines the positive and negative impact that such networks of civil society actors – named “interlocutory coalitions” – may have on the convergence of principles of administrative governance across the European legal system and other supranational legal systems.
Th e book takes two main controversial aspects into account: the first relates to the convergence between administrative rules pertaining to different supranational regulatory systems. Traditionally, the spread of methods of administrative governance
has been depicted primarily against the background of the interactions between the domestic and the supranational arena, both from a top-down and bottom-up perspective. However, the exploration of interactions occurring at the supranational
level between legal regimes is still not grounded on adequate empirical evidence.
The second controversial aspect considered in this book consists of the role of civil society actors operating at the supranational level. In its discussion of the first aspect, the book focuses on the relations between the European administrative law and the
administrative principles of law pertaining to other supranational regulatory regimes and regulators, including the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, the United Nations, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the Asian Development Bank, and the Council of
Europe. The examination of the second aspect involves the exploration of the still little examined, but crucial, role of civil society organised networks in shaping global administrative law. These “interlocutory coalitions” include NGOs, think tanks,
foundations, universities, and occasionally activists with no formal connections to civil society organisations. Th e book describes such interlocutory coalitions as drivers of harmonized principles of participatory democracy at the European and global levels.
However, interlocutory coalitions show a number of tensions (e.g. the governability of coalitions, the competition among them) that may hamper the impact they have on the reconfi guration of individuals’ rights, entitlements and responsibilities in the global arena.

En años recientes, miles de iniciativas ciudadanas alrededor del mundo han buscado influir en las políticas públicas de sus países con base en una combinación de conocimiento experto y expectativas de la población. Al hacerlo, quienes están a cargo no sólo retan a sus gobiernos a modificar su forma de trabajar, sino que buscan una reapropiación de lo que aquí llamo ‘conocimiento público’. A este proceso le llamo activismo práctico, pues busca la aplicación de saberes hacia un bien común. Temas como la defensa del medio ambiente, de los derechos humanos, de la justicia, o del desarrollo urbano, han pasado a ser arenas de debate público a pesar de los esfuerzos de autoridades gubernamentales por presentar sus propuestas como la última palabra. Este fenómeno se ha consolidado gracias a una convergencia de desarrollo tecnológico (tecnologías de la información y comunicación) y de emprendedurismo político (esfuerzos por participar en decisiones políticas).

Review Essay in American Anthropologist 114(4): 682-683, 2012

The word pukar in Hindi means “to call,” but it is a partic- ular type of calling—it is to call out, or to call for help or attention. PUKAR is also an acronym for Partners for Urban Knowledge, Action, and Research, a charitable trust organi- zation in Mumbai founded in 2006 by Arjun Appadurai and Carol A. Breckenridge. PUKAR is “an independent research collective and an urban knowledge production center” that provides a platform for cross-disciplinary and community- based research on issues related to urbanization and glob- alization. In this context, it seems that PUKAR is still “a call out” but a call out for research and knowledge that is produced in places, and by people, whose lives are affected by urbanization and globalization.

La India moderna, la mayor democracia del mundo, es una de las grandes desconocidas en el campo de la historia de las ideas en el mundo académico hispanohablante. Esta obra busca ayudar a reparar dicha laguna a través de un estudio del pensamiento de cuatro autores indios clave - Rabindranath Tagore, Mohandas K. Gandhi, Bhimarao Ambedkar y Jawaharlal Nehru - y su concepción de cuatro conceptos políticos fundamentales: la sociedad civil, el Estado, el nacionalismo y el comunalismo.

Haciendo uso de la metodología de la historia de los conceptos de Reinhart Koselleck, el libro busca analizar la transición a la modernidad del pensamiento político indio y cómo, dentro de ese proceso, los conceptos occidentales introducidos por el colonialismo británico son incorporados y reconceptualizados por la intelectualidad india, dando lugar a una modernidad política diferente.

This paper adapts Salamon, Sokolowski and Anheier's (2000) social origins theory to argue that the nonprofit regime in Hong Kong can be characterized as statist-corporatist. This statist-corporatist regime displays the hybrid character of both a statist and a corporatist regime: its statist character can be seen in the high degree of autonomy of the state, its tendency to limit freedom of association, and the low commitment to social provision. Its corporatist character is evident in the high level of participation by designated nonprofit organizations in selected areas of social provision under state funding. I shall review how the development of this nonprofit regime was historically shaped by four factors, namely, the interest of the colonial state in maintaining domination, the economic and public financial policy, the historical formation of the welfare system, and political regime change. The findings illustrate the distinct historical forces and the path of development in an Asian state that might affect nonprofit development.

In the literature on international governance it is often claimed that deliberation can enhance the rationality and legitimacy of political rule-making beyond the nation state. It is unclear, however, under what conditions such deliberative processes contribute to the emergence of transnational democracy, understood as self-government on a global scale. In this paper we address this question and propose a set of criteria which can be used to assess the democratic quality of decision-making through empirical research. Our inquiry thus is linked to the more general debate on how to measure the quality of an existing deliberative practice. The criteria we suggest to measure democratic quality focus on access to deliberative settings and relevant information, transparency of the policy process, justification of agreements and decisions, responsiveness of the political agenda, and inclusion of all relevant concerns. This catalogue was developed with a view to the emergent role of non-state actors in inter-and supranational policy-making. Although the deliberative settings at this level of policy-making are quite particular we believe that our criteria can be a useful guide for studying other types of decision-making as well.

Article on the comparison of Gramscian and Foucauldian understandings of civil society.

Published in the book "A Panacea For all Seasons?" (Freise, Pyykkönen, Vaidelyte, eds., 2010, Nomos): http://www.amazon.de/Panacea-all-Seasons-Governance-European/dp/3832947876

Social capital is known as a key wealth underlying the development of nations, providing an environment of mutual respect, reciprocity and community awareness where strong civil societies can flourish. This paper shows how the development of social capital is included as a main topic in an entrepren eurship program for undergraduate students. It constitutes an approach to work on aspects like ethics and social responsibility that is very appropriate in the cont ext of entrepreneurship education. An activity is describe d where students are asked to generate social capital within their own community. In teams, they have to approach the owner or manager of a small business to perform a one-month technological, marketing or administrative work for the benefit of the business. Participants report that a major challenge is to conquer the owner's confidence, even after explaining that no financial compensation is expected by the team and its goal i s simply to generate social capital....

Este artic ulo estudia la evolución de la ley de asociación en Túnez desde la inde­pendencia hasta el Decreto 88-20 11,  que es la actual noma que regula hoy día la creación y funcionamiento de las asociaciones en este país. Este trabajo no solo estudia los aspectos más destacados de la ley de asociación sino que relaciona la noma con el contexto socio-político de la época, distinguiendo tres etapas: época de Burguiba, época de Ben Ali y la situación posterior a las revueltas de 201 l. El principal objeto de estudio es el actual Decreto 82-2011, distinguiendo cuatro aspectos principales: la creación de las asociaciones. el funcionamiento, el control de los recursos económicos y las sanciones. Tras señalar las tendencias actuales de la ley de asociación, se incluye la traducción del árabe al español del Decreto 88-2011.

This article studies the evolution of the Law of Associations in Tunisia from the ln­dependence up to the Decree 88-20 11, which is the current rule that regulates the creating and functioning of associations in the country nowadays. This article not only studies the most outstan­ding aspects of the Law of Associations, but it also relates the norm to the socio-political context of the times, establishing the following three different periods: Burguiba's period, Ben Ali 's period, and the situation after the social protests in 2011. The main objective of the study is the current Decree 82-2011, emphasizing four main aspects: the creation of the associations, their running, the control of the economic resources and penalties. After indicating the current trends of the Law of Associations, the translation from Arabic into Spanish of the Decree 88-2011 is included.

The European Union considers conflict resolution as a cardinal objective of its foreign policy. It makes use of a number of policy instruments to promote conflict transformation through ‘constructive engagement’, which cover a range of sectors affecting conditions and incentives at the micro level. The EU has recognised the importance of engaging with civil society in situations of violent conflict, but needs to engage more with local civil society to make its policies more effective. This briefing aims to aid the understanding of the role of civil society organisations in situations of violent conflict, and the potential role of EU policies in enhancing CSOs’ conflict transformation efforts.

When I moved to Chile more than a decade ago, I experienced a professional crisis. What would a security expert do in Chile, one of the safest countries in Latin America? For a long time I had lived in Argentina and Peru, where increasing problems of violence and crime had shaped my interest on issues of police brutality, corruption, organized crime and community participation in crime prevention initiatives. However, Chilean society didn't seem to be facing any of these problems: Chile had one of the lowest homicide rates in the hemisphere and its police institutions were regarded as highly professional.

— Corrosion of reinforcement has been established as the predominant factor causing widespread premature deterioration of concrete construction worldwide, especially of the structures located in the coastal marine environment. The most important causes of corrosion initiation of reinforcing steel are the ingress of chloride ions and carbon dioxide to the steel surface. After initiation of the corrosion process, the corrosion products (iron oxides and hydroxides) are usually deposited in the restricted space in the concrete around the steel. Their formation within this restricted space sets up expansive stresses, which crack and spall the concrete cover. Corrosion loss consumes considerable portion of the budget of the country by way of either restoration measures or reconstruction. The content of chlorides in the salt induces corrosion in the rebar of RCC.As the content of chloride increases and also it accelerates the rate of corrosion in the rebar.

Данное исследование стало возможным благодаря помощи американского народа, оказанной через Агентство США по международному развитию (USAID) при финансовой поддержке Министерства международного развития Великобритании (DFID) через грант Программы USAID по совместному управлению, реализуемой Ист-Вест Менеджмент Институтом. Ответственность за содержание публикации возлагается на Общественный фонд «Азия Консалтинг» и не обязательно отражает позицию USAID, Правительства США или Ист-Вест Менеджмент Института. Азия Консалтинг УДК 342.51 Автор и составитель: Медет Т. Тюлегенов, аналитик ОФ «Азия Консалтинг» ФОРМИРОВАНИЕ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЙ ПОЛИТИКИ: ВЗАИМОДЕЙСТВИЕ ГОСУДАРСТВА И ГРАЖДАНСКОГО ОБЩЕСТВА. Аналитический отчет / Авт.-сост. Тюлегенов М.-Т.: 2016. -57 с. 2016

This paper discusses the findings of a study undertaken by a team from the University of Birmingham's Institute for Local Government Studies (INLOGOV), funded by the Economic and Social Research Council. The research explores the implications for democratic practice of collaborative working through partnership arrangements in the public sector. Through a study of multi-organisational partnerships in two local authority areas, the research identifies a problem for policy makers to address: partnerships are flexible management tools, but exhibit a democratic deficit in terms of the rules and procedures of public governance when measured against a benchmark of elected local government. Partnerships are in, but not of, the community.