International Political Economy

This paper reviews recent literature on the effects of tariff liberalization on wild caught fish product production structures, development outcomes, and fish stocks. Using the case of canned tuna, the report shows that tariff regimes clearly influence the location of production and processing activities, thereby shaping the international division of labour. While trade measures clearly have significant implications for developing countries, the report finds that the impact of trade preferences and tariff liberalization cannot be adequately understood without taking into consideration the particular characteristics and circumstances of individual countries. Therefore, one-size-fits-all policy prescriptions based on generalized assumptions about the functioning of the world economy will not provide an adequate policy framework. The author puts forward several recommendations concerning measures that could be taken to help developing countries adapt to changes in competitiveness in the evolving trade environment.

Úvod do studia politiky Miroslav Novák et al. Tato učebnice je určena zejména vysokoškolským studentům sociálních a humanitních věd bakalářského a magisterského stupně. Jde o práci kolektivní a svým pojetím i rozsahem v českém prostředí ojedinělou. Je rozdělena do čtyř částí. V první části je politika vykládána očima nejrůznějších disciplín-od politologie přes filosofii, psychologii, antropologii, právo, geografii a ekonomii až po his-torii. Obsahem druhé části jsou úvody do vybraných subdisciplín politické vědy, jako je komparativní politologie, teorie mezinárod-ních vztahů a správní věda. Ve třetí části jsou zpracovány úvody do kvantitativních a kvalitativních metod v politické vědě, včetně tzv. kvalitativní srovnávací analýzy. Čtvrtá část pak pojednává o někte-rých velkých tématech politiky, jako jsou stranické a volební systémy, národy a nacionalismus nebo demokracie a nedemokratické režimy. Učebnice tvoří vnitřně propojený celek, i když se názory, pojetí nebo hodnocení autorů jednotlivých kapitol od sebe mohou poněkud lišit.-Kdy vznikla politická věda?-Jaké další disciplíny se zabývají politikou?-Jaký je vztah mezi politickou vědou a politickou sociologií?-Proč se v češtině více ujal výraz "politologie" než "politická věda"?-Co je politika? Jaký je vztah mezi politikou a mocí?-Je řadový občan v politice kompetentní?-Jak nám analýza stranického systému pomáhá pochopit mo-derní politické režimy?-Co je předmětem komparativní politologie? Jaké metody pou-žívá?-V čem spočívá rozdíl mezi komparativní politologií a teorií mezi-národních vztahů?-Čím se vyznačuje dobrá veřejná správa? Rozsáhlý autorský tým pod vedením Miroslava Nováka tvoří čeští odborníci nejrůznějších generací z mnoha akademických pracovišť. vydání druhé, rozšířené a doplněné o 2 nové kapitoly.  Doporučená cena 749 Kč

The welfare state continues to be eroded in the Global North. In Canada and the U.S., food banks are now one of the only systems of relief available. But in both countries, critics have accused food banks of being apolitical and thus taking away government responsibility to address inequality. The rise of food banks has been linked to the decline of the welfare state, leading to an assumption that an increase in public assistance can end the need for food banks. Yet little research exists that examines how other institutions such as the food industry drove food bank growth, or how food banks are politically active. The history of food banks in Canada presents an informative case study because the state was not directly involved in establishing food banks, thus allowing greater insight into the role of industry in the institutionalization of food banks and their political activity. Using environmental institutions and political ecology frameworks we conducted a literature review and interviews of experts, as well as a case study of one food bank. Our findings suggest that the factors leading to the existence of food banks cannot only be linked to cuts in welfare; rather, the influence of industrial decline and centralization of the food industry must also be taken into account, as well as social movements and the policy gap around food waste. Food banks can be political, using available resources as ‘fuel’ to challenge government failure. The case of Canadian food banks indicates that, to address inequality and food insecurity in the Global North, researchers and policy-makers should not only focus on welfare but need to tackle the cost-shifting practices of the food industry and work toward joined-up and nested food policy institutions. Further, food banks, or organizations that look like them, can help address rising food insecurity if they are provided with sufficient legal, political, and financial support.

Development is a complicated word. In its most benign form, everyone can agree that babies should not die from malnourishment or preventable disease. In its more contentious form, development can be understood as a discursive taxonomy and hierarchy of states and ways of knowing the world that manifests as neo-imperialism. In this seminar, we consider how the modern notion of " development " as a contested discourse and practice came into existence. In particular, we will seek to better our understanding of how the colonial encounter in different parts of the world created the empirical and conceptual conditions, categories, and relations out of which the idea of modern development has emerged. We will consider the evolving colonial idea of "improvement " as it applied to peoples, places, and cosmologies, reading primary and secondary texts that will offer students of International Development Studies a strong intellectual foundation in the study and practice of "development."

This article examines dynamics of financial surveillance and risk-based regulation in the context of ongoing activities to combat money laundering and terrorist financing. Close analysis of the situation in the UK reveals entangled forms of co-regulation and ultimately co-production of surveillance that challenge ‘institutional boundaries’ of the state regarding policing and intelligence practices. It is argued that ongoing transformations in the anti-money laundering field reveal a dual movement that combines forms of indirect administration with a process of ‘neoliberal bureaucratization’.The article aims to show how current policies against ‘dirty money’ still paradoxically work on the basis of heterogeneous goals and misapprehensions between ‘professionals of security’ and ‘professionals of finance’.

Americans were once appalled to hear and see countries in Africa or Asia or Latin America and elsewhere around the globe descent into political chaos because of the tribal, dysfunctional political system and identity politics. Today the same phenomena that once bewildered them are slowly but steadily itching into the social and cultural fabric that once made America a great nation. Ever since the election of Donald J. Trump in November 2016, the political Left or radical Left to be precise, i.e., the Social Justice Warriors, the Moral Crusaders of Hollywood, the overtly Bias Media Establishment and the Disgruntled Never Trumpers, though on the fences as of late, have unleashed an ideological and cultural war, that if left unchecked, will bring down the American Republic. The Justice Kavanaugh’s hearings have shown that the majority of Democrats and their radical supporters have not come to grips with the loss of the elections in November 2016. The resistance to accept the reality coupled with the personal hatred against President Trump have gone from sheer political disagreements and policy outcomes to pure betrayal of the political principles that have kept America glued by its institutions of law such as the Supreme Court of Justice and the United States Congress. That said, no matter what the political ideologies or inclinations of both parties may be, the personal hatred towards the President and the use of the identity politics as the means to divide and categorize Americans are stoking division and tearing the country apart.

Ethiopia, despite its lack of economic capabilities, decisively influenced decision making in accordance with its own national interests in its bilateral relations, regional and continental affairs, and multilateral settings. As Habtamu (2013) described, it can be argued that the acceptability of Ethiopian identity is one of the contributing factors. And for Fukuyama, Identity is a very fluid concept, and one finds out how fluid when trying to determine the identity of the Ethiopian state. The Ethiopian state identity is shaped by different factors. These were on the one hand determined by context specific ideas about power, territoriality, and hierarchy. The personalities and prestige of Ethiopian leaders, the Adwa victory, the fact that it was never colonized, that it was ruled by emperor’s whose power derived from God, affected how the country was viewed by Europeans and Black Africans. The World Bank, the intricacies of Ethiopian history allow for the appropriation of the country’s identity to fit diverging agenda’s and narratives. Ethiopia, as a state, enjoyed an exceptional status but considered it exceptional as well. In constructivist thought this is considered a non-material structure and influences ideas about how to act and what strategies an actor can imagine in reaching their goal. The exceptionality that accompanies Ethiopia’s state identity is carefully preserved and utilized, which will be further elaborated.

A well-regulated economic system requires incentives that reward productive and withhold rewards from unproductive activity. Such incentives are put in place by means of legislation and enforced with the help of regulatory agencies. A well-managed system will allocate resources more efficiently than a system in which income may be gained without active participation in economic activity, by lending at interest in particular, which invariably increases the prices of finished goods without, however, adding any value. Interest-based lending produces a range of important, though rarely highlighted, side effects. They include inefficiency, indebtedness, instability, inflation, unemployment, slow or declining economic growth, and an uneven distribution of wealth. (224 pages)

The second edition of this popular and authoritative text provides a truly global assessment of democratization in theory and practice in the contemporary world. It has been systematically revised and updated throughout to cover recent developments, from the impact of 9/11 and EU enlargement to the war in Iraq.

"This… [new edition] is exemplary: it is very extensively updated and revised and the authors have not tried to cut corners by keeping outdated references or bits of text…. [A]n excellent textbook for undergraduate students both for its comprehensive overview of the literature and as a basis for discussion." – Anna Khakee, Democratization

The thesis explores potential challenges and opportunities for blockchains and International Relations (IR). The thesis also explores how IR can help understand blockchains as new conceptual phenomena. The thesis broadly questions: what do blockchains mean for IR? And, what does IR mean for blockchains? Institutions and power are taken to be significant for the exploration because they represent crucial IR concepts. Blockchains are explored as regulative, normative, and cultural-cognitive institutions and as compulsory, institutional, structural, and productive power. Blockchains are argued to provide challenges and opportunities for discipline of IR and the practice of international relations. IR can understand blockchains through the concepts of institutions and power.

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

Článek se zabývá fenoménem tzv. nového regionalismu jako jednoho z významných procesů v současné světové ekonomice. Pojem nový regionalismus označuje novou fázi regionalismu od poloviny 80. let, která je charakteristická jak kvantitativními, tak především kvalitativními změnami regionalismu, k nimž došlo v důsledku politické a ekonomické transformace světa. Vedle komparativního srovnání starého a nového regionalismu se článek věnuje otázce terminologie spojené s regionalismem, vztahem mezi regionalismem a multilaterálními jednáními na půdě WTO a v neposlední řadě teoretickou reflexí procesu nového regionalismu a pěti základními skupinami teorií nového regionalismu.

Investigations into the political economy of globalization usually concentrate upon three related developments—the expansion of international trade and the growth in transnational production, including the rise of transnational corporations;  the creation of a world-wide market for finance and credit;  and finally, the development of regimes and institutions of global economic governance.  By comparison, the role and significance of labour and labourers tends to be neglected in most studies. Yet, from its very inception, the process of globalization has been marked by the different methods of organizing work and organizing the activity of workers themselves.

This volume goes some way in restoring labour to a proper place in the globalization literature. The title 'Globalizing Labour' has a dual meaning. On the one hand it refers to increasing connectedness of workers and work as the globalization of integrated trade, financial and production systems merges economic activity from around the world. Labour is globalizing in the sense that it is connected to world-wide production and exchange structures. On the other hand, the title refers to the activities of workers themselves as their political and economic activities influence broader globalization structures. Labour is globalizing in the sense that workers are themselves building organizational links between different communities and are engaging global power structures whether they be globalizing corporations or international organizations. This volume introduces the subject of labour and globalization by examining four elements of the relationship. Firstly, the historical relationship between labour and globalization is briefly reviewed. Secondly, the condition of various forms of labour since the end of the Cold War is surveyed. Thirdly, the issue of labour, the state and regulation of globalizing corporations is highlighted. The volume concludes with some thoughts on key issues facing global labour in the twenty-first century.

Una versión reducida del texto “An Unexpected Twist of Ideology. Neoliberalism and the Collapse
of the Soviet Bloc publicado en "Praktyka Teoretyczna", núm. 5, 2012. Traducción de Luis Martínez
Andrade. Metapolítica: marzo 2013.
The full English version also at Academia.edu: https://www.academia.edu/11798198/An_Unexpected_Twist_of_Ideology._Neoliberalism_and_the_Collapse_of_the_Soviet_Bloc

Over the past two decades capitalism and globalization have gradually changed skin. Both have undergone an acceleration that has radically changed their nature and their rules, resulting in a new scenario of the economic geography at the global and the local scale. The crisis started in 2007, first financial and then economic, has inserted in the context of these changes, even producing the emergence of new actors on the international scene and the relative decline of the traditional areas of development. This scenario is the product of a complex web of ideas, actors, networks, technologies and agreements that the volume attempts to analyze in the most significant components.

Thailand is among the world-leading rice producer and exporters with a long-time rice industry. Since its first market liberalization, Thailand's rice industry has experienced significant changes in terms of economic performance, policy development, and domestic politics. The fact that the rice farmer population accounts for over 10% of the country's total population implies both economic and political significances which no Thai policymakers can ever ignore. However, the recent trend shows a substantial decline for the Thai rice industry which raises the question of what impacts Thai rice policy has on its performance.
The article studies the development of the Thai rice policy in connection with the structural problems of Thailand in terms of policy and implementation. Its finding is a modest attempt to improve our understanding of Thai rice policy and the underlying problems of the rice issue as an integral part of Thai people and politics.

Questo studio si propone di analizzare alcune recenti dinamiche della
geopolitica dell'energia, focalizzando la trattazione degli argomenti sul
contesto e sulle fattispecie che compongono il quadro di costituzione del
partenariato energetico sino-iracheno, venuto in essere in un particolare
momento storico per la regione mediorientale, il ritorno in patria delle
truppe statunitensi alla fine della seconda Guerra del Golfo (2011).

This study examines whether and how public media systems contribute to the health of democracies in 33 countries in Europe, Africa, Asia, North America, the Middle East, Latin America, and South America. We gather national economic data and public media funding levels, audience shares, and regulatory data, primarily for 2018 and 2019 but in some cases earlier, due to lack of available data. We then assess correlations with strength of democracy indices and extend Hallin and Mancini's typology of North American and European media systems through hierarchical cluster analysis of these 33 countries. We find five models of public media systems around the world, ranging from "state-administered" systems with low levels of independence (Botswana and Tunisia) to systems aligning with Hallin and Mancini's "Democratic Corporatist" model, with strong and secure (multiyear) funding, large audience shares, and strong regulatory protection for their independence. In between, we identify three mixed models: a "Liberal-Pluralist" model, a "Direct Funding" model, and a "Commercial-Public" model. Correlations and cluster analyses show that high levels of secure funding for public media systems and strong structural protections for the political and economic independence of those systems are consistently and positively correlated with healthy democracies.

This paper examines the idea that commercial law has the capacity to evolve spontaneously in the absence of a clear state authority because of its unique nature. I argue that the manner of interaction implied by commerce plays a crucial role in this ability as it involves a high degree of overall engagement. This I term “high engagement,” which I divide into two elements: repetition and the creation of clear cycles of interaction. Together they produce identifiable legal norms and subsequent compliance. Game theorists have long recognized the importance of repeated interaction in inducing cooperation; however, how the manner of commercial interaction itself facilitates this process has been left largely unexamined. Part I presents a brief overview of the concept of reciprocity and spontaneous law theory. In Part II, a more detailed explanation of the notion of high engagement is offered. Here I set out exactly how high engagement is instrumental in the emergence of legal norms. Finally, the paper concludes that the element of high engagement indeed plays a decisive role in commercial law’s ability to evolve and function in a decentralized, spontaneous fashion—an important insight in terms of the future international development of the modern law merchant as it emerges in the absence of a single legislative authority.

This Paper explores and summarises the Director's Duties of the UK Companies Act 2006 with emphasis on "the duty to promote the success of the company.

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Blockchain technology is a new general-purpose technology that poses significant challenges to the existing state of law, economy, and society. Blockchain has one feature that makes it even more distinctive than other disruptive technologies: it is, by nature and design, global and transnational. Moreover, blockchain operates based on its own rules and principles that have a law-like quality. What may be called the lex cryptographia of blockchain has been designed based on a rational choice vision of human behavior. Blockchain adopts a framing derived from neoclassical economics, and instantiates it in a new machinery that implements rational choice paradigms using blockchain in a semi-automatic way, across all spheres of life, and without regard to borders. Accordingly, a global law and crypto-economics movement is now emerging owing to the spread of blockchain.

This Article suggests that such a rational choice paradigm is an insufficient foundation for the future development of blockchain. It seeks to develop a new understanding of blockchain and its regulation through code according to the emerging “law and political economy” framework. Blockchain is much more than a machine that enables the automation of transactions according to a rational choice framework. Blockchain should instead be understood as a technological infrastructure. Acknowledging the infrastructural dimension of blockchain technology may help identify a new role for the law in its interaction with blockchain, as well as for government in its interaction with the new technology. More precisely, identifying blockchain as an “infrastructural commons” helps us recognize that law and regulation should not be relegated to the role of merely facilitating the operation of the invisible hand of the market by and within blockchain, but should rather acquire more active roles, such as safeguarding access on non-discriminatory terms to users, on a model with net neutrality and other public utility safeguards. The Article closes by proposing a “law and political economy” framework for blockchain that is based on principles of publicness, trust, and interoperability.

Socio-economic structure of rural households in Sierra Leone, rural poverty,
approaches to rural development, theories and strategies of rural development,
development administration. Planning for rural development in rural Sierra Leone.
N.B. This outline summary should be read in conjunction with notes taken during
the lecture programme.

The act of gas flaring in Nigeria began with production of crude oil in 1958, and has since engendered serious trans-boundary environmental, energy, economic and health implications. This has led to the adoption of zero-gas flaring policy in 2003 in line with the domestication of related international initiatives and treaties in Nigeria. However, oil joint venture partnerships between Nigeria’s NNPC and international oil corporations (IOCs) from the United States of America, Britain, France and the Netherlands in oil production flared 514,779,616 standard cubic feet (scf) of associated gas out of 619,032,858 scf of total associated gas flared in 2011. Available records indicate that Nigeria’s oil joint venture partners prioritized profits through increase in oil production without relating oil production to the capacity of gas utilization facilities required to meet policy deadline. This study focused on the effects of oil joint venture partnerships on the enforcement of zero-gas flaring policy in Nigeria, 2003-2011. The specific objectives were to: (i) determine whether equity arrangements of the oil joint operation agreements hindered the implementation of zero-gas flaring policy in Nigeria, (ii) ascertain whether the budgeting process of the oil joint venture operations impeded the adoption of effective gas flare elimination strategies in Nigeria, and (iii) establish whether funding of NNPC’s participation in oil joint venture partnerships constrained financing of associated gas utilization facilities in Nigeria. The study adopted the rentier state theory as the theoretical framework and ex-post-facto research design. The study also made use of secondary data sourced from books, journals, conference papers and official documents from the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), the World Bank, Global Gas Flaring Reduction Partnership (GGFRP), the Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI), the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), and the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). The study used logical induction to analyze the data. The major findings were that: (i) the equity arrangements of the oil joint operation agreements hindered the implementation of zero-gas flaring policy in Nigeria, (ii) the budgeting process of the oil joint venture operators impeded the adoption of effective gas flare elimination strategies in Nigeria, and (iii) the inadequate funding of NNPC’s participation in oil joint venture partnerships constrained financing of associated gas flaring utilization facilities in Nigeria. The recommendations were: (i) restructuring the equity arrangements of the oil joint venture partners in order to effectively implement zero-gas flaring policy, (ii) reforming the budgeting process of the joint venture operators for adopting effective gas flaring elimination strategies, and (iii) sufficient funding of NNPC participation in the joint venture partnerships necessary for adequately financing associated gas utilization projects.

The objectivity of studying social and political sciences has always been questioned on the ground that personal values may interfere. In the same vein, it is a challenge to understand and explain international relations, owing to different world views and approaches. This is mainly because there are many ways of studying international relations. First of all, it requires an interdisciplinary and multilevel analysis to explain international phenomena, which may embody conflict, cooperation or both. IR field began to be recognized as a separate discipline during the period between two world wars and since then debates have continued on “what to study” and “how to study”. These questions paved the way to many ontological and epistemological discussions. The realist-idealist debate of the 1950s and the methodological debate of the 1960s are just two examples that have evolved in the discipline. A realist description of International relations is based on competition among states as major actors to pursue their interests, whereas a liberal description concentrates more on harmonious relations of pluralist actors. Theories have also grown out of the need to seek regularities and reflect the quest for a grand theory to explain all observed phenomena, which has truly been an overarching and ambitious attempt. Theories of IR borrow assumptions of each other so to say, and provide feedback for their reconstruction, through the critiques they make against each other. In this book, you will make an introduction to realism, liberalism and economic structuralism as major traditions in the field, their historical evolution and some theories they have given birth to. Chapter 1 is about contending issues and classification of major theories in the field. Chapter 2 discusses the realist theory of IR and its evolution. Chapter 3 provides a close look to liberal tradition and its reflections in IR. Chapter 4 introduces economic structuralism via the Marxist theory and Chapter 5 familiarizes the readers with International Political Economy. Chapter 6 briefly informs the readers on types of international regime theories reflecting different traditions in IR. Chapter 7, the normative theory on the other hand deals with “what should be” in IR instead of “what is” observed. Lastly, in Chapter 8, the English School of IR which argues to be a via media between realism and liberalism is elaborated. Though cases in IR and different issue-areas demand different theoretical perspectives and methods of inquiry; researchers agree on the need to utilize theoretical frameworks as road maps to explain and foresee the future of events. The theoretical approaches and their basic assumptions may sound unfamiliar and abstract at the beginning, However, they will prove to be the alphabet to conceptualize and interpret international phenomena. As editors of this book, we hope you enjoy reading the book and it guides you in observing international arena and motivates for analytical thinking on international relations. We are grateful to our esteemed authors for their collaboration in preparing this course textbook for the International Relations Program.
Editors Prof.Dr. Tayyar ARI Assoc.Prof.Dr. Elif TOPRAK

This article explores the patterns of class inequality and capital accumulation in Brazil, showing the drivers and limits of the decline in inequality that occurred during the Workers' Party governments. It proposes that minimum wage hikes and greater social security changed the demand pattern and kick-started a cumulative causation process. Growth and redistribution thus reinforced each other for a period, and then spelled their own limits. As growth accelerated in the 2000s, a Gini decomposition indicates that class inequality decreased, but confined to changes between workers-capitalist income and social stratification were preserved. This also endogenously led to a re-gressive structural change, as low-productivity, labour-intensive services grew and international trade patterns worsened. This created a medium-term dependence on commodity prices for balance-of-trade solvency, and heightened cost-push inflation, which could not be overcome under the limited policy framework in place. The constrained basis for reducing inequality and the regressive structural change underscore that developmental strategies requires broad, multi-dimensional inequality-reducing measures and an encompassing catching-up project.

This article examines whether the recent peace agreements, signed between Israel and the Gulf states: The United Arab Emirates and Bahrain in September 2020, form a 'honey trap', meant to use the economic benefits they offer as leverage to affect Israel's political position towards the Middle East conflict. Recalling that the EU exercises such an approach for many years, the article tries to assess its current and potential effectiveness to the parties involved.

Timothy’s Frye’s Building States and Markets after Communism. The Perils of Polarized Democracy is one of the most valuable contributions on post-communist transformation(s) appeared in the last decades. The book examines the relationship between state building and market creation in twenty-five post-communist countries since the end of communism.

It combines statistical quantitative analysis on a variety of data (including a survey of business elites) with more in-depth country studies on Bulgaria, Poland, Russia and Uzbekistan. Frye’s main focus is on political polarization – the policy distance between different political factions present in the political arena – and its effects on democracy and market reforms. The main questions that the author addresses are: 1. ‘Does democracy promote the creation of market economies and robust state institutions? 2. If so, why? 3. Under what conditions do state building and market building work at cross-purposes and when are they mutually reinforcing?’ (p.2). Access the full review

O presente artigo é um balanço bibliográfico em torno do Imperialismo e sua relação com as modificações globais provocadas pela crise do capitalismo na Inglaterra a partir de 1870, estudada, principalmente, por Vladimir Ilitch Lenin, além de outros autores como Karl Marx, Rosa Luxemburgo,John Hobson, Rudolf Hilferding, Karl Kautsky, Nikolai Bukharin, Aloísio Azevedo, Eric Hobsbawm e os liberais Joseph Schumpeter e Norman Angell. Defende-se a ideia de que a complexa e densa discussão deve levar em conta esta crise e seus desdobramentos no campo econômico financeiro, bem como o contexto anterior do capitalismo com suas mudanças estruturais, que levou a um acirramento dos conflitos entre as potências em nome de colônias, lucro e riquezas, processo que culminou numa “guerra imperialista”, como denomina Lenin a guerra de 1914-18, bem como se ressalta a importância da transição do velho para o moderno capitalismo dentro deste complexo processo.
Palavras-chave: Imperialismo, capitalismo, crise.


The purpose of this article is to discuss the Imperialism and its relations among the
global modifications caused by the Capitalism crisis in the late 1870’s England, studied by autors such as Vladimir Ilitch Lenin and Eric Hobsbawm and putted in perspective by others like Aloísio Azevedo. The main thesis is that the complex and dense discussion must consider its economic and finantial developments, as well as its previous context which led the economic powers into a battle over the colonies, the
profit and its riches; process that Lenin called “Imperial War”, refering to the First
World War and the transition between the old and the modern Capitalism inside this
complex process.
Keywords: Imperialism, Capitalism, crisis.