Tariff and Non-tariff Barrier

Kompleksitas struktur perdagangan AS-Cina membuat kita tidak bisa langsung menyimpulkan bahwa perang dagang ini hanya akan mengalihkan keuntungan dari Cina ke AS dan hanya merugikan perusahaan-perusahaan Cina yang bergantung pada pasar AS. Konsumen dan perusahaan di kedua negara yang secara tidak langsung terkait dengan pasar AS dan Cina juga akan terpengaruh. Kenaikan biaya produksi yang dimulai oleh kenaikan tarif dapat terus bertambah sebelum mencapai konsumen.

This chapter focuses on informal trafficking of daily consumption goods between Israel and the West Bank since the redeployments of the Palestinian Authority’s security forces in summer 2007. Through the study of these traffics and the strategies of the actors who organize them, we first assess the capacity of the Palestinian Authority to territorialize its control over Palestinian autonomous enclaves. Second, through the analysis of the content of these informal transactions, we intend to grasp the new forms of economic regulations that emerge, beyond formal exchanges, between the Palestinian economy and the Israeli economy.

Ce chapitre analyse l’évolution des trafics informels de biens de consommation courante entre Israël et la Cisjordanie depuis les redéploiements des forces de sécurité de l’Autorité palestinienne supervisés par le Général Dayton au cours de l’été 2007. A partir de l’examen de ces trafics et des stratégies développées par leurs promoteurs, il évaluera d’abord la capacité de l’Autorité palestinienne à territorialiser son contrôle dans les enclaves palestiniennes. L’étude de l’évolution du contenu de ces transactions permettra ensuite de cerner les nouvelles formes de régulation qui émergent entre l’économie israélienne et palestinienne, au-delà des échanges formels.

This article examines how The wealth of nations (1776) was transformed into an amorphous text regarding the imperial question throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Adam Smith had left behind an ambiguous legacy on the subject of empire: a legacy that left long-term effects upon subsequent British imperial debates. In his chapter on colonies, Smith had proposed both a scheme for the gradual devolution of the British empire and a theoretical scheme for imperial federation. In response to the growing global popularity of protectionism and imperial expansionism, the rapid development of new tools of globalization, and the frequent onset of economic downturns throughout the late Victorian and Edwardian eras, turn-of-the-century proponents of British imperial federation formed into a formidable opposition to England's prevailing free trade orthodoxy – Cobdenism – a free trade ideology which famously expanded upon the anti-imperial dimensions of The wealth of nations. Ironically, at the turn of the century many advocates for imperial federation also turned to Smith for their intellectual inspiration. Adam Smith thus became an advocate of empire, and his advocacy left an indelible intellectual mark upon the burgeoning British imperial crisis.

This book will take you through the past, the present and into the future of the flagship institution of the international customs community: the World Customs Organization (WCO).

Our purpose is to present to you, in a comprehensive, orderly and synthetic manner, the enormous contributions that this prestigious and recognized institution has been making to the secure growth of world foreign trade.

In the development of the text, special consideration has been given to the instruments relevant to day-to-day customs work and which constitute the flagships of the WCO (the Harmonized System Convention, the Revised Kyoto Convention, the SAFE Framework of Standards, among many others), as well as to those issues which are currently of particular relevance to the WCO, to those issues that are currently of special interest to the world Customs community (Cross Border Electronic Trade, Trade Facilitation, the Future Customs Agenda, to mention but a few), trying to reconcile the various practical aspects of Customs operations with their theoretical underpinnings.

In short, these pages will be of great interest to all foreign trade operators, in particular to customs officials, customs brokers, carriers and international forwarding agents, managers of importing and exporting companies, as well as to all those (professionals and students) who wish to deepen their knowledge of the exciting world of Customs and International Trade.

India is the seventh largest economy in the world. However, it is only the sixteenth largest exporter, in terms of value with its exports accounting for around USD 336.6 billion. In contrast, India is the 12th largest importer demanding USD 477.3 billion as of 2013. Although it is claimed that the liberalisation of the Indian economy in the 1991 has greatly transformed the economy by removing many trade barriers and de-licensing of the industrial sector, its value or trade flow has remained very ordinary for a country with a population of 1.26 billion (Census, 2011).

India witnesses much lesser trade flow by value not only when compared with the bigger economies such as the United States of America and China, but also far lesser than smaller economies such as a Singapore and the Netherlands (Table-1).

In order to understand India’s current limitations and identify untapped opportunities this article tries to answer questions such as:

What are India’s main trade partners and current trade balance?
How is India in terms of current trade patterns compared with the rest of the world?
How are trade policies formulated in India? How consistent are these policies with international trading requirements and practices?
What are the import procedures? What are the different costs borne by importers due to these policies and procedures? Are there specific imports for which these costs are unreasonable high? What are these costs in quantitative terms? How trade distortive are these costs?
This study attempts to suggest that import tariffs have to be lessened on the one hand and more importantly import procedures have to be reduced on the other so as to create an atmosphere of competition in policy action.

, the Zaloom Brothers, a company that specialised in the import of pistachios from Aleppo, contacted the American consulate in the city to inquire 'if Aintab and Marach [sic] are commonly known to be a part of Syria'. Joseph A. Zaloom, who emigrated to New York City only few years prior, was curious, in part because of the growingly competitive local pistachio trade in the US, where the imported crop was incorrectly marketed to American consumers as Cilician nuts. Zaloom hailed from Aleppo and knew that the pistachios feeding the city's exports mostly originated from Aintab and Marash, but it was the American consulate that had to inform him that 'neither Aintab nor Marash are in Syria'. 2 In late May of the same year, the American consul received a similar letter, this time from the International Transportation Association which had forwarded the 1 I would like to thank Remzi Çağatay Çakırlar, Jordi Tejel, Samuel Dolbee, Orçun Can Okan and Alexander Balistreri for their help and suggestions.

İçindekiler
Kudret EMİROĞLU: Sunuş

Güney ÇEĞİN ve Ümit KURT: Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyet’e Politik Şiddetin Tedrici Tekâmülü Dikey ve Yatay Mekanizmalar Hakkında  Bir Çerçeveleme Denemesi

Adil OKAY: “Görülmüştür” damgalı mektuplar

Haydar AKIN: Johannes Junius’un 24 Temmuz 1628 Tarihli Son Mektubu

Yağmur Meray ALGÜL, Yasemin GÖKDAĞ, Simge KOÇ: Öznü-Göyye-Havet-Tiflis-Novosibirsk-Havet-Bulanık: Gökdağ Ailesinin 1880 (?)-1935 Yılları Arasındaki Yaşantıları, Sibirya’ya Sürgünü ve Türkiye’ye Zorunlu Göçü

Kemal YAKUT: 20. Yüzyıla Girerken Devlet ve Dersim

Oya GÖZEL DURMAZ: Tehcir ve Ermeni Nüfusu Tartışmasına Bir Katkı: Kayseri Sancağı (1915)

Arsen YARMAN: Eğin (Agn) Ermenileri–II

Birgül AÇIKYILDIZ ŞENGÜL: Cizre Kırmızı Medrese: Mimari, İktidar ve Tarih

Eski Sol Üzerine Yeni Notlar:

M. Bülent VARLIK: Yığın

Ömer TÜRKOĞLU: Mühür Yiyen Fareler ya da Ankaralının Rakı ile Sınavı

Sinem SANCAKTAROĞLU BOZKURT: Sömürgecilik Sonrası Dönem Eserlerinin Türkçeye Çevrilmesinde Tercih Edilebilecek Yöntemler: Things Fall Apart Adlı Eserin Türkçe Çevirilerinin Karşılaştırmalı Analizi

Çiğdem AKGÜL: Merak ve Dedikoduda “Dişil”leşmek Erkekliğin Bir Ortaklığı mıdır? Evde Filminde Erkeklik Üzerine

Erman Örsan YETİŞ: Türkiye’de Kimyasal Hadımın Olağanüstü Hali ve Moleküler Biyopolitika

Rüya KILIÇ: Türkiye’de Frenginin Tarihi

Cemre ARI, Merve ASLANER, Ilgın BALKAN, Gizem BAŞPINAR, Şeyma BAYRAK: Cumhuriyet Baloları

Kebikeç Bibliyografya (No: 33-38)

Thomas L. Friedman’s work The World is Flat: A Brief History of the 21st Century eloquently connects the dots of those events that have propelled the world further and faster within the last eleven years.  Thanks to America’s ravenous thirst for cheaper, faster, better goods and services, U.S. companies have been forced to find competitive ways to satisfy consumer demand.  Outsourcing and offshoring are just some of the keys that have unlocked a once dormant Pandora’s Box of global opportunity for all countries and could spell impending doom for the first world status of some super powers as we know it.

This study presents an analysis of trade and investment relations between the EU and India and the possible impact of the free trade agreement (FTA), currently under negotiation. The methodology applied to assess the impact of the FTA is based upon the Sussex Framework and the concepts of deep and shallow integration. The EU-Indian relations are outlined in the context of multilateral, bilateral and regional frameworks.
The study is divided into four sections. The first chapter sets the EU – India relations in a political context, elaborating on the legal basis of advancing stages of collaboration that led to the strategic partnership. The second chapter examines the Common Commercial Policy emphasising on the instruments and criteria applied by the EU in its external trade policy. Indian trade policy is briefly presented to assess the extent to which two partners’ policy positions overlap in regards to the FTA. The third chapter provides an overview of trade and investment patterns and flows between the EU and India over the last decade with the focus on trade in goods and services and on foreign direct investments (FDI). This chapter also elaborates on the specificity of Indian business environment leading to conflicts of interests with the EU. Chapter four provides an impact assessment of the FTA on the basis of the theory of deep and shallow integration. The potential impact is evaluated on the basis of selected issues which have caused a stalemate in the ongoing negotiations, namely tariff dismantling, pro- mobility clauses within the liberalisation of services, labour standards and intellectual property rights.
The findings of this study indicate that while the EU-India FTA remains a viable opportunity for both partners, the potential benefits are not always apparent for the stakeholders. For the EU, the FTA will prove beneficial only if it is followed by deep integration, implying a higher level of convergence of standards and elimination of non-technical barriers to trade in India. This causes resistance on the Indian side as in their view it infringes upon domestic methods of governance and implies costly reforms which India could not handle currently due to its high fiscal deficit and currency volatility. The EU is consistent in exercising its external trade policy in a sense that it has maintained its demands on the sustainable development chapter and liberalisation on FDI. However, the EU external trade policy is not fully effective since the EU has not been able to obtain substantial concessions from India on the most “comprehensive” elements disputed. The EU has low visibility in India and the FTA is perceived negatively by many stakeholders who feel excluded from the negotiation process — these factors further undermine the EU’s legitimacy and effectiveness.

The impact of foreign collaborations or international technology transfers in developing host countries has been a major bone of contention. Literature on this subject has varied views and the role of MNCs in and the sharing of the net benefits between the technology givers and technology takers has been a subject of continuous controversy. The issue has further assumed greater importance with assiduous process of economic liberalisation and globalisation and sets out an agenda for further research on this subtle subject. Considering the nature of tangible assets and the advantages MNCs lend to the host country's industry, it is general refrain that the units operating with foreign technology should reveal better performance than their local counterparts. This study, which is based on the data pertaining to pre-liberalisation period of Indian economy has examined the impact of foreign technology with respect to R&D, foreign trade and industrial competitiveness by using several variables and issues or restrictive clauses put in the foreign collaboration agreements for the Indian automobile industry and has come out with some striking findings that shatters the common perception regarding the likely superior performance of units operating with foreign collaborations and logically underscores the factors behind it and put forward notable policy implication.

The ASEAN India Free Trade Agreement has brought the opportunities to the Indian industry as well as challenges as it has been in force on 1 st January, 2010. There is no clear cut estimates about the gains which will come to India especially in the sectors of agriculture, plantation and fisheries, however some of the sector which are labour intensive or unorganised will be facing the bigger challenges. This paper attempts to examine the impact of FTA where the tariff is either reduced or eliminated on some of the agricultural products like tea, coffee, rubber and fisheries which have been projected as sensitive for India. The commitment of India & ASEAN under the FTA is analysed along with the trade and tariff data. While doing so the paper looks at some of the empirical evidence to examine the impact of India's unilateral tariff liberalisation Post-Uruguay Round by taking into consideration India's imports, domestic production etc. These results are then extrapolated to examine the tariff liberalisation impact on the domestic economy in view of India's commitment in the ASEAN-India FTA. The study is divided into three parts. The first part deals with the history of India -ASEAN relationship and highlights the features of India -ASEAN FTA. The second part does the case study of fisheries, pepper, tea, coffee, coconut and rubber etc. with regard to FTA and likely impact on India. The Final part gives a broad conclusion of the study. The study first looks at the bilateral trade data and then highlights the salient features of India -ASEAN FTA. It then reviews some of the literary works that have been carried out in this regard. The study thereafter looks at the historical trends of production, prices, trade values and tariffs on identified items at a national level as well as the items in India's tariff liberalisation programme (TLP). In the next section while identifying the position of it also examines the position of these items in ASEAN's TLP so as to assess whether Indian producers will get equal opportunities for preferential market access there or not. A comparison of the unit value price of Indian producers as well ASEAN members has been made to look at their respective competitiveness not only in the international markets but each others' market as well. The study gives its finding at the end summarising where the threats are there and where are the opportunities for Indian producers. JEL Classification: F02, F13, F20, C00, C22

Se analizan  para 2006-2011las tendencias mundiales y regionales de la producción y el comercio de  frutas y hortalizas.  Una sección de benchmarking de las exportaciones colombianas en comparación con principales competidores y modelos de rol, desagregando resultados en cuatro categorías de productos. Un  posicionamiento de las exportaciones colombiana de acuerdo con la matriz de competitividad. Una sinopsis de debilidades, oportunidades, fortalezas y amenazas competitiva, con énfasis en  las barreras no arancelarias al comercio. Una sección que sintetiza las principales conclusiones y recomendaciones.

Globally the private/voluntary standards have found significance with the increasing role of global value chain coupled with globalisation and liberalisation initiative by emerging markets.  It is also linked to the more prominent role of the private sector in such activities of commerce from the 1970s onwards.  The global commercial history after the second world war can be broadly divided into two phases, the first phase of 1946 to 1970 a period dominated by the state-led initiative of regional groupings.  The second phase begins with post-1970s wherein the private sector had a direct or indirect role is steering the various trade grouping and negotiations.  The United Nation has played differential roles since the inspection under the two broad phases.  The pronounced role of the UN is that of a neutral player within the divided world this has witnessed an erosion since the beginning from the 1970s.  The increased role of the private sector has led to various initiatives driven by their interests. 
One such initiative has been the private/voluntary sustainability standards (P/VSS).  The example is of a pressure cooker wherein the ‘value’ is private sustainability standards. There would be little interest in the more significant globally on sustainability issues which is more of a public good when the private sectors are actively driving the global processes.  Therefore, the likely impacts need to be analysed in detail.  Tthis section is the part two of the draft report “Emergence of Private Sustainability Standards: Concerns and Challenges for India’s Exports and Domestic Industries”.  Chapter two of part one of the Report addresses the trend and usage of the VS/ PSS in India.  It further highlights the challenges in doing so owing to lack of clear distinction - given the lack of consensus-based definition of VS/ PSS.  Some private standards have evolved to become the private sustainability standards.  Globally the voluntary/ private standards numbered are 624, with minimal number graduated to become truly PSS.  Secondly, it traces the origin of the understanding of all existing VS/ PSS to United Nations Conference on the Human Environment (1972).  In this context, inter-ministerial coordination between finance, labour, health, environment and commerce could help Indian industries – by way of active participation in standards-setting processes and adoption of more regional standards.  There are no agencies assigned formally by the Department of Commerce (DoC) for record of VS/ PSS present and operating in India.  Given its importance for international trade for India, there is an urgent need to keep a record of all VS and PSS.  These would help in the impact analysis of the domestic adoption in the context of exports and coordination of value chains.

Ce livre propose une nouvelle approche du régime de séparation imposé par Israël aux Palestiniens de Cisjordanie. Partant de l’observation des transformations des relations entre Israéliens et Palestiniens depuis les accords d’Oslo jusqu’à aujourd’hui (1993-2010), il met en lumière les mutations récentes d’un régime aux configurations institutionnelles et spatiales toujours plus complexes. Il démontre que si le régime de séparation donne l’illusion de la création d’une frontière entre Israéliens et Palestiniens, il renforce de fait l’imbrication de leurs espaces de vie, inscrit l’occupation israélienne dans la durée et compromet la création d’un Etat palestinien au côté d’Israël. En contrepoint des discours diplomatiques, politiques sur le conflit israélo-palestinien, volontiers relayés par les médias, ce livre propose donc une analyse inédite des ressorts plus profonds qui bloquent sa résolution.

L’ouvrage prend le parti de déplacer le regard, habituellement centré sur le mur de séparation, surmédiatisé, pour comprendre ce qu’il cache, ses ombres. Il est fondé sur des enquêtes de terrain conduites par un groupe de chercheurs (français, italiens, israéliens, palestiniens et suisses) ayant travaillé du côté israélien, du côté palestinien, et à l’interface de ces espaces. Il propose ainsi une approche inhabituelle qui renouvelle les recherches en sciences sociales sur la Palestine et sur Israël. Cette perspective fait apparaître une nouvelle géographie de l’occupation, des formes spécifiques d’imbrication et de pouvoir entre les espaces israéliens et palestiniens. Elle permet de mieux appréhender les transformations des interactions entre les populations, les vécus et l’économie actuelle des échanges créés par le régime de séparation. Un régime hétérogène qui intègre de plus en plus la participation d’acteurs palestiniens et internationaux, et de certaines de leurs institutions.
Ce livre s’adresse à un public de chercheurs, de journalistes, de politiques et de lecteurs informés qui désirent approfondir leur compréhension du conflit israélo-palestinien. A partir d’un décryptage fin de ces nouvelles réalités territoriales, des vécus et des quotidiens des acteurs, cet ouvrage dépasse les lectures politico-diplomatiques et sécuritaires du conflit, pour comprendre ses enjeux contemporains.

Multinational Enterprises with the international transfer of technology to developing countries generally stipulate certain restrictive clauses in the foreign collaboration agreements (FCAs) which govern the over all operations and profitability of the technology importing firms. Amongst the various types of clauses the export restrictions constitute major part of such clauses. These clauses are popularly known as export restrictions (ERs) and may restrict the export of the resultant output of the new technology. These ERs are commonly practiced the world over, however, their real impact on firms export performance/global operations has been a topic of debate. However, the question arises as to why the right of exports of technology importers with the application of such practices be restricted by MNCs.

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: The international discussion of Trump's dispute over import tariffs for steel, aluminum and even cars is so far focused on the big global players. However, African countries suffer in particular from the planned punitive tariffs, similar to the famous African proverb: 'When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers'. After years of talk on partnership for economic development (AGOA, Cotonou Agreement, EPAs, etc.) Trump’s tariffs mean a severe blow to participatory foreign trade and sustainable industrialization in Africa. Egypt and South Africa for example, the potentially most affected African countries, face massive job losses and earning opportunities, with all the consequences that this entails for their already fragile economy and the population in dire poverty. Trump’s intervention thus joins the continued power politics of former colonial powers vis à vis Africa. Nevertheless, despite these asymmetric power relations, unfair trade relations and the desolate state of African infant industries are not necessarily due to externalities. More often than not they are home-made. African agency plays an ambiguous role in enhancing participatory trade and indigenous industrialization. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ RÉSUMÉ:  RÉSUMÉ: [L'impact des tarifs de Trump sur l'Afrique et le rôle ambigu de l'Agence africaine] La discussion internationale sur le différend de Trump au sujet des tarifs d'importation pour l'acier, l'aluminium, et même les voitures est jusqu'ici concentrée sur les grands acteurs mondiaux. Cependant, les pays africains souffrent aussi des tarifs punitifs prévus, semblables au fameux proverbe africain, ‘Quand les éléphants se battent, c'est l'herbe qui souffre’. Après des années de discussions sur le partenariat pour le développement économique (AGOA, Accord de Cotonou, APE, etc.), les tarifs de Trump signifient un coup dur pour le commerce extérieur participatif et l'industrialisation durable en Afrique. L'Egypte et l'Afrique du Sud par exemple, les pays africains potentiellement les plus touchés, font face à des pertes massives d'emplois et des opportunités de revenus, avec toutes les conséquences que cela entraîne pour leur économie déjà fragile et la pauvreté extrême. L'intervention de Trump rejoint ainsi la politique de puissance continue des anciennes puissances coloniales vis-à-vis de l'Afrique. Néanmoins, malgré ces relations de pouvoir asymétriques, les relations commerciales injustes et l'état désolé des industries naissantes africaines ne sont pas nécessairement dus aux externalités. Plus souvent qu'autrement, ils sont faits maison. L'agence africaine joue un rôle ambigu dans le renforcement du commerce participatif et de l'industrialisation indigène.  --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Die internationale Diskussion über Trumps Streit um die Einfuhrzölle für Stahl, Aluminium und sogar Autos konzentriert sich bisher auf die großen Global Player. Aber auch afrikanische Länder leiden unter den geplanten Strafzöllen, ähnlich dem berühmten afrikanischen Sprichwort: ‚Wenn Elefanten kämpfen, leidet das Gras‘. Nach jahrelangen Kontroversen über Partnerschaft für wirtschaftliche Entwicklung (AGOA, Abkommen von Cotonou, EPAs usw.) bedeuten Trumps Zölle einen schweren Schlag für den partizipativen Außenhandel und die nachhaltige Industrialisierung in Afrika. Ägypten und Südafrika zum Beispiel, die potenziell am stärksten betroffenen afrikanischen Länder, sind mit massiven Arbeitsplatzverlusten und Verdienstmöglichkeiten konfrontiert, mit allen Konsequenzen, die dies für ihre bereits fragile Wirtschaft und die Bevölkerung in bitterer Armut mit sich bringt. Trumps Intervention schließt sich damit der fortgesetzten Machtpolitik ehemaliger Kolonialmächte gegenüber Afrika an. Trotz dieser asymmetrischen Machtverhältnisse sind unfaire Handelsbeziehungen und der desolate Zustand der afrikanischen Industrien nicht notwendigerweise auf externe Faktoren zurückzuführen, sondern oft selbst verschuldet. Afrikanisches Handlungsvermögen spielt eine zweideutige Rolle bei der Förderung des partizipativen Handels und der indigenen Industrialisierung.

Desde sus primeros pasos, el MERCOSUR decidió transitar un sendero distinto al recorrido por la Unión Europea, con sus órganos supranacionales que dictan normas coactivas de aplicación directa, y en donde la toma de decisiones en sus entidades colegiadas se adoptan por el voto mayoritario.

El MERCOSUR, para llegar a su objetivo final de conformar un MERCADO COMUN, optó por un camino más escarpado y sinuoso, el de la “Cooperación Intergubernamental”, sin órganos supranacionales ni aplicabilidad directa de sus normas y la adopción de las decisiones se realiza por consenso pleno.

Recurriendo a una ficción literaria, podríamos decir que el MERCOSUR decidió alejarse del camino seguro y señalizado en el que gustaba transitar Hansel y Gretel (cuento de los Hermanos Grimm), para recorrer un camino incierto y desafiante, como el que gustaba transitar al Principito (cuento de Antoine de Saint-Exupéry), con la mira puesta en la Cruz del Sur.

Existe una costumbre de comparar despectivamente su evolución tomando como punto de referencia a la Unión Europea, olvidándose que ésta ya carga sobre sus espaldas 65 años de existencia, en tanto que el MERCOSUR apenas está transitando sus juveniles 25 años.

Es la célebre “Teoría del vaso medio vacío o medio lleno”, en donde el pesimista verá todo lo que le falta al recipiente, en tanto que el optimista verá cuanto queda por beber aún.

En éste trabajo, vamos a realizar un balance de ésta evolución desde el punto de vista aduanero, y con una visión optimista, de resaltar lo realizado, marcando asimismo, aquellos aspectos que aún se encuentran pendientes de desarrollo para lograr el objetivo fundacional de conformar un MERCADO COMUN.

One of the major targets of the ASEAN Economic Community is to achieve a higher influx of foreign direct investments (FDI) into the region. By analyzing recent economic developments and weighing opportunities and challenges, this paper argues from a liberal-institutionalist perspective that there are good chances for a higher level of FDI in ASEAN until 2025. There are, however, several hindrances including the resistance of the ASEAN member states to accept further economic integration and a missing common regulatory framework for trade and investment, which will make it difficult to receive significantly more FDI in the near future.

According to the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) has the potential to boost intra-African trade by 52.3 per cent by eliminating import duties, and to double this trade if non-tariff barriers are also reduced.  This research paper aims to discuss some of the current barriers to intra-African trade in goods and to illustrate the specific ways in which the AfCFTA can reduce or eliminate these barriers.

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: High-flying illusions on the part of the proponents and grim predictions on the part of the sceptics have characterised the controversy around Brexit. The article assesses five key issues at stake for post-Brexit relationships between Britain, the EU, and Africa: market access, foreign direct investment (FDI), aid, security, and the nature of the partnership. The analysis focuses on those sub-Saharan African countries that belong to the Commonwealth, as the British government’s vision of a “Global Britain” relies heavily on its reinforced cooperation with Commonwealth nations. The review of potential developments in these different policy fields shows that the expectations of Brexiteers and African politicians alike concerning an enhanced, partnership-like post-Brexit Commonwealth relationship are largely unfounded. Although the post-Brexit United Kingdom will increase African countries’ choices regarding preferred trading partners, it remains questionable whether London could offer something new that other global players with increasing interest in Africa, such as China, do not already have on their agenda. Finally, the Brexit and its spread-effects could also impact negatively on acquired human rights, both in Europe and in Africa. The withdrawal in general will have widely disregard implications for hitherto shared ethics. In fact, the Brexit constitutes a retrograde step in promoting a political and socio-cultural climate which could become similar to that of Apartheid South Africa. This includes the pursuit of ultranationalist goals and compromising on established human rights, for example with respect to growing inequality and the crusade against infidels and outsiders. More generally, the Brexit will also impact negatively on acquired ethics concerning popular articipation, both in Europe and in Africa. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ: [Grande-Bretagne et Afrique: en route pour le naufrage imminent sur le rocher du Brexit] Des illusions vu trop grand de la part des partisans et des sombres prévisions des sceptiques ont caractérisé la controverse autour du Brexit. L'article évalue cinq enjeux clés pour les relations post-Brexit entre la Grande-Bretagne, l'UE et l'Afrique: accès aux marchés, investissements directs étrangers (IDE), aide, sécurité et nature du partenariat. L’analyse se concentre sur les pays d’Afrique subsaharienne appartenant au Commonwealth. La vision du gouvernement britannique d’une «Grande-Bretagne mondiale» repose largement sur sa coopération renforcée avec les pays du Commonwealth et des marchés libéralisés. L'examen des développements potentiels dans ces différents domaines politiques montre que les attentes des Brexiteers et des politiciens africains en ce qui concerne une relation post-Brexit améliorée, fondée sur un partenariat, sont largement infondées. Bien que le Royaume-Uni post-Brexit accroisse les choix des pays africains en matière de partenaires commerciaux privilégiés, on peut se demander si Londres pourrait offrir quelque chose de nouveau que d’autres acteurs mondiaux d’intérêt croissant en Afrique, comme la Chine, n’ont pas encore à leur agenda. Enfin, le Brexit et ses effets de propagation pourraient également avoir une incidence négative sur les droits de l'homme acquis, tant en Europe qu'en Afrique. Le retrait du Royaume-Uni en général aura des implications sur l‘ éthique jusque-là partagée. En fait, le Brexit constitue un pas en arrière dans la promotion d'un climat politique et socioculturel humanitaire. Ce dernier pourrait ressembler dans le future à celui de l'Afrique du Sud de l'apartheid. Cela inclut la poursuite d'objectifs ultranationalistes et la compromission des droits de l'homme établis, par exemple en ce qui concerne l'inégalité croissante et la croisade contre les infidèles et les étrangers. Plus généralement, le Brexit aura également un impact négatif sur l'éthique acquise concernant la participation populaire, tant en Europe qu'en Afrique. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: [Großbritannien und Afrika: auf dem Weg zum drohenden Schiffbruch auf den Brexit-Felsen ] Hochfliegende Illusionen der Befürworter und grimmige Vorhersagen der Skeptiker haben die Kontroverse um den Brexit geprägt. Der Artikel untersucht fünf Schlüsselfragen, die für Beziehungen nach dem Brexit zwischen Großbritannien, der EU und Afrika auf dem Spiel stehen: Marktzugang, ausländische Direktinvestitionen (FDI), Hilfe, Sicherheit und die Art der Partnerschaft. Die Analyse konzentriert sich auf Länder südlich der Sahara, die zum Commonwealth gehören, da die Vision der britischen Regierung von einem "Global Britain" stark von ihrer verstärkten Kooperation mit den Commonwealth-Staaten abhängt. Die Überprüfung möglicher Entwicklungen in diesen verschiedenen Politikbereichen zeigt, dass die Erwartungen von Brexiteers und afrikanischen Politikern hinsichtlich einer verstärkten partnerschaftlichen Beziehung nach dem Brexit Commonwealth weitgehend unbegründet sind. Obwohl Großbritannien nach dem Brexit die Auswahl der bevorzugten Handelspartner in Afrika erhöhen wird, bleibt fraglich, ob London etwas Neues bieten könnte, das andere Global Player mit wachsendem Interesse an Afrika, wie China, nicht bereits auf ihrer Agenda haben. Schließlich könnte der Brexit auch die mühsam erkämpften Menschenrechte sowohl in Europa als auch in Afrika negativ beeinflussen. Denn beim Brexit wurden bislang Auswirkungen auf die gemeinsam geteilte Ethik weitgehend außer Acht gelassen. Tatsächlich stellt der Brexit einen Rückschritt bei der Förderung eines humanen politischen und soziokulturellen Klimas dar. Letzteres droht sich eher in Richtung eines Apartheid Südafrika zu entwickeln, eingeschlossen der Verfolgung ultranationalistischer Ziele und der Schwächung etablierten Menschenrechte, beispielsweise hinsichtlich wachsender Ungleichheit und des Kreuzzugs gegen ‚Ungläubige‘ und Außenstehende. Generell wird der Brexit außerdem negative Auswirkungen auf die partizipative Ethik haben, sowohl in Europa als auch in Afrika.

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini berusaha menjelaskan bagaimana pihak ketiga ataupun kelompok kepentingan dapat mempengaruhi suatu kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh pihak berwenang dimana dalam penelitian ini adalah European Biodiesel Board (EBB) yang melakukan dorongan pada European Commission (EC)sebagai pihak pembuat kebijakan untuk melakukan perubahan keputusan pemberian bea masuk anti-dumping (BMAD) kepada produk biodiesel berbasis crude palm oil (CPO) asal Indonesia yang diekspor ke wilayah Uni Eropa. Pengaruh ini tidak lepas dari laporan EBB kepada EC tentang tuduhan dumping yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia terhadap produk biodiesel CPO di pasar Uni Eropa. Biodiesel CPO sendiri di pasar Uni Eropa memiliki peminat yang cukup banyak karena memiliki proses pembakaran yang cepat dan lebih murah daripada biodiesel berbasis rapeseed methyl esters (RME) yang selama ini beredar di Uni Eropa. Dengan adanya laporan tersebut kemudian EC melakukan investigasi yang menghasilkan keputusan pemberian BMAD bagi biodiesel Indonesia sebagai bentuk tindakan proteksionis terhadap pasar domestik. Dalam penelitian ini penulis akan menganalisis bagaimana proses kebijakan perlindungan perdagangan dibuat di Uni Eropa termasuk regulasinya, serta menganalisis faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan terjadinya perubahan kebijakan.

Abstract - This paper shows the high welfare cost of protectionism in French Polynesia, a French overseas territory with one of the highest level of import duties in the world. We find that the net welfare loss is 47% of the value added of industry for a unitary price elasticity of imports, or 23333 euros per employ- ee in the local industry. We show that import substitution has had no long run positive effect on growth. It only had a positive but small effect during periods when import duties were rising rapidly. The findings suggest that import substi- tution can stimulate growth only at the price of an ever-rising rate of import duty, and only at the expense of export competitiveness and therefore of long run growth.
Keywords - FRENCH POLYNESIA, ENDOGENOUS DEVELOPMENT, IMPORT SUBSTITUTION, PROTECTIONISM AND GROWTH

The historiography of political economy is currently undergoing a cultural turn, as abstract histories of economics on the model of Joseph A. Schumpeter’s History of Economic Analysis give way to more nuanced studies of economic ideas in their specific historical contexts. My essay contributes to this historiographical movement by contextualizing the economic theories and policies formulated by the members of the Accademia dei pugni in Austrian Lombardy in the 1760s and 70s. Particularly, it focuses on the practical exigencies of their Lombard context and the respective pulls of their disparate and sometimes conflicting patriotisms, whether religious, cultural, political, or economic. Austrian models of economic reform such as Philipp Ludwig Wenzel von Sinzendorf’s plan for an economic recovery influenced Milanese reformers much like a the reception of French, Spanish, and British economic ideas did, and the unique institutional context in which political economists such as Pietro Verri, Cesare Beccaria, and Sebastiano Franci operated goes a long way towards explaining their seemingly idiosyncratic contribution to the discipline, at once aware of how freer international trade was revolutionizing the world and eminently sensitive to the need for an active economic policy to safeguard Lombardy in an age of ruthless economic competition. Though the Accademia dei pugni historiographically has been considered an incubator of both ‘mercantilism’ and ‘economic liberalism’, a more careful contextualization of the group’s work unveils a coherent political economy that, though hard to fit into historical stereotypes, was not simply torn between theory and practice, ‘laissez-faire’ and ‘protectionism’. In effect, they made one of the greatest contributions to the development of political economy in the eighteenth century.

The present report is part of an SSTA that seeks to provide the MOF with the design and implementation of quantitative tools to carry out industry-level assessments of tariff and subsidy reforms that will both support Viet Nam’s current WTO accession negotiations and provide needed capacity for analyzing alternative policy reforms. To this end, the present study elaborates modeling tools for production shift analysis and the calculations of trade tax revenue effects associated with tariff reform policies. It builds on the recent ADB-assisted study on the structure of protection for various industries, which provided estimates of tariff-related costs of inputs for industries and prices of outputs for import-substituting industries, as well as calculations of their effective rates of protection (ERP). In the present study we use the ERP estimates to examine industry-level output and employment adjustments likely to take place under a variety of tariff reforms. We also address subsidy issues and their incidence in different industries. The results of the present study provide detailed product and industry-specific information on the effects of implementing changes in the structure of protection and, as such, the emphasis is on a practical, action-oriented plan, rather than an academic study.

This paper provides insights into how there is a lack of disciplining of some of the WTO compatible non-tariff barriers at the multilateral level, thereby leading countries to use the permissible provisions under the SPS agreement to surge in deviation from international standards allegedly leading an increased level of protection.  Sometimes this increased level of protection can turn into protectionism – especially when they restrict trade by creating a more than necessary barrier.
To elaborate this issue we have done a mapping of MRL-based standards on active ingredients as provided by the Global MRL Database for 10 countries plus Codex standard (international).  Therefore, this paper is clearly trying to highlight the growing importance of MRL standards on active ingredients in determining global players in agricultural exports from India and other developing countries.  Further, there is an attempt to analyse the interface of tariff liberalisation (MFN) with MRL-based SPS standards which are dominantly present “behind the border”.  An analysis on the stringency is attempted to quantify the MRL standard in comparison to Codex standards for 10 countries. 
Finally, information asymmetry is considered one of the biggest challenges to overcome when it comes to addressing the menace of Non-tariff measure like SPS and TBT measures.  In this paper we have attempted to bridge this by providing exactly what is the level of requirements across 10 countries in terms of active ingredients MRL standards.

Newly collected data in UNCTAD’s Trade Analysis and Information System (TRAINS) database on non-tariff measures (NTMs) offers the possibility to assess its impact on trade. The
approach chosen is using a frequency count, which is the number of NTM on a single product. This novel method can be relevant if one can assume that NTM do have a cost for exporters, even if that cost is unknown. The key concept is the average cost of any NTM. This analysis checks whether more measures imposed on a single product, will increase difficulty for exporters to comply with all requisites and still being able to export competitively. European imports of agrifood products (at 4 digit level) is analysed, and data suggests that higher  frequency of SPS measures may be significant to influence European imports from all countries, and it impacts LDC
in special, particularly those in Africa. Exports could be reduced by around 3 per cent for all countries, and almost 5 per cent for LDC countries for each additional SPS requirement in the
importing country. Other middle income countries are affected in a lesser way. This fact gives strength to the idea that the higher income in a country, the more resources are available to the companies operating in their territory to overcome obstacles posed by NTM in partner markets and continue exporting. Even in the evidence that NTM may negatively affect trade, negotiation for reduction, harmonization or elimination is not automatic or even desirable. Some policy
implications are discussed based on the conclusions.

This article investigates interactions between institutional designs and values upheld by states on institutional effectiveness, for the purpose of understanding why particular institutions perform better than the others in extracting compliance and cooperation from countries. I contend that institutional effectiveness — defined as the ability to extract states’ compliance and foster cooperation — is explained by dynamics between institutional functions and actors’ governing principles. The higher the compatibility between these two factors, the higher the degree of institutions’ effectiveness, and vice versa. This argument was validated through cases of non-tariff barrier (NTB) elimination and trade facilitation under the ASEAN Economic Community framework.

This paper challenges and complements existing studies on the economic impact of Brexit providing a discussion of the UK's decision to leave the EU and how it will affect international trade networks and value-added. Using the World Input-Output Database, we develop a multi-sector inter-country model that allows us to identify the channels through which the economic effects of Brexit would propagate. The inclusion of global value chains and indirect Brexit effects in the model leads to estimates that diverge with the results of the main literature. Indeed our findings, suggest that Brexit could be risky and costly not only for the UK but also for many EU countries. Furthermore, building on the Dietzenbacher and Lahr (2013) method of hypothetical expansion, we develop a second model and present the first empirical analysis on the consequences of domestic import substitution and trade diversion policies in Input-Output schemes. We found that allowing sectors and countries to partly substitute foreign products, leads to significantly lower losses for both macro-regions. In the second model, the UK and EU27 would lose, at worst, the 0.05 and 0.5 percent of value-added, respectively. JEL Classification: C67, R15, F13, F14, O21

This paper addresses the issue of whether Donald Trump should impose a 35% tariff on the importation of certain goods from China and Mexico, and presumably other countries. Applying utilitarian ethics leads to the conclusion that the tariff should not be imposed. The same result is obtained by applying rights theory. This paper also includes a bibliography with links to dozens of publications on various aspects of trade.

This chapter analyses the change in the informal trafficking of standard consumer goods between Israel and the West Bank since summer 2007, when Palestinian Authority’s security forces were redeployed under the supervision of General Dayton. Based on an examination of the trafficking and the strategies developed by the traffickers, the Palestinian Authority’s capacity to territorialise its control in Palestinian enclaves will first be assessed. Changes in the nature of these transactions will then be studied to identify the new forms of regulation that are emerging between the Israeli and Palestinian economies, over and above formal exchanges.

Suomen Attac on vuonna 2001 perustettu kansalaisjärjestö, joka pyrkii edistämään kriittistä globalisaatiokeskustelua, sosiaalista oikeudenmukaisuutta, kansalaislähtöistä demokratiaa, yhteiskunnallista avoimuutta ja kestävää kehitystä. Toiminnallemme on olennaista talouden poliittisuuden korostaminen: kuten muussakin yhteiskunnallisessa toiminnassa, taloudelliset päätökset perustuvat arvoihin, vallan käyttöön ja valintoihin eri vaihtoehtojen välillä. Siksi on tärkeää, että keskeisistä kysymyksistä käydään mahdollisimman laajaa ja avointa keskustelua.

The WTO’s new Agreement on Trade Facilitation (ATF) will help to reverse the region’s deceleration of overall export growth and, when implemented, could add as much as 3 percent to regional GDP and lift employment across the region by 1.2 percent. In the region’s developing economies, inefficient border and behind-the-border procedures are well above those of the NIEs and far exceed those of the developed economies. Persistent and often growing protectionism has broadly continued as countries have added further measures to their stock of Non-Tariff Measures (NTMs), which now account for as much as 90% of trade costs other than transportation. As such, it defines a new reform agenda for the East Asian economies that could have far-reaching effects on private sector development, especially for small businesses that need greater transparency and simplification of procedures to enable them to more readily access regional and global value chains.

The present study discussed the ECOWAS common trade in member countries indicates greater optimism in adoption of single currency. ECOWAS Common Trade Policy is an essential tool for the member countries to eliminate all forms of trade barriers to foster growth and development. This paper took the form of review of the Common Trade Policy in the perspective of trade liberalization, governance and tariff and non-tariff measure in eliminating trade barrier in the region. Intra-states trade is the answer to growth and sustainable development. Single currency proposal and adoption should not be lip service but pragmatic because this will enhance consolidation and strengthening economies of the nation sates in term of business. Flexibility in tariff and non-tariff measure should be encouraged and custom barriers be removed. In conclusion, all efforts must be directed to realization of single currency in ECOWAS region by 2020 to ease business and trade.

Remy Davison, Jean Monnet Chair in Politics & Economics, Monash University.

Keywords: EU integration, Australian trade policy, Free trade agreements, Brexit, Brussels effect. 

The UK’s decision to exit the European Union (EU) is of critical economic importance to Australia. The UK is Australia’s second-largest investment partner and a key point of entry for Australian firms into the EU market. In 2018, Australia and the EU launched free trade agreement (FTA) negotiations, while in 2020, Australia-UK free trade talks commenced.

Following Brexit, the UK is unlikely to have privileged access to the EU Single Market, which will have an impact upon UK outward direct and portfolio investment flows to Australia, with consequential effects upon equity markets. This chapter argues that FTAs enhance EU ‘regulatory power’. Australia also faces increasing competition as it negotiates a UK FTA. Trade competition renders FTA negotiations even more complex, as a prospective US-UK FTA not only reinforces the unpredictability of the AUKFTA outcomes, but also increases the probability of US exporters gaining preferential UK market access at the expense of Australian businesses.