Tariff and Non-tariff Barrier

This paper challenges and complements existing studies on the economic impact of Brexit providing a discussion of the UK's decision to leave the EU and how it will affect international trade networks and value-added. Using the World Input-Output Database, we develop a multi-sector inter-country model that allows us to identify the channels through which the economic effects of Brexit would propagate. The inclusion of global value chains and indirect Brexit effects in the model leads to estimates that diverge with the results of the main literature. Indeed our findings, suggest that Brexit could be risky and costly not only for the UK but also for many EU countries. Furthermore, building on the Dietzenbacher and Lahr (2013) method of hypothetical expansion, we develop a second model and present the first empirical analysis on the consequences of domestic import substitution and trade diversion policies in Input-Output schemes. We found that allowing sectors and countries to partly substitute foreign products, leads to significantly lower losses for both macro-regions. In the second model, the UK and EU27 would lose, at worst, the 0.05 and 0.5 percent of value-added, respectively. JEL Classification: C67, R15, F13, F14, O21

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: High-flying illusions on the part of the proponents and grim predictions on the part of the sceptics have characterised the controversy around Brexit. The article assesses five key issues at stake for post-Brexit relationships between Britain, the EU, and Africa: market access, foreign direct investment (FDI), aid, security, and the nature of the partnership. The analysis focuses on those sub-Saharan African countries that belong to the Commonwealth, as the British government’s vision of a “Global Britain” relies heavily on its reinforced cooperation with Commonwealth nations. The review of potential developments in these different policy fields shows that the expectations of Brexiteers and African politicians alike concerning an enhanced, partnership-like post-Brexit Commonwealth relationship are largely unfounded. Although the post-Brexit United Kingdom will increase African countries’ choices regarding preferred trading partners, it remains questionable whether London could offer something new that other global players with increasing interest in Africa, such as China, do not already have on their agenda. Finally, the Brexit and its spread-effects could also impact negatively on acquired human rights, both in Europe and in Africa. The withdrawal in general will have widely disregard implications for hitherto shared ethics. In fact, the Brexit constitutes a retrograde step in promoting a political and socio-cultural climate which could become similar to that of Apartheid South Africa. This includes the pursuit of ultranationalist goals and compromising on established human rights, for example with respect to growing inequality and the crusade against infidels and outsiders. More generally, the Brexit will also impact negatively on acquired ethics concerning popular articipation, both in Europe and in Africa. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ: [Grande-Bretagne et Afrique: en route pour le naufrage imminent sur le rocher du Brexit] Des illusions vu trop grand de la part des partisans et des sombres prévisions des sceptiques ont caractérisé la controverse autour du Brexit. L'article évalue cinq enjeux clés pour les relations post-Brexit entre la Grande-Bretagne, l'UE et l'Afrique: accès aux marchés, investissements directs étrangers (IDE), aide, sécurité et nature du partenariat. L’analyse se concentre sur les pays d’Afrique subsaharienne appartenant au Commonwealth. La vision du gouvernement britannique d’une «Grande-Bretagne mondiale» repose largement sur sa coopération renforcée avec les pays du Commonwealth et des marchés libéralisés. L'examen des développements potentiels dans ces différents domaines politiques montre que les attentes des Brexiteers et des politiciens africains en ce qui concerne une relation post-Brexit améliorée, fondée sur un partenariat, sont largement infondées. Bien que le Royaume-Uni post-Brexit accroisse les choix des pays africains en matière de partenaires commerciaux privilégiés, on peut se demander si Londres pourrait offrir quelque chose de nouveau que d’autres acteurs mondiaux d’intérêt croissant en Afrique, comme la Chine, n’ont pas encore à leur agenda. Enfin, le Brexit et ses effets de propagation pourraient également avoir une incidence négative sur les droits de l'homme acquis, tant en Europe qu'en Afrique. Le retrait du Royaume-Uni en général aura des implications sur l‘ éthique jusque-là partagée. En fait, le Brexit constitue un pas en arrière dans la promotion d'un climat politique et socioculturel humanitaire. Ce dernier pourrait ressembler dans le future à celui de l'Afrique du Sud de l'apartheid. Cela inclut la poursuite d'objectifs ultranationalistes et la compromission des droits de l'homme établis, par exemple en ce qui concerne l'inégalité croissante et la croisade contre les infidèles et les étrangers. Plus généralement, le Brexit aura également un impact négatif sur l'éthique acquise concernant la participation populaire, tant en Europe qu'en Afrique. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: [Großbritannien und Afrika: auf dem Weg zum drohenden Schiffbruch auf den Brexit-Felsen ] Hochfliegende Illusionen der Befürworter und grimmige Vorhersagen der Skeptiker haben die Kontroverse um den Brexit geprägt. Der Artikel untersucht fünf Schlüsselfragen, die für Beziehungen nach dem Brexit zwischen Großbritannien, der EU und Afrika auf dem Spiel stehen: Marktzugang, ausländische Direktinvestitionen (FDI), Hilfe, Sicherheit und die Art der Partnerschaft. Die Analyse konzentriert sich auf Länder südlich der Sahara, die zum Commonwealth gehören, da die Vision der britischen Regierung von einem "Global Britain" stark von ihrer verstärkten Kooperation mit den Commonwealth-Staaten abhängt. Die Überprüfung möglicher Entwicklungen in diesen verschiedenen Politikbereichen zeigt, dass die Erwartungen von Brexiteers und afrikanischen Politikern hinsichtlich einer verstärkten partnerschaftlichen Beziehung nach dem Brexit Commonwealth weitgehend unbegründet sind. Obwohl Großbritannien nach dem Brexit die Auswahl der bevorzugten Handelspartner in Afrika erhöhen wird, bleibt fraglich, ob London etwas Neues bieten könnte, das andere Global Player mit wachsendem Interesse an Afrika, wie China, nicht bereits auf ihrer Agenda haben. Schließlich könnte der Brexit auch die mühsam erkämpften Menschenrechte sowohl in Europa als auch in Afrika negativ beeinflussen. Denn beim Brexit wurden bislang Auswirkungen auf die gemeinsam geteilte Ethik weitgehend außer Acht gelassen. Tatsächlich stellt der Brexit einen Rückschritt bei der Förderung eines humanen politischen und soziokulturellen Klimas dar. Letzteres droht sich eher in Richtung eines Apartheid Südafrika zu entwickeln, eingeschlossen der Verfolgung ultranationalistischer Ziele und der Schwächung etablierten Menschenrechte, beispielsweise hinsichtlich wachsender Ungleichheit und des Kreuzzugs gegen ‚Ungläubige‘ und Außenstehende. Generell wird der Brexit außerdem negative Auswirkungen auf die partizipative Ethik haben, sowohl in Europa als auch in Afrika.

The last sixty years witnessed an unprecedented expansion of international trade. The system created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and later by the World Trade Organization (WTO) has proved to be an efficient tool for the elimination of trade tariff barriers. This process also coincided with the increased national risk regulatory controls. Governments, responding to the demands of their domestic constituencies, have adopted a wide range of regulatory measures aimed at protecting the environment and human health. Although for the most part, these new regulatory initiatives served legitimate objectives, it has also turned out that internal measures might become an attractive vehicle for protectionism, taking the place that was traditionally occupied by tariff barriers. The WTO Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS Agreement) is an attempt by the international community to limit possible abuses while accepting a considerable margin of regulatory discretion of WTO Members. Does it optimally strike a balance between competing objectives of international free trade and regulatory freedom in the field of risk regulation? In answering this question, the book engages in a comprehensive and critical examination of the substantive provisions of the SPS Agreement and the corresponding case law. Special attention is paid to three specific issues: the appropriateness of the disciplines established by the SPS Agreement, the consistency of their interpretation by the WTO case law, and the normative content of those requirements that have not yet been addressed by SPS jurisprudence. The book concludes that despite some failures of the SPS system, the Agreement provides an operable and efficient mechanism for the supervision of domestic SPS measures.

This article investigates interactions between institutional designs and values upheld by states on institutional effectiveness, for the purpose of understanding why particular institutions perform better than the others in extracting compliance and cooperation from countries. I contend that institutional effectiveness-defined as the ability to extract states' compliance and foster cooperation-is explained by dynamics between institutional functions and actors' governing principles. The higher the compatibility between these two factors, the higher the degree of institutions' effectiveness, and vice versa. This argument was validated through cases of non-tariff barrier (NTB) elimination and trade facilitation under the ASEAN Economic Community framework.

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: The international discussion of Trump's dispute over import tariffs for steel, aluminum and even cars is so far focused on the big global players. However, African countries suffer in particular from the planned punitive tariffs, similar to the famous African proverb: 'When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers'. After years of talk on partnership for economic development (AGOA, Cotonou Agreement, EPAs, etc.) Trump’s tariffs mean a severe blow to participatory foreign trade and sustainable industrialization in Africa. Egypt and South Africa for example, the potentially most affected African countries, face massive job losses and earning opportunities, with all the consequences that this entails for their already fragile economy and the population in dire poverty. Trump’s intervention thus joins the continued power politics of former colonial powers vis à vis Africa. Nevertheless, despite these asymmetric power relations, unfair trade relations and the desolate state of African infant industries are not necessarily due to externalities. More often than not they are home-made. African agency plays an ambiguous role in enhancing participatory trade and indigenous industrialization. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ RÉSUMÉ:  RÉSUMÉ: [L'impact des tarifs de Trump sur l'Afrique et le rôle ambigu de l'Agence africaine] La discussion internationale sur le différend de Trump au sujet des tarifs d'importation pour l'acier, l'aluminium, et même les voitures est jusqu'ici concentrée sur les grands acteurs mondiaux. Cependant, les pays africains souffrent aussi des tarifs punitifs prévus, semblables au fameux proverbe africain, ‘Quand les éléphants se battent, c'est l'herbe qui souffre’. Après des années de discussions sur le partenariat pour le développement économique (AGOA, Accord de Cotonou, APE, etc.), les tarifs de Trump signifient un coup dur pour le commerce extérieur participatif et l'industrialisation durable en Afrique. L'Egypte et l'Afrique du Sud par exemple, les pays africains potentiellement les plus touchés, font face à des pertes massives d'emplois et des opportunités de revenus, avec toutes les conséquences que cela entraîne pour leur économie déjà fragile et la pauvreté extrême. L'intervention de Trump rejoint ainsi la politique de puissance continue des anciennes puissances coloniales vis-à-vis de l'Afrique. Néanmoins, malgré ces relations de pouvoir asymétriques, les relations commerciales injustes et l'état désolé des industries naissantes africaines ne sont pas nécessairement dus aux externalités. Plus souvent qu'autrement, ils sont faits maison. L'agence africaine joue un rôle ambigu dans le renforcement du commerce participatif et de l'industrialisation indigène.  --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Die internationale Diskussion über Trumps Streit um die Einfuhrzölle für Stahl, Aluminium und sogar Autos konzentriert sich bisher auf die großen Global Player. Aber auch afrikanische Länder leiden unter den geplanten Strafzöllen, ähnlich dem berühmten afrikanischen Sprichwort: ‚Wenn Elefanten kämpfen, leidet das Gras‘. Nach jahrelangen Kontroversen über Partnerschaft für wirtschaftliche Entwicklung (AGOA, Abkommen von Cotonou, EPAs usw.) bedeuten Trumps Zölle einen schweren Schlag für den partizipativen Außenhandel und die nachhaltige Industrialisierung in Afrika. Ägypten und Südafrika zum Beispiel, die potenziell am stärksten betroffenen afrikanischen Länder, sind mit massiven Arbeitsplatzverlusten und Verdienstmöglichkeiten konfrontiert, mit allen Konsequenzen, die dies für ihre bereits fragile Wirtschaft und die Bevölkerung in bitterer Armut mit sich bringt. Trumps Intervention schließt sich damit der fortgesetzten Machtpolitik ehemaliger Kolonialmächte gegenüber Afrika an. Trotz dieser asymmetrischen Machtverhältnisse sind unfaire Handelsbeziehungen und der desolate Zustand der afrikanischen Industrien nicht notwendigerweise auf externe Faktoren zurückzuführen, sondern oft selbst verschuldet. Afrikanisches Handlungsvermögen spielt eine zweideutige Rolle bei der Förderung des partizipativen Handels und der indigenen Industrialisierung.

Newly collected data in UNCTAD’s Trade Analysis and Information System (TRAINS) database on non-tariff measures (NTMs) offers the possibility to assess its impact on trade. The
approach chosen is using a frequency count, which is the number of NTM on a single product. This novel method can be relevant if one can assume that NTM do have a cost for exporters, even if that cost is unknown. The key concept is the average cost of any NTM. This analysis checks whether more measures imposed on a single product, will increase difficulty for exporters to comply with all requisites and still being able to export competitively. European imports of agrifood products (at 4 digit level) is analysed, and data suggests that higher  frequency of SPS measures may be significant to influence European imports from all countries, and it impacts LDC
in special, particularly those in Africa. Exports could be reduced by around 3 per cent for all countries, and almost 5 per cent for LDC countries for each additional SPS requirement in the
importing country. Other middle income countries are affected in a lesser way. This fact gives strength to the idea that the higher income in a country, the more resources are available to the companies operating in their territory to overcome obstacles posed by NTM in partner markets and continue exporting. Even in the evidence that NTM may negatively affect trade, negotiation for reduction, harmonization or elimination is not automatic or even desirable. Some policy
implications are discussed based on the conclusions.

Great strides have been made recently in the theoretical approach to quantifying nontariff barriers. Modifying an approach proposed by Novy (2013), this article attempts to understand the extent of nontariff barriers between Ukraine and its major trading partners in goods, as well as fashioning a new approach to trade in services. I provide the first comprehensive estimates of ad valorem equivalents of the nontariff measures that exist in Ukraine.

The ASEAN India Free Trade Agreement has brought the opportunities to the Indian industry as well as challenges as it has been in force on 1 st January, 2010. There is no clear cut estimates about the gains which will come to India especially in the sectors of agriculture, plantation and fisheries, however some of the sector which are labour intensive or unorganised will be facing the bigger challenges. This paper attempts to examine the impact of FTA where the tariff is either reduced or eliminated on some of the agricultural products like tea, coffee, rubber and fisheries which have been projected as sensitive for India. The commitment of India & ASEAN under the FTA is analysed along with the trade and tariff data. While doing so the paper looks at some of the empirical evidence to examine the impact of India's unilateral tariff liberalisation Post-Uruguay Round by taking into consideration India's imports, domestic production etc. These results are then extrapolated to examine the tariff liberalisation impact on the domestic economy in view of India's commitment in the ASEAN-India FTA. The study is divided into three parts. The first part deals with the history of India -ASEAN relationship and highlights the features of India -ASEAN FTA. The second part does the case study of fisheries, pepper, tea, coffee, coconut and rubber etc. with regard to FTA and likely impact on India. The Final part gives a broad conclusion of the study. The study first looks at the bilateral trade data and then highlights the salient features of India -ASEAN FTA. It then reviews some of the literary works that have been carried out in this regard. The study thereafter looks at the historical trends of production, prices, trade values and tariffs on identified items at a national level as well as the items in India's tariff liberalisation programme (TLP). In the next section while identifying the position of it also examines the position of these items in ASEAN's TLP so as to assess whether Indian producers will get equal opportunities for preferential market access there or not. A comparison of the unit value price of Indian producers as well ASEAN members has been made to look at their respective competitiveness not only in the international markets but each others' market as well. The study gives its finding at the end summarising where the threats are there and where are the opportunities for Indian producers. JEL Classification: F02, F13, F20, C00, C22

This commentary examines the recent Appellate Body Report in Russia – Pigs. This case is salient because it offers further clarification of the principle of regionalisation in the context of WTO law. By reading the different terms of Article 6 of the SPS Agreement in a holistic way, the Appellate Body has offered an interpretation of the legal text that arguably strengthens the principle.

With rising levels of food and livelihood insecurity among poor farmers, many developing members at the WTO are demanding special safeguard mechanism (SSM) for shielding their agriculture from import surges and price declines. Most of developing members do not have any trade instrument under the WTO to address it except by increasing the applied tariff to bound level. Similar to special agricultural safeguards (SSGs) which is available only to few members, SSM seeks to provide flexibility to developing members to breach the bound tariff in special cases of import surges and price dips in order to minimize its adverse impact. In this context, this study identifies the agricultural products facing import surges in selected developing members namely Ghana, India, Indonesia, Namibia, Philippines, Senegal, Sri Lanka, and Turkey. The uniqueness of this study is derived from the fact that it also evaluates the policy space available to selected members on these tariff lines in terms of tariff overhang under their existing schedules as well as proposed tariff reductions under agriculture negotiations. Beside this, it critically scrutinizes various issues such as cross-check conditions, triggers and remedies in order to highlight the sensitivities of developing members in accessibility, effectiveness, and other technical aspects of this mechanism. The study identifies some of the provisions contained in the most recent version of the negotiating texts which could render the SSM an ineffective policy instrument and difficult to operationalise.
Keywords: Agreement on Agriculture, Domestic support, de minimis limit, Amber box, Negotiations, WTO
JEL Classification: F13, F14, F17, Q17

Abstract - This paper shows the high welfare cost of protectionism in French Polynesia, a French overseas territory with one of the highest level of import duties in the world. We find that the net welfare loss is 47% of the value added of industry for a unitary price elasticity of imports, or 23333 euros per employ- ee in the local industry. We show that import substitution has had no long run positive effect on growth. It only had a positive but small effect during periods when import duties were rising rapidly. The findings suggest that import substi- tution can stimulate growth only at the price of an ever-rising rate of import duty, and only at the expense of export competitiveness and therefore of long run growth.
Keywords - FRENCH POLYNESIA, ENDOGENOUS DEVELOPMENT, IMPORT SUBSTITUTION, PROTECTIONISM AND GROWTH

Trade liberalization and economic integration have been globally adopted to accelerate the collective economic growth. Specifically trade liberalization is viewed as a crucial economic factor that promotes local economic development through promoting local economy into the global trade. This phenomenon is also found in Indonesia with its involvement in the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) as a multilateral agreement that selected specific industry sectors for trade inclusion. This article reviews the impact of AFTA trade liberalization on districts economic growth in the context of Indonesia’s decentralised domestic political system. The article argues that the persistent dominant role of central government is still needed to ensure the AFTA’s benefits for the district development.

This paper addresses the issue of whether Donald Trump should impose a 35% tariff on the importation of certain goods from China and Mexico, and presumably other countries. Applying utilitarian ethics leads to the conclusion that the tariff should not be imposed. The same result is obtained by applying rights theory. This paper also includes a bibliography with links to dozens of publications on various aspects of trade.

The WTO’s new Agreement on Trade Facilitation (ATF) will help to reverse the region’s deceleration of overall export growth and, when implemented, could add as much as 3 percent to regional GDP and lift employment across the region by 1.2 percent. In the region’s developing economies, inefficient border and behind-the-border procedures are well above those of the NIEs and far exceed those of the developed economies. Persistent and often growing protectionism has broadly continued as countries have added further measures to their stock of Non-Tariff Measures (NTMs), which now account for as much as 90% of trade costs other than transportation. As such, it defines a new reform agenda for the East Asian economies that could have far-reaching effects on private sector development, especially for small businesses that need greater transparency and simplification of procedures to enable them to more readily access regional and global value chains.

The present report is part of an SSTA that seeks to provide the MOF with the design and implementation of quantitative tools to carry out industry-level assessments of tariff and subsidy reforms that will both support Viet Nam’s current WTO accession negotiations and provide needed capacity for analyzing alternative policy reforms. To this end, the present study elaborates modeling tools for production shift analysis and the calculations of trade tax revenue effects associated with tariff reform policies. It builds on the recent ADB-assisted study on the structure of protection for various industries, which provided estimates of tariff-related costs of inputs for industries and prices of outputs for import-substituting industries, as well as calculations of their effective rates of protection (ERP). In the present study we use the ERP estimates to examine industry-level output and employment adjustments likely to take place under a variety of tariff reforms. We also address subsidy issues and their incidence in different industries. The results of the present study provide detailed product and industry-specific information on the effects of implementing changes in the structure of protection and, as such, the emphasis is on a practical, action-oriented plan, rather than an academic study.

The impact of foreign collaborations or international technology transfers in developing host countries has been a major bone of contention. Literature on this subject has varied views and the role of MNCs in and the sharing of the net benefits between the technology givers and technology takers has been a subject of continuous controversy. The issue has further assumed greater importance with assiduous process of economic liberalisation and globalisation and sets out an agenda for further research on this subtle subject. Considering the nature of tangible assets and the advantages MNCs lend to the host country's industry, it is general refrain that the units operating with foreign technology should reveal better performance than their local counterparts. This study, which is based on the data pertaining to pre-liberalisation period of Indian economy has examined the impact of foreign technology with respect to R&D, foreign trade and industrial competitiveness by using several variables and issues or restrictive clauses put in the foreign collaboration agreements for the Indian automobile industry and has come out with some striking findings that shatters the common perception regarding the likely superior performance of units operating with foreign collaborations and logically underscores the factors behind it and put forward notable policy implication.

Azerbaijan’s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) has been under discussion since the late 1990s, however this process is not any closer to being achieved today. Despite the government’s multiple economic reforms and the implementation of strategic roadmaps, the same can not be said about Azerbaijan’s commitment to bilateral and multilateral market access negotiations (WTO 2017). The objective of this article is to investigate the potential impact of WTO accession on the economic strategy of Azerbaijan. Contrary to other WTO members, China does not automatically apply the Most-Favored Nation (MFN) tariff rate to non-members. The cost-benefit analysis in this paper suggests that the Azerbaijani goods with the highest untapped potential in China suffer from the application of the General Tariff Rate (GTR) versus the MFN tariff applied to all WTO members (China Customs 2021; International Trade Center, 2021). Findings suggest that Azerbaijan’s WTO accession is required for this country to integrate into the Middle Corridor and reap its benefits fully.

The changing consumption pattern of Nigerians occasioned by increasing urbanization has made rice a critical food consumed in urban Nigeria. Imported rice has gained prominence and government over the years has used trade policy measures to influence rice consumption. The most recent was the suspension of tariff on imported rice from April to October, 2008. This study examined the consumption pattern of households in Ibadan, Southwest Nigeria over 2 periods; before and after April, 2008. Data were collected using structured questionnaires, administered to 102 randomly selected households. Data were analyzed using descriptive and regression techniques (AIDS model). This study showed rice as a major staple contributing largely to food security in Nigeria. However, the effect of tariff suspensions led to a reduction in price of rice after the tariff suspension, thus making it affordable to the majority of households. This tends to cushion the effect of the grain crisis witnessed before the suspension.

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini berusaha menjelaskan bagaimana pihak ketiga ataupun kelompok kepentingan dapat mempengaruhi suatu kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh pihak berwenang dimana dalam penelitian ini adalah European Biodiesel Board (EBB) yang melakukan dorongan pada European Commission (EC)sebagai pihak pembuat kebijakan untuk melakukan perubahan keputusan pemberian bea masuk anti-dumping (BMAD) kepada produk biodiesel berbasis crude palm oil (CPO) asal Indonesia yang diekspor ke wilayah Uni Eropa. Pengaruh ini tidak lepas dari laporan EBB kepada EC tentang tuduhan dumping yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia terhadap produk biodiesel CPO di pasar Uni Eropa. Biodiesel CPO sendiri di pasar Uni Eropa memiliki peminat yang cukup banyak karena memiliki proses pembakaran yang cepat dan lebih murah daripada biodiesel berbasis rapeseed methyl esters (RME) yang selama ini beredar di Uni Eropa. Dengan adanya laporan tersebut kemudian EC melakukan investigasi yang menghasilkan keputusan pemberian BMAD bagi biodiesel Indonesia sebagai bentuk tindakan proteksionis terhadap pasar domestik. Dalam penelitian ini penulis akan menganalisis bagaimana proses kebijakan perlindungan perdagangan dibuat di Uni Eropa termasuk regulasinya, serta menganalisis faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan terjadinya perubahan kebijakan.

Businesses, especially micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), face many challenges in understanding and complying with international commercial rules and regulations. Research also indicates low utilisation of eligible tariff preferences, or favourable tax rules, by traders. In other words, many businesses do not always effectively benefit from their negotiated market advantages. Unfortunately, the current "version history" (or stage in the functional evolution) of trade policy creates costs for governments, firms and consumers and constrains achievement of the benefits associated with free trade.

In a recent article for LSE Business Review, I introduced the classification of "trade policy 3.0" and the emergent "internet of rules" (IoR): a networked repository of executable forms of rules written in computer language. The distinctive character of trade policy 3.0 is that, in addition to "writing down the rules" of trade in natural language (trade policy 1.0) and use of "single window systems" that replicate paper-based delivery in the digital realm (trade policy 2.0), countries are able to publish computational rules to the internet in a standard way.

U ovom radu autorka istražuje stvarni doprinos GATT odnosno STO snižavanju carina i otvaranju tržišta. GATT je imao ključnu ulogu u snižavanju carina nepoljoprivrednih proizvoda u razvijenim zemljama, ali ipak pojedine procene o snižavanju carina u praksi mogu biti i preuveličane. Zemlje u razvoju imale su, pre Urugvajske runde, malu korist od GATT u snižavanju i konsolidaciji svojih carina. Obaveze preuzete u Urugvajskoj rundi pregovora su obuhvatile široku konsolidaciju carina, ali ponekad na nivoima koji su daleko iznad primenjenih stopa. U radu se takođe analiziraju i efekti GATT/STO na rast svetske trgovine.

ABSTRACT: The paper has as its core point to identify if the sustainability criteria established by
European Union in relation to renewable energy and biofuels, throughout the Directives 2009/28/CE and
2009/30/CE is a legitimate measure in respect of sustainability or can be identified as ecoprotectionism
(green protectionism), i.e, the use of legal and administrative regulation with allegedly environmental
focus for the implementation of measures that in reality distort the flow of goods in the context of
international trade, as a result violating commitments on regional and international grounds, essentially
in relation to the World Trade Organization (WTO). The research is divided in three parts. First chapter, a
theoretical one, touches upon i) the theoretical and global foundations of economic and environmental
sustainability; ii) description the factors that make possible to merge international competition and
international trade, in a general conceptual perspective, establishing the most relevant points of
contact on both areas, and iii) inserts biofuels on this context and how it interacts with the points
above mentioned. Second chapter, more technical, on its first part refers to the legal, economic
and political motivations for the implementation of restrictive practices of international trade that
can also affect international competition. Second part lists types of barriers for trade and the third
part focuses on the WTO, with emphasis on the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT),
the Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phitosanitary Measures (SPS Agreement) and the
Agreement of Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT Agreement). On the same point, cases were the before
mentioned barriers were implemented and consequently challenged on the World Trade Organization
are analyzed, pointing out the main findings of the Appellate Body decisions, especially those within
an environmental context. The issue regarding trade in biofuels is also analyzed. Third chapter has the
same three folded structure and first depicts the European Union renewable energy policy. Second
part analyzes in deep the content of the Directives 2009/28/CE and 2009/30/CE, specifically the before
mentioned sustainability criteria and third part verifies if this regulation has a content that complies
with sustainability matters or if it configures as green protectionism, violating existent European Union
international legal commitments, essentially before WTO. The conclusion of the research is that the
Directives 2009/28/CE and 2009/30/CE violate WTO agreements, specially GATT, not satisfactorily
complying with all aspects of the concept entailed by sustainable development.
KEYWORDS: Biofuels, Sustainability Criteria, European Union, International Competition, International
Trade, Sustainability, Environmental Trade Barriers, Green Protectionism, Ecoprotectionism.

The historiography of political economy is currently undergoing a cultural turn, as abstract histories of economics on the model of Joseph A. Schumpeter’s History of Economic Analysis give way to more nuanced studies of economic ideas in their specific historical contexts. My essay contributes to this historiographical movement by contextualizing the economic theories and policies formulated by the members of the Accademia dei pugni in Austrian Lombardy in the 1760s and 70s. Particularly, it focuses on the practical exigencies of their Lombard context and the respective pulls of their disparate and sometimes conflicting patriotisms, whether religious, cultural, political, or economic. Austrian models of economic reform such as Philipp Ludwig Wenzel von Sinzendorf’s plan for an economic recovery influenced Milanese reformers much like a the reception of French, Spanish, and British economic ideas did, and the unique institutional context in which political economists such as Pietro Verri, Cesare Beccaria, and Sebastiano Franci operated goes a long way towards explaining their seemingly idiosyncratic contribution to the discipline, at once aware of how freer international trade was revolutionizing the world and eminently sensitive to the need for an active economic policy to safeguard Lombardy in an age of ruthless economic competition. Though the Accademia dei pugni historiographically has been considered an incubator of both ‘mercantilism’ and ‘economic liberalism’, a more careful contextualization of the group’s work unveils a coherent political economy that, though hard to fit into historical stereotypes, was not simply torn between theory and practice, ‘laissez-faire’ and ‘protectionism’. In effect, they made one of the greatest contributions to the development of political economy in the eighteenth century.

This study evaluates the technical feasability of tariff liberalization in Egypt and possible implementation strategies. It has been undertaken on behalf of the Ministry of Economy and Foreign Trade and the Ministry of Finance by a consulting team of the Development Economic Policy Reform Analysis Project (DEPRA). The overall purpose of this study is to provide the Ministry of Economy and Foreign Trade and the Ministry of Finance with advice on how to proceed with tariff reform in a manner that is economically and technically viable, supportive of the Government’s overall reform program objectives and responsive to private sector needs.

The guidelines for examining alternative tariff liberalization strategies that were communicated to the study team have been that (a) tariff reforms should be as revenue-neutral as possible, (b) the reforms should cause as few disruptions to employment as possible, and (c) the reforms should have a minimal effect on Egypt’s important industries. As such, the study aims to develop an action plan for implementing a new round of tariff reform that addresses the fiscal revenue, industrial production and labor adjustment issues of the Egyptian economy. The emphasis is on a practical, action-oriented plan, rather than an academic study.

Multinational Enterprises with the international transfer of technology to developing countries generally stipulate certain restrictive clauses in the foreign collaboration agreements (FCAs) which govern the over all operations and profitability of the technology importing firms. Amongst the various types of clauses the export restrictions constitute major part of such clauses. These clauses are popularly known as export restrictions (ERs) and may restrict the export of the resultant output of the new technology. These ERs are commonly practiced the world over, however, their real impact on firms export performance/global operations has been a topic of debate. However, the question arises as to why the right of exports of technology importers with the application of such practices be restricted by MNCs.

This chapter focuses on informal trafficking of daily consumption goods between Israel and the West Bank since the redeployments of the Palestinian Authority’s security forces in summer 2007. Through the study of these traffics and the strategies of the actors who organize them, we first assess the capacity of the Palestinian Authority to territorialize its control over Palestinian autonomous enclaves. Second, through the analysis of the content of these informal transactions, we intend to grasp the new forms of economic regulations that emerge, beyond formal exchanges, between the Palestinian economy and the Israeli economy.

Ce chapitre analyse l’évolution des trafics informels de biens de consommation courante entre Israël et la Cisjordanie depuis les redéploiements des forces de sécurité de l’Autorité palestinienne supervisés par le Général Dayton au cours de l’été 2007. A partir de l’examen de ces trafics et des stratégies développées par leurs promoteurs, il évaluera d’abord la capacité de l’Autorité palestinienne à territorialiser son contrôle dans les enclaves palestiniennes. L’étude de l’évolution du contenu de ces transactions permettra ensuite de cerner les nouvelles formes de régulation qui émergent entre l’économie israélienne et palestinienne, au-delà des échanges formels.