Pragmaticalization and Grammaticalization

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This chapter proposes a principled distinction between discourse markers, cohesive devices that stress intra-discourse relations, and pragmatic markers, functional items that have interactional and (inter)subjective meanings. Well aware of the challenge that defining and delimiting such elusive entities entails, we first offer a synthesis of the features shared between the two categories of markers by focusing on their shared properties, with a view to providing an introductory picture of Romance discourse and pragmatic markers. The chapter then seeks to regroup the main classifications found in the Romance pragmatic literature and argue for a prototype-based approach. Lastly, the picture is enhanced by adding a further parameter for distinguishing discourse marking functions from pragmatic marking functions, namely their developmental behavior-a criterion that encompasses not only their functional properties in language use, but also their different behavior in language change.

In this editors’ introduction to the volume, we first seek to briefly place the study of discourse markers within the study of (Romance) linguistics more broadly, outlining some of the ways in which Romance linguists have been at the forefront of research in this field (§1). We then sketch the definition of DMs that we have been assuming as volume editors in §2. In the central §3, we give a more in-depth overview of the current state of the art regarding the diachronic rise of DMs, focusing in particular on the notion of (inter)subjectification and on the competing models that have been proposed to explain the evolution of markers, i.e. grammaticalization, pragmaticalization, constructionalization, and cooptation. Finally, §4 provides a rationale for the structure of the Manual along with summaries of the individual chapters.

The article proposes an approach to the types of functioning and mechanisms of change intervening in the rise of the discourse marker comme de raison in French, associated with evidentiality. The diachronic analysis provides the opportunity to study the relationship between comme de raison and the meanings of raison, but also the type of structure at the origin of the discourse marker. The status of the construction will be questioned, which is intertwined with the discussion about the mechanism of change (lexicalization, grammaticalization / pragmaticalization, cooptation). The semantic evolution could be described as follows: from « what is normal, right to do, what should be done » to « what is normal, right to say, what
should be said », since this could be inferred from a previous sentence or a more general context.

Резюме. Статья посвящена исследованию особенностей медицинского патологоанатомического дискурса как связной речи и как языкового коррелята медицинской практики с учётом анализа его стратегий и тактик. Цель работы-дать многоаспектный анализ речевых стратегий и тактик патологоанатомического дискурса и способов их реализации. К основным стратегиям патологоанатомического варианта медицинского дискурса относятся предваряющая, диагностирующая и объясняющая. Вспомогательными стратегиями являются прагматическая, диалоговая и риторическая. Прагматическая стратегия реализуется при помощи контактоустанавливающих тактик, диалоговая-при помощи контролирующих тактик, риторическая-при помощи тактики коррекции внимания. Вышеуказанные тактики и стратегии используются при выделении основных, тесно связанных между собой стратегий: "контакт стратегия" (налаживание контакта c родственниками пациента-фатические реплики приветствия и обращения) и "стратегия объяснения" (используется в практике патолога для подробного объяснения причин смерти пациента). Рассматривается этический аспект речевого поведения врача-патологоанатома.

Neste artigo, discute-se o papel discursivo, semântico e sintático dos marcadores discursivos de origem conjuncional do alemão e do português ( wobei, weil e obwohl; porque e que) e enumeram-se algumas evidências a respeito do processo de gramaticalização/pragmaticalização desses marcadores em ambas as lí nguas. O estudo faz parte de um projeto de análise contrastiva dos processos de gramaticalização das sentenças complexas do alemão e do português e toma como base uma perspectiva teórica cognitivo-discursiva.

In zahlreichen Sprachen wurde bereits beobachtet, dass epistemische Ausdrücke, wie auch das deutsche glaub, ähnliche Entwicklungswege einschlagen. Giorgi und Pianesi (2005) haben das italienische credo untersucht und dabei festgestellt, dass sich der Ausdruck der Klasse der Adverbiale angenähert hat. Thompson und Mulac (1991: 320) dokumentierten beim englischen I think und I guess, dass sie öfter ohne that als andere epistemische Ausdrücke des Englischen auftreten. Die Tilgung von that stellt ein Zeichen von Grammatikalisierung dar (Thompson/Mulac 1991: 314). Das Adverbial glo ('möglicherweise') im Afrikaans ist ebenso auf den epistemischen Ausdruck glo ek ('ich glaube') zurückzuführen (Thompson/Mulac 1991: 318). Der ungarische epistemische Ausdruck hat sich durch Fusion und phonologische Reduktion aus dem Ausdruck azt hiszem herausgebildet. Es wurde bereits dokumentiert, dass es wesentlich weniger Nebensätze mit hogy einleitet als die längere Form azt hiszem, was auch auf einen Grammatikalisierungsprozess hindeutet (Fehérvári i. V.). Wie auch die oben vorgestellten Tendenzen zeigen, scheinen die Entwicklungen von epistemischen Ausdrücken oft einen ähnlichen Pfad einzuschlagen. Die Vorstellung von universal paths ("universelle Wege") bezeichnet "Grammatikalisierungsprozesse aus sprachübergreifend verwandten Grundbedeutungen, [die dazu] tendieren, in verschiedenen Sprachen den gleichen Verlauf zu nehmen. Dies ist auf gemeinsame kognitive und kommunikative Rahmenbedingungen, die dem Sprachgebrauch unterliegen, zurückzuführen" (Bybee et al. 1994, zitiert nach Viesel 2011: 28). Aufgrund der oben vorgestellten Tendenzen ist anzunehmen, dass das deutsche Verb glauben von ähnlichen Entwicklungen betroffen ist. Vor diesem Hintergrund beschäftigt sich der Beitrag mit dem deutschen epistemischen Verb glauben und stellt dessen sprachliche Entwicklungen vor, die allmählich zur reduzierten Form glaub geführt hatten. Darüber hinaus wird mit Blick auf unterschiedliche Grammatikalisierungsauffassungen der Frage nachgegangen, ob die Sprachwandelprozesse, die die glauben-Konstruktionen betreffen, als Grammatikalisierung aufgefasst werden können.

Quite a few of the technical terms used in research on "complex predicates" are understood differently by different researchers, or have a vague or unclear meaning. This paper offers discussions and definitions of the terms serial verb construction, converb, and auxiliary, as well as the terms grammaticalization and inventorization (corresponding to "lexicalization"). The definitions rely on other well-defined terms and are largely in line with earlier usage, but of course not entirely. I also propose the novel term biverbal predicate construction that is defined in a simple way and does not rely on the vague term "complex predicate". The paper provides some general principles of good comparative-concept terms and reflects on the reasons for terminological divergence in linguistics.

Intro: the role of prosody in the emergence and development of discourse markers 2. Cioè in present-day spoken Italian Cioè as a reformulation/correction marker Extended uses of cioè: online planning, stressing, turn-taking 3. Working hypothesis: different prosodic patterns for different functions? 4. Method and sample 5. Results 6. Conclusions and future prospects

Taking a semasiological perspective, this contribution follows the diachronic development of two etymologically unrelated forms, Occitan be(n) and pla(n) and their Latin ancestors BĔNĔ and PLĀNĒ, exploring whether their developmental trajectories can be considered an instance of a pragmatic cycle, or whether they are simply the instantiation of a cline motivated by general cognitive constraints. The conclusion reached is that there is indeed an identifiable grammaticalization path, which also holds cross-linguistically, but that at the same time the meanings of the individual steps of the path are renewed in turn by different lexical items, each developing distinct functions. It is, therefore, an instance of an onomasiological semantic-pragmatic cycle. Considering the nature of the source meanings of be(n) and pla(n), this contribution concludes that there are grounds to suggest the existence of an identifiable cycle associated with manner adverbs, on the lines of what has already been proposed for temporal-aspectual adverbs.

Workshop: 27th International Conference on Historical Linguistics https://ichl27santiago.cl/portfolio/
We welcome further contributions (in both English and Spanish) to the workshop that address word-class changes from different frameworks, in order to share perspectives on the following questions and beyond:
 Which kinds of word-class changes can we find across languages?
 How can we relate this phenomenon to assumptions about categories and functional information?
 What are the common properties/features that might motivate this kind of changes?
 How could the empirical evidence on this topic refine the theoretical frameworks?
 Where are the shared properties/features located: in the lexical items, in the syntax, in neighboring elements?

O presente trabalho discute diferentes estratégias de retextualização no processo de tradução de um texto acadêmico, especialmente no caso de transposição de um gênero mais próximo à oralidade a outro, mais próximo da escrituralidade. A edição crítica em português que incorpora estas estratégias de retextualização é desenvolvida tomando como base não só a primeira edição do manual didático-científico Textlinguistik de Eugenio Coseriu, fixada em alemão por Albrecht a partir de gravações em áudio de aulas ministradas por Coseriu em 1977/78, como também as edições em italiano e espanhol. Neste trabalho, diferentes estratégias de verbalização que permitem o deslocamento do texto em direção à escrituralidade são ilustradas e fundamentadas teoricamente, segundo os pressupostos teóricos do modelo de Tradições Discursivas, de base coseriana, que entende a língua como um diassistema de textos e variedades linguísticas localizadas no contínuo de oralidade e escrituralidade.This paper discusse...

Il presente contributo propone l'analisi di alcune forme verbali prefissate della Povest' vremennych let, composta in territorio slavo orientale nei secc. XI-XII e trasmessa nella sua versione più antica e completa dalla Cronaca Laurenziana (seconda metà del XIV sec.) 2. Si tratta di forme verbali prefissate transitive, che derivano dall'unione del preverbo con basi verbali intransitive. Si cercherà di interpretare il fenomeno dal punto di vista semantico e sintattico, analizzando in primo luogo il mutamento della classe azionale delle forme verbali in seguito alla prefissazione, e successivamente la struttura argomentale dei sintagmi verbali in cui esse sono inserite, al fine di rilevare le conseguenze della prefissazione sulle caratteristiche aspettuali delle forme stesse. 1 L'espressione "russo antico" si riferisce alla lingua usata in territorio slavo orientale nei secoli XI-XIV. Si tratta di un'espressione convenzionale che non intende attribuire alla lingua un carattere di appartenenza nazionale ante litteram. 2 L'edizione di riferimento è il reprint del 2001 (PSRL 2001) dell'edizione curata da E.F. Karskij nel 1926 (PSRL 1926). Può destare qualche perplessità la scelta di analizzare le forme verbali di un'opera il cui codex vetustior, il Laurenziano, è posteriore di ca. 250 anni rispetto al periodo della sua composizione. Occorre però dire che il quadro da noi descritto non viene presentato come riflesso della situazione linguistica dei secc. XI-XII, bensì come riflesso della situazione linguistica della Povest', appunto, con tutte le sue implicazioni (ed i limiti) di carattere testuale.

La sintassi generativa classica distingue due tipi di subordinate adnominali 1 : i complementi frasali e i modificatori frasali, illustrati rispettivamente in (1) e (2). In diverse lingue, fra le quali il bulgaro e l'inglese, i due tipi di subordinate sono introdotte da un complementatore (če, that), mentre in altre, compreso l'italiano, sono introdotte da un pronome relativo (che). In questo articolo mi soffermerò sul bulgaro, nel tentativo di chiarire la natura sintattica della frase subordinata in esempi come (1) e (2) e il suo rapporto funzionale con l'elemento nominale (N) che funge da testa del sintagma nominale. (1a) Săobštenieto, če detskata gradina šte băde zakrita săzdade panika sred roditelite 'La comunicazione che l'asilo chiuderà ha provocato panico tra i genitori.' (1b) Tvărdenieto, če kapitalizmăt e nechumanen stroj, se zatvărdi prez godinite na krizata. 'L'affermazione che il capitalismo è un sistema disumano, si è rafforzata durante gli anni della crisi' (2a) Vidja li kraja na filma, # če samata tja e inscenirala otvličaneto? 'Hai visto la fine del film, che è stata lei stessa a organizzare la rapina?' (2b) Znaeš li za naj-novata moda, # če sega se nosjat obuvki na cvetja? 'Sai della nuova moda, che adesso si portano scarpe con dei fiori?'

Resumo El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar algunas reflexiones que contribuyan al conocimiento de un género académico, el artículo de investigación, a partir del análisis de algunos de los procedimientos lingüísticos que manifiestan la modalidad epistémica y ...

Discourse markers have proven to be a popular and fruitful area of pragmatics in the last two decades, and over the last decade also using a historical perspective. Apart from reconstructing descriptively the diachronic trajectory of individual items, key issues have been: the relation of the recruitment of discourse markers to grammaticalization; the implications of diachronic change for semantic representation of discourse markers (one meaning or many?); and questions raised by the apparent directionality of the diachronic recruitment of discourse markers. Some key publications are: Fischer (2006), Hansen (2008) and Hansen and Visconti (2009). This collection of eleven chapters, plus two introductory ones and a concluding one by the editors, published in the Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics series, arose out of a symposium held at the University of Bergamo in 2011. The title suggests a strictly diachronic perspective from Latin to Romance; in fact, though, not all papers follow this diachronic angle, although all work with Romance languages. All chapters study specific forms in Romance languages that are analyzed as having a nonpropositional meaning at the level of discourse structure or interaction-, e.g. French alors 'so', Italian già 'already', Romanian atunci 'so'. The editors use the name 'discourse markers' and 'pragmatic markers' for them. They arrange the contributions in two groups: one group looks at forms etymologically derived from verbs; the other group looks at forms etymologically derived from adverbs. In an introductory chapter, editor Chiara Ghezzi suggests (p. 15) that the former typically function at subjective and intersubjective levels; they are referred to as pragmatic markers. By contrast, according to Ghezzi, the latter typically function at the discourse-structuring level; they are referred to as discourse markers. This chapter also aims at providing a classification of ''pragmatic'' and ''discourse'' functions in the sense just outlined. Another jointly authored introductory chapter by the editors briefly presents the substantive contributions. Part I is opened by Maria Iliescu with a chapter on ''Call markers in French, Italian, and Romanian''. The otherwise uncommon term ''call markers'' is used here for imperatives of verbs of perception. Iliescu works mostly with examples taken from French literary works and illustrates the meaning of the various ''call markers'' by translating them into the other Romance languages under consideration. Adriana Costachescu, in ''On disagreement markers in French and Romanian dialogue'', studies what she calls ''disagreement and exasperation markers'', an example being French assez 'enough!'. She, too, uses examples from literary works and claims, quite surprisingly, that disagreement between speakers in discourse is not consistent with Grice's conversational maxims. Chiara Ghezzi and Piera Molinelli, in ''Deverbal pragmatic markers from Latin to Italian (Lat QUAESO and It. prego): The cyclic nature of functional developments'', look at the Latin and Italian request formulae. Based on extensive Latin and Italian diachronic corpora, they study the gradual obsolescence of Latin request formulae quaeso and rogo, and their functional replacement by Italian forms like prego. All of these verbs also have lexical matrix verb uses; a fine-grained metric based mainly on syntactic position allows the authors to distinguish them from the conventionalized politeness uses. The cyclical nature of this obsolescence-and-replacement process is independent of other diachronic processes in the language. Also in the realm of politeness formulae, Michaela Livescu (''Mȃ rog: A pragmatic marker in Romanian'') studies Romanian mȃ rog in modern Romanian texts; based on a classification of these uses, she makes inferences about a diachronic pathway of pragmaticalization. Salvador Pons Bordería, in ''Paths of grammaticalization in Spanish o sea'', offers a fine-grained diachronic study of this marker that is of significant interest beyond its immediate focus. O sea started out as a disjunctive conjunction 'or' and www.elsevier.com/locate/pragma

Cet article examine les propriétés sémantico-pragmatiques de l'adverbe français autrement et de ses équivalents serbes. Nous commençons par donner un survol de différentes acceptions et fonctions syntaxiques / discursives de ce mot dans des co(n)textes et des registres de langue variés. Puisque autrement peut fonctionner comme unité intraprédicative portant sur un seul constituant phrastique, tout comme élément extraprédicatif articulant deux propositions ou deux portions du discours, nous nous intéressons en particulier à ses traits distributionnels en vue d' éclaircir des conditions propices à la genèse de ses usages discursifs et, notamment, celui de marqueur de discontinuité thématique. La partie centrale est consacrée à l' étude contrastive de ses équivalents serbes par le biais d'une analyse qualitative effectuée sur quelques centaines d' exemples relevés dans deux corpus parallèles des langues en question (ParCoLab et FranSrp-Kor). Des unités équivalentes sont comparées sur plusieurs niveaux : morphologique, syntaxique, sémantique, pragmatique et stylistique. Vu qu'il existe à ce jour un nombre restreint d' études dédiées aux outils langagiers remplissant le rôle de marqueurs de changement de topique en linguistique serbe, le but de la présente contribution est double : non seulement elle vise à répertorier un plus large éventail d' équivalents par rapport à celui que donnent les dictionnaires bilingues consultés, mais elle a aussi pour objectif de montrer l'intérêt d'une analyse approfondie des phénomènes de discontinuité thématique en serbe et en d'autres langues slaves.
Mots-clés : autrement, adverbe, connecteur, marqueur de discours, français, serbe

Il fenomeno di 'dice' o 'dice che' usato come verbo impersonale è da tempo oggetto di riflessione per le lingue romanze, a partire da costruzioni ampiamente attestate ad esempio in italiano: si pensi al celebre «Dice che era un bell'uomo e veniva, veniva dal mare...» di "4 marzo 1943".
Il contributo intende indagare in via preliminare l'esistenza di un simile impiego di 'dicit' e altri verba dicendi in latino, con particolare riguardo a testi tardi (dal IV secolo d.C. in poi) e di ambito tecnico (grammaticale o religioso); partendo da una revisione della letteratura sull'argomento si tenterà di fornire una descrizione di massima del fenomeno tramite l'analisi delle occorrenze nel 'Commentum' a Donato del grammatico Pompeo.

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In this paper I address the diachronic evolution of pragmatic markers (PMs), with a focus on what I call linear vs non-linear forms of pragmaticalization.
The pathway that has hitherto been most frequently attested in the rise of PMs involves linguistic items or constructions that originally have truth-conditional meaning and belong to « core » grammar, but which more or less gradually evolve non-truth-conditional, more (inter)subjective, uses that lie outside « core » grammar. This form of evolution is widely assumed to be regular, more or less unidirectional, and thus fundamentally linear in nature. Saliently, the study of such cases has been used to argue for a redefinition of the notion of grammaticalization.
The literature has, however, reported examples of markers that appear to have taken more complex, non-linear, paths at the semantic-pragmatic and/or the syntactic level. This paper argues that because of the existence of such non-linear paths, it is unhelpful to subsume the rise of PMs under the concept of grammaticalization. Instead, I argue that it is useful to draw on a distinction between grammaticalization, pragmaticalization, and lexicalization.
I propose a typology of forms of pragmaticalization, which – besides what I have called “linear” pragmaticalization above, which appears to be typical of the evolution of discourse markers – includes the following four non-linear (or in the case of feature spirals, quasi-non-linear) forms:
(i) Grammatico-pragmaticalization. This form of pragmaticalization will be argued to be characteristic of so-called modal particles, a subcategory of PMs that is only found in a (possibly relatively restricted) subset of languages.
(ii) Pragmaticalization-to-lexicalization spirals.
(iii) Micro-cycles of pragmaticalization. This category will be shown to comprise two subtypes, namely onomasiological cycles vs semasiological cycles.
(iv) Feature spirals.
The proposed typology is based on attested patterns of evolution prominently involving interaction between, on the one hand, two levels of meaning, and on the other hand, two levels of grammar.

Son muchas las manera como se puede solicitar un favor. La experiencia muestra que es usual las inclusión del sintagma "por favor" en algún momento de la solicitud tanto escrita como oral. Si bien es cierto la expresión per favore (m) en caso de que se usara en latín, en este idioma sería una traducción literal al revés, a partir del romance; por ejemplo, del español por favor y del italiano per favore. Su empleo, en un contexto latino habría creado no poca extrañeza en el interlocutor, quien habría deducido que sabemos latín, pero que, evidentemente, no somos de Roma. Surge entonces una sencilla pregunta: ¿cómo pedían los romanos un favor? Antes de dar una respuesta, convendría contestar cómo se pediría en español un favor sin emplear la frase "por favor". Hay varias opciones: podríamos emplear algunos sintagmas, oraciones y hasta perífrasis, como: "sería usted tan amable de…", "le incomodaría si le pido que…", "se lo ruego, ayúdeme con esto", "por Dios, se lo pido", "consígame esto y la llevo al cielo", "hágalo y la quiero mucho", "démelo y la llevo a casar"... Y empleando la misma palabra de "favor"; me haría Ud el favor de... Pues bien, los romanos procedieron de manera semejante: pero, debido al uso lingüístico empleaban verbos en forma RESUMEN De manera general la Aulularia permite conocer algunas reglas de cortesía-descortesía en la Roma de su época. ¿Quiénes?, ¿con quiénes? y en qué circunstancias eran los romanos más o menos respetuosos.Las semejanzas exceptuadas las relaciones de esclavitud con la sociedad contemporánea son notables, lo cual da motivo para una importante reflexión, en el aula, con ocasión del estudio de tal hermosa comedia de Plauto.

By the study of the Romanian reformulation discourse marker (RM) adică “I mean/ namely” the author points out that the economy principle, implied in the pragmatic theories of Grice (1975) or Sperber/ Wilson (1986) is subordinated to the fact that the speaker makes an effort to produce a clear and correct message and, if dissatisfied, he does not hesitate to rephrase what he has just said. At the cognitive level, the RM brings to light the speaker’s inferences and the critical evolution of his utterances.
The article describes intrapersonal clarifying stances introduced by adică: corrections, expansions (in the form of definite descriptions, synonyms, explanations), enumeration, and summaries. The interpersonal stances indicate the speaker’s determination to ensure the best possible transmission of information (definitions, narrowing or broadening of ad hoc concepts, anaphora resolutions). Often adică introduces cross-language translations if the previous phrase contains an expression in a foreign language.
Reformulated sentences, often introduced by a specific RM, express the speaker’s attempt to make his message as understandable as possible. The speaker’s reformulation is a manifestation of his (negative) estimation of the accuracy and/ or the accessibility of what was said, as well as of his efforts to make adjustments.

Resumen: Este trabajo presenta un estudio de la partícula ojito. Generalmente empleada como interjección, esta forma aparece, en determinados contextos, con valores que se aproximan a los de un marcador discursivo. Los objetivos de esta investigación son (i) describir su comportamiento semántico-pragmático y (ii) caracterizar sus usos interjectivos así como sus usos discursivos dentro de un continuum. Enmarcado en la lingüística cognitiva, nuestro trabajo integra conceptos como el de prototipicidad, gramática emergente y gramaticalización. Sobre la base de ocurrencias extraídas de corpus en línea, se realiza un análisis cualitativo que nos permite llegar a las siguientes conclusiones: la partícula puede marcar (i) refuerzo enfático, (ii) llamado de atención, (iii) advertencia. En sus usos prototípicamente interjectivos, ojito puede constituir un enunciado exclamativo independiente con marcas ortográficas de exclamación mientras que,
en sus empleos discursivos, se integra a enunciados no exclamativos, con mayor plasticidad posicional y, por su valor exclusivamente
procedimental, resulta prescindible.

Abstract: This paper presents a study of the particle ojito. Generally used as an interjection, it appears in certain contexts with values that are close to those of a discourse marker. The aims of this research are (i) to describe its semantic-pragmatic behaviour and (ii) to characterise its interjective uses as well as its discursive uses within a continuum. Framed in cognitive linguistics, our work integrates concepts such as prototypicality, emergent grammar and grammaticalisation. On the basis of occurrences extracted from online corpora, a qualitative analysis is carried out which allows us to reach the following conclusions:
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the particle can mark (i) emphatic reinforcement, (ii) a call for attention,
(iii) a warning. As for its prototypical interjective uses, ojito can
constitute an independent exclamatory utterance with orthographic
marks of exclamation while, in its discursive uses, it is integrated into
non-exclamatory utterances, with greater positional plasticity and, due
to its exclusively procedural value, it is dispensable.

The present paper is the second part of a study devoted to the usage and translation of adversative connectives (conjunctions and particles equivalent in meaning to ‘but, yet, however’ etc.) in the Kulakia and Konikovo Gospels, two 19th century vernacular Macedonian lectionaries from the Lower Vardar region. In considering this topic, it is important to bear in mind that despite the close geographical and chronological proximity of these two texts, as well as their common grounding in local vernaculars, previous comparative research indicates that there is considerable divergence between the two in some areas of the lexicon (see Schallert 2018 for a study of terms for ‘Lord’). In a certain sense, this is not surprising, since the Kulakia Gospel (KulG)1 is translated quite freely from a linguistically conservative 19th Greek lectionary, in all likelihood that of Nikolaides (Mazon 1938:2-4), 2 whereas the Konikovo Gospel (KonG) is translated quite closely (as a rule, but not invariably) from the Demotic Greek (DemGk) text which is presented in a parallel column to the left of the Slavic text on each page of the manuscript (Lindstedt et al. 2008).

Dans cette étude exploratoire, nous nous intéressons aux Phrases Préfabriquées des Interactions (p. ex.c’est clair ; je te jure ; on dirait). Après avoir défini ce type de phrase, nous évaluons dans quelle mesure le corpus arboré Orféopeut être exploité pour extraire et caractériser ces éléments. Les résultats de l’analyse qualitative montrent que le repérage des phrases parenthétiques apparaît plus complexe que pour les clausatifs (propositions indépendantes). Nous montrons aussi comment l’outil Lexicoscope permet, en exploitant la combinatoire lexico-syntaxique et la distribution des éléments entre et à l’intérieur des tours de parole, de mieux cerner les caractéristiques de ces phrases préfabriquées.

The aim of this paper is to account for the central role played by freezing in several types of linguistic change and to come back to one of the main questions raised by the comparison between languages. This study focuses on the shift from the referential function to a more pragmatic function. It studies three pairs of expressions in German and French: glatt / carrément; schließlich / finalement; tu vois / siehst du and écoute / hör (mal). The word ‘fixedness’ is not used here as it is in the phraseological tradition (and within Europhras). Indeed, in this paper it designates the formal frozenness of polylexical forms (one of the usual defining features of phrasemes) as well as the functional frozenness of forms that are not necessarily polylexical. The cases presented here are examples of three different levels: the level of the speaker, the discourse level and the interaction level. The types of fixedness which have been analysed result from morphological, syntactic and semantic ...

This paper provides a detailed corpus-based account of the formal and functional changes that be going to underwent in Late Modern English. Despite be going to’s popularity, such studies remain rare for this period, in which the construction’s grammaticalization went through a second phase. Our analysis shows that the first half of the eighteenth century witnessed a shift from intention to prediction, which originated in contexts with third person subjects. Reporting the intention of others generally involves a certain amount of guesswork, which eventually resulted in the creation of an additional, epistemic layer of prediction, reinforced by the gradual extension of be going to to express non-imminent future situations. It is argued that this shift involves an increase in subjectivity, as the emphasis gradually moved away from the grammatical subject to the speaker: what mattered was no longer the intentions of the subject, but the knowledge of the speaker about them. Attention is ...

Le français en contraste et en contexte. Quelques perspectives récentes en linguistique contrastive Badania nad językiem francuskim w świetle wybranych współczesnych nurtów językoznawstwa kontrastywnego French in contrast and in context. Some recent perspectives in contrastive linguistics

Le présent article est consacré au marqueur discursif au fait. Il portera tant sur l'emploi de au fait en français contemporain que sur son développement historique et est basé sur un vaste corpus d'exemples attestés. Alors que les deux autres syntagmes prépositionnels construits sur le substantif fait (en fait et de fait) ont suscité l'intérêt de nombreux linguistes, au fait est resté dans l'ombre. Il présente toutefois des spécificités intéressantes, qui le distingue tant de ses deux cognats que de son équivalent sémantique le plus proche à propos. L'étude se propose en particulier de décrire les conditions qui ont permis la naissance de l'emploi discursif de au fait et de préciser le rôle de la déconstruction dans le processus de pragmaticalisation.

]), attrition of phonetic substance has been recognized as a segmental phenomenon typical of grammaticalization. Research on grammaticalization has connected this process with the loss of prosodic prominence on the way from lexical to grammatical elements, whereby grammaticalized elements tend to be integrated into the prosodic structure of their host (Wichmann 2011, Heine 2018). Moreover, erosion of grammaticalized elements has been argued to be typical of languages with strong segmental effects of stress and less so for languages with weak stress (Schiering 2010). Much less attention has been devoted to prosodic features of grammaticalization processes per se, and to the place of prosody among the factors driving linguistic change. The cross-linguistic differences in the prosodic correlates of grammaticalization, too, are understudied (Ansaldo & Lim 2004). This is partly due to a methodological impasse: more often than not, it is impossible to conduct historical studies including a prosodic strand as historical speech data are not available (Wichmann 2011). There are, however, ways to deal with this methodological difficulty. One strategy may be to draw on knowledge about stress, prosodic phrasing, and metrical structure in historical languages (e.g. Reinöhl & Casaretto 2018). Another is to consider cases in which grammaticalization manifests itself as a layered phenomenon, preserving non-grammaticalized (lexical) source items alongside their grammaticalized outcome: Dehé & Stathi (2016: 911, adapted) have shown that in these cases "different synchronically coexisting prosodic patterns [may] correspond to different degrees of grammaticalization". A further solution is to examine neighbouring varieties where the process of grammaticalization is at different stages. By simulating time with space, the different steps in the grammaticalization process can be linked to experimentally measurable features. Moreover, the inclusion of a prosodic dimension in the analysis allows casting light on the role of information structure in grammaticalization. Magistro (2023b) (see also Magistro et al. 2022, Magistro & Crocco 2022, Magistro 2023a) has investigated the three acoustic dimensions of duration, intensity and pitch in the use of the negator mica/miga/mia in different Venetan varieties, which represent different degrees of grammaticalization. In one of these varieties, Gazzolese, mia has completed Jespersen's cycle in that it can be used not only as a special illocutionary negation, as in other Venetan varieties, but also as a standard negator (Payne 1985, Miestamo 2005): in the latter use, it is shorter, reduced, and it lacks a pitch accent. Erosion reflects the loss of focal features and consequently of metrical strength in the new standard negator (Magistro 2023b). Research on the emergence of discourse markers, on the other hand, has explored more consistently the role of prosody in this process, showing that they tend to be more separated prosodically from their environment than the expressions from which they historically derive (

Es wurde bereits beobachtet, dass epistemische Ausdrücke – wie das deutsche ich glaube – in zahlreichen Sprachen oft von ähnlichen Entwicklungen betroffen sind. Dazu gehören sowohl formal-syntaktische als auch semantopragmatische Veränderungen wie etwa phonologische Reduktion, Verlust verbaler Eigenschaften oder verstärktes Auftreten pragmatischer Funktionen. Diese können als Teile eines Grammatikalisierungsprozesses aufgefasst werden. Unter Grammatikalisierung wird ein Sprachwandelprozess verstanden, der Ausdrücke im lexikal-funktionalen Kontinuum weiter hin zum Pol der Funktionalität rückt. Vor diesem Hintergrund beschäftigt sich der Beitrag mit dem erwähnten epistemischen Ausdruck ich glaube und stellt dessen sprachlichen Entwicklungen vor, die allmählich zur reduzierten Form glaub geführt hatten. Darüber hinaus wird der Frage nachgegangen, ob die Sprachwandelprozesse, die die glauben-Konstruktionen betreffen, als Grammatikalisierung aufgefasst werden können.

Schlüsselwörter: Sprachwandel, Grammatikalisierung, epistemische Ausdrücke, universal paths

IZABELA ANNA SZANTYKA * LE POTENZIALITÀ ANA-CATAFORICHE DEI PRONOMI DIMOSTRATIVI ITALIANI QUESTO E QUELLO S i n t e s i. L'ana-catafora è la più « giovane » tra le relazioni diaforiche, dopo l'anafora e la catafora, che combina le caratteristiche formali e funzionali delle sue maggiori sorelle endoforiche. Con il presente contributo si propone di identificare e descrivere la relazione diaforica in questione, ricorrendo a vari parametri tassonomici (tra i quali la direzione del vettore, la forma dell'espressione diaforica, la forma del cotesto o il campo, la portata, il modo di donazione del referente e la coreferenzialità o meno tra diaforizzante e diaforizzato); ciò allo scopo di misurare il potenziale dei pronomi dimostrativi italiani questo e quello, variabili e invariabili, e di determinare il dimostrativo più produttivo nella mediazione delle relazioni ana-cataforiche. Le osservazioni di natura tipologica e le conseguenti conclusioni sono basate sul lavoro analitico condotto sul materiale linguistico estratto dal subcorpus Generale 1 dei corpora NUNC, testimoni di tendenze evolutive osservabili nell'italiano scritto / parlato, adoperato da utenti di diversi gruppi di discussione presenti in Rete.

Our paper deals with the metadiscursive expressions based on the French verb dire, such as je vas dire, on va dire [subject (+ semi-auxiliary) + dire], in a corpus of Acadian folktales. In a corpus-driven approach, the syntactic configurations that underlie pragmaticalization and the emergence of discourse markers are studied. The examination of their pragmatic values leads to the conclusion that specific enunciative mechanisms can be identified in the art of storytelling: the markers based on dire possess linguistic features that allow the storyteller to perform, to represent his/her enunciation. The configuration of on va dire makes it a particularly suitable marker for the story specific enunciation. If this marker indicates a non-commitment from the enunciator, it is for a consensual purpose. This is a particular enunciation, in which the enunciator, in search of connivance, tries to make the co-enunciator share the commitment.

FOLIA LINGUISTICA is the peer-reviewed journal of the Societas Linguistica Europaea. It appears in Spring and Autumn (ca. 450 pages in all) and covers all nonhistorical areas in the traditional disciplines of general linguistics (phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics), and also sociological, discoursal, computational and psychological aspects of language and linguistic theory. Other areas of central concern are grammaticalization and language typology. The journal consists of scientific articles presenting results of original research, review articles, critical surveys of research in specific areas, book reviews, and a miscellanea section carrying brief descriptive reports and discussion notes. Manuscript submission: Please consult the FoL style sheet (to be found at the FoL homepage www.folialinguistica.com). Contact details: All correspondence concerning FOLIA LINGUISTICA should be sent to Prof.