Campaigns

"Positioning, as a concept in academic literature, is most frequently associated with marketing studies. Positioning in a public relations sense is underexplored with only a relatively small amount of works relating to positioning in any sense published in the public relations literature. However in recent studies positioning has been shown to be a not insignificant aspect of public relations practitioners’ roles. It has been identified that marketing definitions of positioning are insufficient to define positioning in the context of public relations practice and has put forward a provisional conceptual framework for intentional positioning in public relations. This paper reports on further testing and development of the framework and applies it to government agency/publicly-funded organizations’ campaigns as a way of examining whether positioning in public relations was different to that seen in commercial marketing, as marketing as a rule is not generally associated with government communication. This project set out to investigate whether government agencies’ and other public sector organizations’ communication campaigns in Australia employed public relations positioning techniques, as
defined by James (in press), in their quest to achieve communication goals. Through the application of the positioning framework, evidence is presented that shows that the communication campaigns of the government agencies and public sector organizations intended to position their idea/s, their offering or their service in a particular way in the minds of target publics and that they employed a range of techniques to enact the intended positioning. The framework will need further testing and refinement but this study’s findings show that positioning is a significant part of government agency and public sector communication practice."

Christian Borguello (2008) define una red social como "un conjunto de usuarios, relacionados a través de una plataforma común, mediante la cual mantienen relaciones de forma virtual, que pueden desencadenar en relaciones, en el mundo físico". Su origen se remonta a 1994 con el surgimiento de Geocities, un sitio para que los usuarios pudieran crear su propia página web, basada en ciudades representativas de Estados Unidos. Posteriormente, surgen nuevos espacios de interacción, junto con la integración de aplicaciones, como Hi5, MySpace, Facebook y Twitter.

On 13 August 1944 the German armies in Normandy were on the verge of being totally
enveloped. This study has explored the role military intelligence played for Bradley’s vital decision to halt Third Army and keep it from closing the German’s escape route. This study has looked at how Bradley’s intelligence staff assessed the enemy situation, enemy capabilities and other factors liable to influence the course of action. An assessment has been made on the precision of intelligence in 12th Army Group and how it was received and utilized.
This study has analyzed actual World War II intelligence reports and commander’s briefings together with after action reports. Bradley’s intelligence staff was able to describe the flux of units in the area of operations. However, there were flaws in analysis of combat strengths. Imprecise assessments of the actual US – German force relationship was probably a major factor which led to the decision to halt Third Army from closing the Falaise Gap, an objective they would highly likely have achieved estimating the available forces at both sides.

There has been an observable rise in the participation of celebrities in diplomacy, along with the increased use of social media for diplomatic purposes. Similarly, the Korean Wave has also seen an increase in its popularity, influence, and recognition across the globe. Previous studies on celebrity diplomacy – for the purposes of this research, is a concept coined by Andrew F. Cooper that highlights the presence and participation of celebrities, usually through international governmental organizations (IGOs) or non-governmental organizations (NGOs), in the publicization of international causes and in engagements with high-level state actors to affect policies – have focused on Western perspectives and the activities of celebrities including George Clooney, Angelina Jolie, and Bono, while studies on the Korean Wave have mostly focus on the media and culture aspect, and the effects within and to South Korea only. Given these, using a qualitative approach in its case study, this research asked and analyzed how the K-pop group BTS as celebrity diplomats, and the Love Myself Campaign of BTS and UNICEF, have promoted UNICEF’s child protection campaigns, specifically, the #ENDviolence campaign. The strategies used by BTS and the Love Myself Campaign to promote the #ENDviolence campaign have also been investigated. Data collected are comprised of English web articles and news reports from various Korean and Western news and entertainment websites, write-ups from official campaign websites, and content from social networking sites such as tweets from official Twitter accounts and Instagram posts.

Penelitian ini membahas tentang persepsi konsumen di kota Malang
terhadap kampanye lingkungan dan kampanye sosial yang dilakukan The Body
Shop. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menguraikan bagaimana persepsi
konsumen terhadap kampanye lingkungan dan sosial yang dilakukan The Body
Shop, yang meliputi persepsi konsumen secara umum, persepsi terhadap tema
kampanye, persepsi terhadap media kampanye, serta persepsi terhadap pesan
kampanye, serta menggali faktor-faktor pembentuk persepsi konsumen tersebut.
Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan in-depth
interview dan teori utama persepsi, serta teknik analisis data menggunakan model
Miles dan Huberman yakni dengan cara reduksi data, penyajian data, dan
penarikan kesimpulan.
Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa konsumen mempersepsi
kampanye lingkungan dan sosial yang dilakukan The Body Shop adalah untuk
mempertahankan citra perusahaan, menarik minat konsumen, sekaligus bentuk
kepedulian perusahaan terhadap permasalahan lingkungan dan sosial. Kemudian
diperoleh hasil bahwa faktor pembentuk persepsi konsumen adalah perhatian, dan
perhatian itu sendiri dibagi menjadi dua yaitu determinan stimulus atau eksternal
yang meliputi: penjelasan wiraniaga, kemasan produk, penjelasan pada display
produk, dan sosial media. Faktor kedua determinan pribadi atau internal yang
meliputi: kebutuhan konsumen, harapan dan motivasi konsumen. Dari hasil
penelitian ini, diharapkan dapat menjadi acuan bagi para pelaku pemasar yang
memakai tema sosial dan lingkungan dalam menjual produknya, agar dapat
merancang pesan yang lebih mudah diterima oleh target konsumennya misalnya
dengan memakai media sosial yang penggunanya lebih luas.
Kata Kunci: persepsi konsumen, kampanye, komunikasi pemasaran, societal
marketing, green marketing

"The role of key messages has assumed an almost common-sense status within public relations campaigns. This research examines award-winning campaigns to explore what assumptions and understandings underpin the use of key messages by public relations practitioners. It was envisaged this would help explicate an aspect of practice that is seemingly widespread and ingrained.

The findings report in four thematic areas that emerged from the data: environment, development, attributes and context. The concept of a congested and contested messaging environment was found to be the key driver behind the use of key messages. Practitioners saw well-crafted key messages as having the power to cut through the environment to achieve specific outcomes and positively position organisations.

The study concludes that although a transmission model/media effects theoretical perspective was evident, practice could also be conceptualised as a social constructionist endeavour in that practitioners worked to create versions of social reality to achieve organisational goals. Further, it was also found that practitioners might benefit from a deeper understanding of how people receive, engage with, and process information in terms of campaign message design and evaluation."

Wahlkampfmanagement ist ein Handwerk, eine Kunst, und in den Vereinigten Staaten auch ein Beruf. In den vergangenen 30 Jahren hat sich dort die Profession der Political Consultants etabliert. Es gibt einen Berufsverband der Wahlkampfberater, einen hohen Grad der Spezialisierung, Fachzeitschriften, Studiengänge, einen berufsethischen Kanon. Professionalismus zeigt sich aber auch in den Einstellungen und Karrieren der Berater, im Marketing ihrer politischen Dienstleistung und im Vertrauensverhältnis zwischen Berater und Klienten - also den Kandidaten. Ihre angeblich unkontrollierte und manipulative Rolle bei Wahlen wird von Presse, Politikwissenschaft und sogar Politikern immer wieder angegriffen. Die Political Consultants agieren nicht nur in den Wahlkämpfen, sondern auch bei Kampagnen um Volksbegehren und im Lobbying. In jedem Fall geht es um großes Geld. Die Dissertation untersucht mit Hilfe von Konzepten aus der Professionssoziologie, wie und warum sich die Wahlkampfberater als eigener Berufsstand etablieren konnten. Die empirische Basis bilden u.a. zahlreiche Interviews und eine quantitative Erhebung unter 240 Wahlkampfberatungsfirmen im Vergleich mit Sekundäranalysen bisher unveröffentlichter Daten und Dokumente aus der Branche. Dissertation (Universität Göttingen)

The role of key messages has assumed an almost common-sense status within public relations campaigns. This research examines award-winning campaigns to explore what assumptions and understandings underpin the use of key messages by public relations practitioners. It was envisaged this would help explicate an aspect of practice that is seemingly widespread and ingrained. The findings report in four thematic areas that emerged from the data: environment, development, attributes and context. The concept of a congested and contested messaging environment was found to be the key driver behind the use of key messages. Practitioners saw well-crafted key messages as having the power to cut through the environment to achieve specific outcomes and positively position organisations. The study concludes that although a transmission model/media effects theoretical perspective was evident, practice could also be conceptualised as a social constructionist endeavour in that practitioners worked to create versions of social reality to achieve organisational goals. Further, it was also found that practitioners might benefit from a deeper understanding of how people receive, engage with, and process information in terms of campaign message design and evaluation.

Der Herausgeberband "Die Kampagnenmacher" zeigt an Hand von internationalen Best-Practice-Beispielen die Strategien und Instrumente erfolgreicher Kampagnen aus Politik, Wirtschaft und Zivilgesellschaft auf. Das Buch gibt Kommunikationsverantwortlichen und interessierten Lesern Einblicke in erfolgreiche Kampagnenführung und soll dazu ermutigen, neue Wege in der Kommunikation anzuwenden. "Die Kampagnenmacher" zeigt die massiven gesellschaftlichen und medialen Veränderungen sowie die daraus resultierenden neuen Konsequenzen für erfolgreiche Kommunikation auf. Dabei gewährt das Buch wertvolle Einblicke hinter die Kulissen, u. a. in Kampagnen des Bundesministeriums für Umwelt, Naturschutz und Reaktorsicherheit, Greenpeace, des Niederländischen Gesundheitsministeriums, des Österreichischen Volkspartei sowie der Firma Unilever. Im Ergebnis wird deutlich, dass sich die Grundlagen effektiver Kampagnenführung verändert haben und es sowohl neuer Wege als auch veränderter Strategien bedarf, um Menschen nachhaltig zu erreichen.

A single chapter of a title in Oxford Handbooks Online for personal use.

This chapter looks at visual art campaigns, especially in the context of arts-based re search with an interest in public engagement. Art campaigns happen at the crossroads of art and activism. Sometimes artists can purposely work from an activist point of view; sometimes a political aspect emerges unintentionally. This chapter will first give an overview of different campaigns using visual methods. It then presents a brief description of the development of art from modernism to the contemporary forms of artistic expres sions; this leads to the examples of different art campaigns. The chapter then discusses the potential of contemporary art in challenging the assumptions of modernism through the examples of author's own artistic and EcoJustice practice. The chapter also describes the possibilities of promoting a cause in various fields of art, academia, and the general public, and it ends with a discussion of the benefits and challenges of being an indepen dent artist/scholar with an interest in public engagement.

ZUM BUCH: Wer betreibt heute noch Politik? Und was ist das? Ein Theaterstück für Bürger, die als hilflose Zuschauer das Geschehen auf der Bühne betrachten? Während auf der Vorderbühne politische Konflikte medial inszeniert werden und die Aufmerksamkeit auf sich ziehen, findet hinter der Bühne die Realpolitik statt: in Ausschüssen und Hinterzimmern. Aber ohne den Bürger. Ist Politik also nur noch Inszenierung von politischem Handeln? Oder ist Inszenierung gar nicht das Problem? Ist sie nicht sogar notwendig, um mit politischen Botschaften die heute geltenden Aufmerksamkeitsbeschränkungen zu überwinden? Die Politische Kommunikation hat sich stark professionalisiert. Sie steht an der Schwelle zum Politischen Marketing. Das provoziert neue Fragen: Ist Politik ein Programm, das im politischen System entwickelt wird und mit den Mitteln der Kommunikation lediglich "umgesetzt" werden muss? Oder ist Politik ein Produkt wie jedes andere, das man in einem gesättigten Markt möglichst punktgenau an den Erwartungen der potenziellen Zielgruppe auszurichten hat? Wird sie unabhängig von einem Politikmarkt gestaltet und muss dann vorsichtig auf Marktgängigkeit getestet werden? Falls ja, wer bestimmt dann, was marktgängig ist und was nicht?
Politik nach Drehbuch setzt auf die Praktikerperspektive. Denn: Die Praxis ist häufig wesentlich weiter, als es sich die Theorie einzugestehen wagt. Umgekehrt kann die Praxis vom reflexiven Moment der Theorie profitieren. Dieser Blickwechsel ist konstitutiv für den vorliegenden Band. Denn Praktiker - Berater, Pressesprecher, Wahlkämpfer und Journalisten - sind hier zur Theoriebildung angehalten. Die Beiträge liefern Bausteine für eine Theorie des professionellen Handelns für Politische Kommunikation und Politisches Marketing.

""Den „Vater aller WahIkampfmanager in der Bundesrepublik“ nannte ihn Peter Radunski. Harry Walter, Jahrgang '29, hat rund 90 Wahlkämpfe hinter sich. Als Stratege und Werbechef für die SPD in Bundes-, Landtags-, Kommunal- und Europawahlen seit 1969. Auch für Sozialdemokraten im Ausland – in der Türkei. in Kenia, Israel, Peru, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica und Portugal.
Zunächst raste er als Fotoreporter durch das Nachkriegs-Berlin, ging dann an die Werbefachschule und hörte nebenbei an der Freien Universität. Seine Abschlussarbeit über den Wahlkampf '57 schickte er an die SPD nach Bonn. Keine Antwort. Erst als die Kreativdampfwalze aus der Werbebranche 1969 die SPD-Agentur ARE Kommunikation übernahm, wurde Walter zum Full-Service-Wahlkampfprofi für Themen, Technik, Abwicklung und Finanzen.
SPD-General Peter Glotz wollte den Oldtimer 1982 nicht mehr. 1987 und 1990 holte man ihn, mittlerweile im Ausland hochgeschätzt, für kleinere Aufträge zurück. Nach den Wahlkämpfen in NRW und Mecklenburg-Vorpommem 1994 will er sich zur Ruhe setzen.
Mit der OZ sprach die lebende Legende über Wahlkampf, Geld, Plebiszite, Politprofis und die Oma mit der Plastiktüte. Und was der „Bauchmensch“ Harry Walter gegen „politologisch und soziologisch geschulte Eierköppe“ hat.
""

ZUM BUCH: Will Politik beraten sein?  Ja, aber nicht immer, nicht überall und nicht durch jeden, der Politikberatung professionell oder als Wissenschaftler anbietet. In der Berliner Republik hat sich die Nachfrage nach Politikberatung gewandelt. Ein klares Indiz hierfür ist die wachsende privatwirtschaftliche Politikberatung. Der Anspruch lautet heute: Zum einen zwischen Politik, Wirtschaft und Öffentlichkeit zu vermitteln; zum anderen die Brücke zwischen Wissenschaft und politischer Praxis zu schlagen.

Die deutsche Politikberaterszene sucht international nach Orientierungspunkten und ein neues Selbstverständnis, auch als Profession. Zur Professionalisierung gehört, angeheizt durch Affären und Skandale, die wachsende Debatte um Ethik, Verhaltensregeln, Selbstregulierung und die Grenzen von Lobbying, Spin und Kontaktgeschäft. Denn Politikberater bewegen sich oft auf dem schwierigen Gelände von Interessenkonflikten und geringer demokratischer Kontrolle.

Dieser Band dokumentiert zwei Berliner Fachtagungen der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Politikberatung und dem Deutschen Institut für Public Affairs. Zu Wort kommen Praktiker aus dem In- und Ausland. Ihre Analysen werden ergänzt durch eine bisher einmalige Dokumentation internationaler Beispiele für Verhaltensregeln für Politikberater und Politiker.

The Routledge Handbook of Political Management is a comprehensive overview of the field of applied politics, encompassing political consulting, campaigns and elections, lobbying and advocacy, grass roots politics, fundraising, media and political communications, the role of the parties, political leadership, and the ethical dimensions of public life. While most chapters focus on American politics and campaigns, there are also contributions on election campaigns in Europe, the Middle East, Russia, Australia, East Asia, and Latin America. In addition to a thorough treatment of campaign and elections, the authors discuss modern techniques, problems, and issues of advocacy, lobbying, and political persuasion, with a special emphasis throughout the volume on technology, the Internet, and online communications as political tools.

Grounded in the disciplines of political science, political communications, and political marketing, the Routledge Handbook of Political Management explores the linkages between applied politics and social science theory. Leading American and international scholars and practitioners provide an exhaustive and up-to-date treatment of the state of this emerging field. This publication is a major resource for advanced undergraduates, graduate students, and scholars of campaigns, elections, advocacy, and applied politics, as well as for political management professionals.

Mit dem ehemaligen US-Wahlkampfberater Dick Morris führte p&k ein Gespräch über die Unterschiede im europäischen und amerikanischen Wahlkampf [INTERVIEW with political consultant Dick Morris about differences between European and American election campaigning]

Considering the efforts to resolve the widespread societal phenomenon of violence against women, awareness-raising and the role of the media comprise one of the key targets by the most important international agreements to combat it. The women’s anti-violence movement since the 1970s has made essential contributions to the recognition of violence against women as a human rights violation and is a crucial player in the field of violence prevention. Its anti-violence initiatives are of major importance. Looking at the media in general, we can observe how different programmes and formats depict similar (visual) narratives of clichéd imagination on intimate partner violence, whereas the systemic nature of the problem mostly remains hidden (Bonilla Campos, 2008; Boyle, 2005; Geiger, 2008; López Díez, 2005; Taylor, 2009; Wolf, 2013a, b). This lack of clarity is hindering the comprehension of gender-based violence as a societal phenomenon.

The imagery disseminated by the women’s anti-violence movement and institutionalised entities constitutes the core subject of this article, in order to obtain insights into the supposed alternative representations appropriate to contrast the ‘malestream’ media on the subject. Their contributions to visual discourse through European-wide, Spanish and Austrian anti-violence initiatives are analysed from 2007 to 2011 - before the Istanbul Convention came into force. As the social roots and the transposition of the complexity of gender-based violence constitute a rather ambiguous undertaking, the analysis aims to disclose how anti-violence initiatives shape the social accounts of male-to-female partner violence, identifying good practice examples and underlying ideological concepts.

Mussolini's Fascists staged their "March on Rome" in 1922 and bluffed their way to power.

GERMAN / DEUTSCH Mit dem inszenierten „Marsch auf Rom“ tricksten sich Mussolinis Faschisten 1922 an die Macht.

KEYWORDS / SCHLAGWÖRTER
Ästhetisierung, Bewegung, Demokratie, Duce, fascismo, Faschismus, Film, Frankreich, Gewalt, Gewerkschaften, Großbritannien, Hitlerputsch, Italien, Journalismus, Marsch auf Rom, Medien, Mostra della Rivoluzione fascista, Mussolinismo, Nationalismus, Nationalsozialismus, Öffentliche Meinung, Personenkult, Presse, Propaganda, Propagandaministerium, Rechtsextremismus, Risorgimento, Ritual, Sozialismus, Straßenterror, Symbolik, Syndikalismus, Terrorismus, Vereinigtes Königreich, Volksempfänger, Zeitungen

ORGANISATIONEN: Fasci d’azione rivoluzionaria, fasci di combattimento, Faschistische Partei, Istituto Luce, Partito Nazionale Fascista, Schwarzhemden, Sozialistische Partei Italiens (PSI), Squadrismo, Squadristen, Squadristi

PERSONEN: Italo Balbo, Gustave Le Bon, Gabriele D’Annunzio, Cesare Maria De Vecchi, Emilio De Bono, Giuseppe Garibaldi, Adolf Hitler, Giacomo Matteotti, Benito Mussolini, Friedrich Nietzsche, Georges Sorel, Viktor Emanuel III (Vittori Emanuelle III)

PUBLIKATIONEN: Avanti, Il Popolo d’Italia
"

The social media revolution has created a media world so different from the one we knew before that much of the media research done prior to 2005 is of historical value at best. Social media have changed how we keep friends and family updated; receive news, entertainment, and opinions; do politics; and are persuaded to consume. The rapid changes in media consumption have created a desperate need for research and theories that can explain the use and impact of Web 2.0 media platforms. Facebook has only existed as a public medium for approximately five years, 1 but the company claims to host close to one billion accounts. 2 Ever since Barak Obama and his team proved the value of social media during the 2008 presidential election campaign in the USA, political movements around the world have successfully used social media to communicate with peers and other stakeholders. This anthology contains reprints of five articles concerning the use of online socialinteractive media (OSIM) in connection with the 2008 presidential election, written by scholars from nine American universities and first printed in Mass Communication and Society November/December 2010. Adopted in the anthology from A. Bruns (2008, p. 3), 3 the term OSIM refers to media in which "boundaries between producers and consumers are eliminated so that the users create content for each other in communities that rely on user collaboration and an ethic of openly sharing user creations". OSIMs include not only social networking sites such as Facebook and LinkedIn but also micro-blogs such as Twitter,

This paper investigates more than 20 years of government led attempts to have Danish consumers curb their energy use. Looking at previously unexploited campaign material a number of results emerge, qualifying, the notion of Denmark as a front runner, when it comes to environmental awareness. The first attempts to cut energy consumption came about as a direct consequence of the
international oil crises of 1973-74, and for the following 15 years the government standing committee on energy savings issued a string of energy saving campaigns, fueled entirely by an appeal to common sense household economics and not least a significant portion of patriotism. Environmental justification was almost entirely absent throughout the 1970s and 1980s.
This changed only from 1989 onwards, as government initiatives to curb the ever rising consumption of energy commenced an extensive use of environmental justification.
This paper finally discusses the reason for this greening of government initiated Danish energy saving campaigns, which is seen as an indirect result of the 1987 UN report, Our Common Future. The 1988 general election in Denmark led to the formation of a new center-right government coalition (1988-1990), where recommendations from Our Common Future became part of the new government program. The early 1990s witnessed a rare consensus on promoting environmental sustainability, which extended across traditional left-right party lines.

Die qualitative Evaluation von Regierungskommunikation und ihren politischen Kampagnen scheitert häufig nicht nur am knappen Budget der Häuser. Viele unterschiedliche Akteure spielen in die politische Effizienzmessung hinein. Die Meinungen sind dabei hochkonträr und wechseln nicht selten sogar von Kampagne zu Kampagne. Zur Veranschaulichung greift Marco Althaus in diesem Beitrag nicht nur die Sicht der Bundesministerien, sondern auch die der PR-Agenturen auf und erläutert, warum es für Politiker und Berater heikel werden könnte, wenn sie sich an ihren Kampagnen messen ließen. Dass dabei ein geringes Budget nicht als Argument zählen kann, beweist Althaus anhand eines von ihm angepassten Fragenkatalogs.

Successful legislative campaigns, especially those in rural areas, are not often reported in the literature. There are many lessons to be learned from these campaigns. This case example explores a significant legislative victory by an organization called Tenants United for Fairness-Vermont (TUFF-VT), and applies several different community organizing models in the analysis of the campaign.

Wahlkämpfe: Frankreich 2002 (Chirac, Jospin, Le Pen), Italien 2001 (Berlusconi), Spanien 2000 (Aznar, Gonzalez), Russland 1996 (Jelzin)

Die These von der "Amerikanisierung" europäischer Wahlkämpfe ist populär. Aber eigentlich ist das, was von Amerika ausging, längst ein International Style. Zwar bleibt die politische Kultur national. Doch weltweit werden Wähler ungebundener, Medien bunter und aggressiver, Kommunikations- und Researchtechniken zahlreicher, Profis professioneller und Politiker williger, sich jenseits traditioneller Massenorganisationen in der Mitte persönliche Mehrheiten zu erobern.

Blogs rest at the cross‐section of politics, media, and discourse. This relatively new medium has injected itself into the spectacle that is campaigns; competing narratives seek to define candidates, lure voters, and wage a war over the ownership of symbols and meaning‐making. Blogs influence the formation of narratives within the political spectacle of campaigns. This article seeks to describe local/regional blogs as social and discursive phenomena that participate in, and provide part of, the discourse of political spectacle. The article looks at this political subculture and attempts to express through an analysis of form, function, and meaning this new, palpable discursive force — a counter to the existing hegemony. The case studies utilized are the local/regional blogospheres that have developed in the states of Connecticut and Virginia. In Connecticut, we analyze the metonymic chains built in the Ned Lamont versus Joe Lieberman senatorial race and, in Virginia, Jim Webb against former lobbyist Harris Miller in the primary and Senator George Allen in the general election.

"The Spanish Civil War (1936-39) was an international media and propaganda war. In the thick of it: German expatriate Willy Brandt.
GERMAN / DEUTSCH Der Spanische Bürgerkrieg (1936-39) war ein internationaler Medien- und Propagandakrieg. Mittendrin: der deutsche Exilant Willy Brandt.

KEYWORDS / SCHLAGWÖRTER
Auslandskorrespondent, Bürgerkrieg, Demokratie, Faschismus, Fotojournalismus, Gewalt, Journalismus, Kampagne, Katalonien, Kommunismus, Krieg, Marxismus, Medien, Nationalismus, Norwegen, Öffentliche Meinung, Presse, Propaganda, Propagandaministerium, Radio, Radio fantasma, Rechtsextremismus, Revolution, Rundfunk, Sozialismus, Spanien, Sport, Sowjetunion, Symbolik, Terrorismus, Volksfront, Wahlkampf, Zeitungen

ORGANISATIONEN: Arbeiterpartei der Marxistischen Einheit (POUM), CDU, CSU, Internationale Brigaden, Legion Condor, Olimpíada Popular, Norwegische Arbeiterpartei, POUM, Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands (SAP), SPD

PERSONEN: Willy Brandt, Antony Breevor, Herbert Frahm, Felix Franke, Francisco Franco, Gunnar Gaasland, Joseph Goebbels, Günter Grass, Ernest Hemingway, Adolf Hitler, Dolores Ibárruri, Benito Mussolini, Hans Namuth, George Orwell, Georg Reisner, Josef Stalin, Hugh Thomas

PUBLIKATIONEN: BBC, EAQ, Radio Moskau, Radio Nacional, Sozialistische Jugend

Despite strong evidence in the wider study of electoral behaviour that party campaigning can have important effects on performance, and a large pan-European literature on populist radical right and extreme right campaigns, we know very little about the impact of the latter on electoral performance. Drawing on a range of innovative campaignrelated data at the aggregate and individual level, we examine the electoral impact of the British National Party (BNP) at the 2010 British general election. Our analysis reveals that whereas the extreme right polled strongest in working class manufacturing areas, support for the extreme right was significantly higher in areas where it ran intensive local campaigns, recruited larger numbers of members, has achieved local electoral success, and where local politics has historically been dominated by the centre-left. However, we find little evidence that the extreme right has benefited electorally in areas where the English Defence League social movement had previously demonstrated. Our aggregate level findings are also confirmed at the individual level after controlling for a battery of established attitudinal predictors of extreme right voting. Those contacted by the BNP campaign were significantly more likely to vote for the party, while campaigning by all other political parties was ineffective in reducing the probability of voting BNP. 1 of voters, and the growing professionalization of parties, local campaigning, both before and during the official election campaign now plays a vital role in determining election outcomes, particularly in close contests . 1 This emphasis on campaigning effects, however, has not transferred to the study of populist radical and extreme right-wing parties. Despite a large and pan-European literature on the factors that encourage support for these types of parties , the impact of their campaigns on electoral outcomes remains under-researched. 2 Though several studies underscore the role of party agency, arguing that organization, activists, and ideological formulas assume important roles in explaining electoral performance Klandermans and Mayer, 2006;, there remains a striking absence of research on the actual electoral impact of campaigning. 3 Clearly, this lack of research owes much to the difficulties associated with gathering reliable data on the internal resources and campaigning efforts of such parties. Membership, activism, spending, and targeting data are not easily acquired. Yet as several studies demonstrate, investigating these internal arenas is not strictly beyond the reach of political scientists (Klandermans and Mayer, 2006;.

Eine Wahlkampagne ist ein kommunikativer Feldzug. Sie ist vorrangig eine Serie von Kommunikations-Ereignissen mit dem Ziel, eine psychologische Verbindung zwischen Kandidat und Wähler zu schaffen und den Wähler zu einer Entscheidung (Ja/Nein) und Handlung (Wählen gehen) zu motivieren.

ZUM BUCH: Amerikanisierung und Politmarketing sind die Schlagwörter, wenn man die Modernisierung der bundesdeutschen Wahlkämpfe betrachtet. Was ist eigentlich modern an dem modernen Wahlkampf?
In diesem Buch werden insbesondere Einblicke in die Techniken der modernen Wahlkampfgestaltung vorgestellt, wie z. B. Elemente des Projekt- und Kommunikationsmanagements, die Vermarktung der politische Aussage, der Personalisierung u. a.
Daneben werden heute aktuelle Wahlkampfmethoden der Antike, wahlsoziologische Überlegungen und zukünftige Entwicklungspotentiale aufgezeigt - insgesamt alles Aspekte des modernen Wahlkampfs.

Breast cancer is one of the many types of cancer that has a quiet high mortality rate amongst the other. According to WHO, breast cancer is in the fifth position in the mortality rate with more than 460.000 deaths. In Surabaya, 89% of the total cancer survivors are female, and it has been recorded that since 2009 breast cancer was one kind of cancer with highest mortality rate, followed by cervical cancer, ovaries cancer et cetera. Campaign is a series of strategic communications in order to create a specific impact to a huge number of people that goes in a specific time period. Campaign can deliver a huge amount of messages in attempt to educate the target before finally persuade them to do something that we want them to do. In Indonesia, the campaign to increase people's awareness of breast campaign has been increasing significantly. The solution to breast cancer problem in Surabaya is with a series of campaign that targeted to the potential audients by using audients' popular lifestyle approach. This approach is expected to generate desirable insights to the audients; therefore the effectiveness of the delivery of the message can be maximized. Proposed lifestyle approach has been through several stages of research to acknowledge audient's habits, indulgences, and visual preferences. Thereby facilitating the writers in the selection and execution of both digital media and print.

Der moderne Medienwahlkampf und die permanente Kampagne in der Auseinandersetzung zwischen Regierung, Opposition und Lobbies haben einen neuen Typ von Politprofi hervorgebracht: den Political Consultant. Er bringt die politische Maschine auf Hochtouren, manchmal baut er sie erst auf. Er ist ein politischer Unternehmer, der zwischen Parlamenten, Parteien, dem Wahlgeschehen und auch dem Lobbying agiert und damit seine Firma unterhält. Seine Autorität beruht nicht nur auf Kommunikations-Know-how wie bei Werbeleuten, sondern auch auf Fachwissen über Wahlverhalten, über Macht und die teils harten, teils sensiblen Spielregeln der staatlich-öffentlichen Bühne.

"The 1840 U.S. presidential campaign may be seen as the mother of all modern election campaigns – in good and bad aspects alike. With its image-driven strategies of "Log Cabin" and "Tippecanoe" fame, media and event tactics, superficial hoopla and excitement, the Whigs' run for the White House has a special place in political communication history. The same holds for the harsh negative tactics. Under the surface, however, lie substantial economic, social, religious and cultural changes in society which gave anchor to the campaign.

GERMAN / DEUTSCH - Der US-Präsidentschaftswahlkampf von 1840 gilt als der erste moderne Wahlkampf.
Schlagwörter: Bewegung, Bildstrategie, evangelikale, Erweckungsbewegung, Frauen, Image, Inszenierung, Log Cabin Campaign, Negativkampagne, Nichtregierungsorganisation (NGO), Patronage, Personalisierung, Tippecanoe and Tyler too, Wahlkampf, Werbung
Organisationen: Demokratische Partei (USA), Republikanische Partei (USA), Whigs (USA)
Personen: William Henry Harrison, John Tyler, Martin Van Buren
Publikationen: Log Cabin"

Politicians across Western democracies are increasingly adopting and experimenting with Twitter particularly during election time. The purpose of this article is to investigate how candidates are using it during an election campaign. The aim is to create a typology of the various ways in which candidates behaved on Twitter. Our research, which included a content analysis of tweets (n=26,282) from all twittering Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrat candidates (n=416) during the 2010 UK General Election campaign, focused on four aspects of tweets: type, interaction, function and topic. By examining candidates' twittering behaviour, we show that British politicians mainly used Twitter as a unidirectional form of communication. However, there were a group of candidates who used it to interact with voters by, for example, mobilizing, helping and consulting them, thus tapping into the potential Twitter offers for facilitating a closer relationship with citizens.