Unesco World Heritage Site

דרך הבשמים בנגב הוכרזה בשנת 2005 כאתר מורשת עולמית כחלק מההכרזה של דרך הבשמים – ערי המדבר בנגב. ההכרזה התבססה על המאפיינים של מקטע הדרך בנגב, על האתרים שלאורכה – התחנות, המצדים והמעלות – ועל ייחוד המקטע כולו בהקשר האזורי הרחב. שלוש שנים לאחר מכן, בשנת 2008 , אשררה האספה הכללית של ארגון איקומוס את האמנה לדרכי תרבות ׁICOMOS Charter on Cultural
Routes. במסמך זה הוגדר המונח "דרך תרבות", הודגשה המשמעות של דרכי תרבות בשיח העוסק במורשת תרבות ובשימורה, וצוינו העקרונות והמאפיינים הנדרשים כתנאים להגדרת דרכים כדרכי תרבות ולבחינתן.

מאמר זה מתמקד במקטע הדרך שהוכרז כאתר מורשת עולמית. מטרתו לבחון את דרך הבשמים בראי האמנה לדרכי תרבות והנושאים שנדונו בה, ולשאול אם דרך הבשמים עונה על ההגדרה של דרך תרבות במאפייניה, באתרים שלאורכה ובעמידה בתנאי האותנטיות והשלמות, ואם היא עונה על מטרות האמנה, הרואות בדרכי תרבות כלי לקידום הידברות והשפעה הדדית בין תרבויות. לשם כך יכלול המאמר שני חלקים:
בחלקו הראשון נציג את המונח דרך תרבות ואת מקורותיו, ובחלקו השני נבחן את דרך הבשמים. נסכם במבט לעתיד על התרומה הטמונה באמנה לקידום השימוש בדרך הבשמים ובנתיביה במשמעות התרבותית שלהם כיום, כחלק משיתוף פעולה אזורי רחב.

Safranbolu doğal koruma alanları imara açılmıştır.
Bu yazı UNESCO World Heritage Center'ı göreve davet etmek için yazılan dilekçenin ekidir.

Bu yazıda önce tarih içinde şehrin sosyoekonomik gelişimini, 20. yüzyılın başında ekonomik işlevselliğini kaybederek bir yatakhane şehre dönüşmesini, bu süreçte tesadüfi korunmanın söz konusu olduğunu kısa notlar halinde özetleyeceğim. 1970'lerde Avrupa Miras Yılı nedeniyle tarihi şehrin keşfedilmesini ve dönemin yerel yöneticileri tarafından bütün sevap ve günahlarıyla nasıl korunmaya çalışıldığını anlatacağım. Bu dönem bir bakıma bilinçli koruma olarak isimlendirilebilir. Nihayet 1990'larda hem UNESCO Dünya Mirası Listesine kaydıyla gelişen süreci-resmi korumahem de turizmle tanışma dönemi olarak isimlendiriyorum. Bu süreçte 1930'lardan başlayarak imar planları yapılmış 1980'ler ve 2010'larda ise koruma amaçlı imar planları uygulamaya konulmuştur. Aşağıda bu planların hızla gelişmekte olan yeni yerleşmelerin tarihi kenti nasıl yedeğine aldığını ve sorunlara açık hale getirdiğini tartışacağım. Çok yakınlarda ise Safranbolu tarihi kentini çevreleyen, yer yer içine giren doğal sit alanlarının imara açıldığı ve hiçbir zaman bir geçiş alanına sahip olmayan Safranbolu Tarihi Kentinin bu nedenle tüm değerlerini kaybedeceği

To cite this article: Steven Fabian (2013): East Africa's Gorée: slave trade and slave tourism in Bagamoyo, Tanzania, Canadian Journal of African Studies/La Revue canadienne des études africaines, 47:1, 95-114 To link to this article: http://dx.

The search for identity, for a sense of where we belong in a changing world, appears today to be both a personal and a general quest. The reasons may go far beyond a purely intellectual quest to a yearning for stability through a sense of belonging and a knowledge of where we have come from; and behind this may lie deep-seated worries about where we -as a race, as a nation, as individuals -may be going."

Con il contributo di: L. 77/06 -Misure speciali di tutela e fruizione dei siti italiani di interesse culturale, paesaggistico e ambientale, inseriti nella "lista del patrimonio mondiale", posti sotto la tutela dell' UNESCO (297.000,00 €) Fondazione CARIPLO (30.000,00 €) Comunità Montana di Valle Camonica-GIC (3.000,00 €) Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia Parco Nazionale delle Incisioni Rupestri, Capo di Ponte QUADERNI. 5 Il Progetto "Monitoraggio e buone pratiche di tutela del patrimonio del sito UNESCO n. 94 Arte rupestre della Valle Camonica" Legge 20 febbraio 2006, n. 77, E.F. 2010 a cura di MARIA GIUSEPPINA RUGGIERO, RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER IL PROGETTO "MONITORAGGIO E BUONE PRATICHE DI TUTELA DEL PATRIMONIO DEL SITO UNESCO N. 94 ARTE RUPESTRE DELLA VALLE CAMONICA".

Scopo principale della mia tesi è stato spiegare come i flussi turistici abbiano trasformato Venezia, che negli ultimi anni ha visto nascere il fenomeno della vendita dei palazzi storici e del loro conseguente cambio di destinazione d'uso. Nel primo capitolo, dopo una breve introduzione relativa alla situazione economica mondiale, europea ed italiana, ho descritto l'economia veneta, e soprattutto veneziana degli ultimi anni segnati da un’ingente crescita del turismo e dal fenomeno della costruzione o della trasformazione degli edifici storici in strutture ricettive per accogliere il maggior numero possibile di turisti. Nel secondo capitolo ho analizzato l’economia delle città d’arte, concentrandomi sul “caso Venezia”, tema che si intreccia con il fenomeno turistico, evidenziando i principali effetti negativi causati dal fenomeno dell’overtourism e mettendo in luce un insieme di linee guida che possano aiutare le città a colmare la lacuna nella gestione dei flussi turistici. Nel terzo capitolo ho parlato delle strategie adottate dall'Amministrazione veneziana nell'ambito dell'Organizzazione di Gestione della Destinazione Turistica "Venezia", un progetto di governance territoriale che si basa sull'innovazione, sulla sostenibilità e sulla valorizzazione dell'offerta culturale nella città. Inoltre in questo capitolo sono enunciate le prescrizioni dell'UNESCO nei confronti di Venezia che è entrata a far parte della Lista del Patrimonio dell'Umanità nel 1987. Infine ho descritto il malcontento dei veneziani dovuto al fenomeno turistico e alla conseguente vendita attraverso la Cassa Depositi e Prestiti dei palazzi storici cittadini, analizzando il fenomeno attraverso tre casi studio riguardanti Palazzo Poerio Papadopoli (o Foresti Papadopoli) a Dorsoduro, la V-A-C Foundation che ha sede presso il Palazzo delle Zattere nell’omonima fondamenta e le Ville Heriòt in Giudecca. Sono tre casi completamente diversi l’uno dall’altro che hanno avuto altrettante conclusioni differenti. In conclusione nel quarto capitolo ho analizzato i tre edifici dal punto di vista architettonico, spiegando in che modo sono stati trasformati a seconda della nuova destinazione d’uso.

In a post-colonial society such as Mauritius, the notion of heritage was inherited from the colonial Elite, which identified as heritage, symbols of their own presence on the territory. The examination of the list of national heritage (2003) reveals that 92% of listed heritage refers to the experience of the French (1721-1810) and British (1810-1968) presence on the island. Only 1% refers to slavery and 4% to indenture although this heritage speaks to the experience of 90% of the Mauritian population. A change occurred when the Aapravasi Ghat (2006) and Le Morne (2008) were listed as World Heritage Sites by UNESCO because it marked the recognition of the experience of the descendants of slaves and indentured labourers on the island.

Ultimately, the World Heritage Status led the government to expand the notion of heritage defined as a “monument” in the legislation inherited from the British colonialization. With the establishment of a buffer zone around the Aapravasi Ghat located in the capital city, the context of evolution of the site was considered as an integral part of the heritage that required protection. Consequently, the planning documents were reviewed to integrate heritage in the development strategies. The new planning legislation adopted in 2011 rests on a vision that advocates the use of heritage as a driver for sustainable development. With the preparation of a Local Economic Development Plan for the buffer zone of the Aapravasi Ghat partly funded by UNESCO, Mauritius is currently considering using heritage as a main component for the revitalization of the capital city. The paper proposes to present how the World Heritage Status gradually contributed to the elaboration of a new framework to preserve and valorize the heritage. It also intends to expose how heritage was integrated into development strategies to support sustainable development in the capital city of Mauritius.

In 1992, UNESCO’s World Heritage Convention was the first global legal instrument to recognise and protect cultural landscapes, setting a precedent for adoption of the concept within numerous national and international conservation designations and conventions. However, despite its widespread recognition, there is no universal definition for what constitutes a cultural landscape. In response, this review disambiguates the concept as understood within internationalised conservation instruments. It begins with an examination of hegemonic Eurocentric heritage and conservation discourses, revealing how they construct culture and nature as separate entities with distinct value typologies. Using examples, the review then explores how cultural landscapes are interpreted by Australia ICOMOS’ Burra Charter and IUCN’s Category V Protected Areas. Subsequently, it outlays how cultural landscapes are constituted within the World Heritage Convention itself. It is revealed that while cultural landscapes offer a framework for understanding and protecting interlinkages between nature and culture, their realisation can be constrained by Eurocentric biases in discourses underpinning the processes of the World Heritage Convention. These biases are particularly problematic in recognising and inscribing the landscapes of Indigenous peoples.

Bu sunumda Safranbolu ve içine yerleştiği kanyonlar ontolojik varlıklar olarak değerlendirilerek, oluşan kent morfolojisinin yetkinliği tartışılmaktadır. İkinci bölümde Karabük'e eklemlenen tarihi yerleşmenin tüm ulaşım aksının değişmesi sonucu şehrin algılanmasındaki bulanıklaşma yanında şehirde oluşan aşırı motorlu trafik yükü tartışılmaktadır. Üçüncü bölümde ise koruma alanındaki restorasyonlardaki hatalar ve sonucunda kaybolan patina örneklenmektedir. Son bölümde ise gerek kent algısının zenginleştirilmesi gerekse motorlu trafik sorununun çözülebilmesi için bir öneri getirilmektedir.

Mimarlık tarihçisi Doğan Kuban ( 1926-), Türkiye’de Kentsel Koruma/ Kent Tarihleri ve Koruma Yöntemleri (2001) adlı eserinde, "tarihi yapıların korunmasının temel amacı sanatsaldır" diye yazar (2001). (İTÜ emekli öğretim üyesi) Prof. Kuban, Haziran 2009'da Safranbolu'da bir konuşma yaptı ve bu kez de, "koruma, kültürel bir tavırdır" dedi (Kuban, 2009). Naçiz görüşüme göre, koruma, bunların hepsinden daha kapsamlıdır. Hatta-aynı zamanda- toplumsal, ekonomik ve politik bir etkinliktir. Bu makalede, geçtiğimiz kırk yıl içinde Safranbolu'da yapılmış korumayı tartışırken, korumanın toplumsal bir olgu olarak ele alındığında nasıl başarıya ulaştığını; buna karşın, halktan kopuk yaklaşımların önemli kayıplara neden olduğunu kanıtlamaya çalışacağım .
"Safranbolu'da koruma" konusuyla ilgili olarak bugüne kadar kaleme alınan yazılarda ve yapılan konuşmalarda, genellikle, hep bardağın dolu tarafı gösterilmeye çalışıldı. Bu makalede ise, genellikle yapıldığı gibi durumu betimlemeyle yetinmek yerine, "Safranbolu'da koruma"yı oldukça geniş bir "kanaviçe" üzerine yerleştirerek değişik dönemlerin değişen koşulları altında tarihi Safranbolu kentinin ve özellikle kentteki Çarşı'nın zaman içinde nasıl değişikliğe uğradığını tartışmak istiyorum.
Bu noktada, ister istemez bazı konularda öznel olmak zorunda olduğumu eklemeliyim:  1993'ten bu yana, şöyle ya da böyle, Safranbolu'da koruma etkinliğinin içinde bulunduğumu; bundan önce ise, Safranbolu ile ilgimin, bir köylüsü̈ olarak kendimi bildim bileli, bir akademik uğraş alanı olarak da 1973-1983 yılları arasında on yıllık bir dönemi kapsadığını' ifade etmek istiyorum.

The paper suggests a more critical analysis of conflictual situations between stararchitecture and historic landscape. We show that their apparent antinomy is much more ambiguous than bibliography suggests.  More than the result of two opposing or even conflicting paradigms, the conservation of the historical urban landscape and the construction of iconic architectures are  the expression of a demand for the same "global urban product", aiming at creating a marketable image and at attracting the transnational elites (Sklair and Gherardi, 2012).
The paper is onranized in four sections. The first one analyses recent evolutions of the concept of Historic Urban Landscape and the shift from a strictly heritage approach to a more managerial view. The second presents the concept of iconic architecture and of "starchitecture" and their impact on contemporary cities. The third section analyses the conflicts that often characterize urban conditions in which iconic projects are considered to be threatening to the historical context. We focus on World Heritage UNESCO cities since UNESCO recommendations, and the risk of being on the “danger list”, or even lose UNESCO status, play a key role. The fourth section will finally propose a critical analysis of these conflicting situations. The paper will question their apparent antinomy, in order to identify and stress the common factors that are producing exclusive urban landscapes characterized both by "world-status heritage" and "world-status contemporary architecture".

II Capítulo sobre la ciudad castellano leonesa de Ávila declarada patrimonio mundial de la humanidad en el año 1985. Esta parte del libro está dedicada a David García Higueruela y a Iñaki Gómez Esteban que juntos han recorrido la ciudad de Ávila.

Capítulo IX: MÉRIDA. Ciudad Patrimonio Mundial de la Humanidad desde el año 1993. Esta parte del libro está dedicada a Francisco Juan Balas Dalia @pbalas, Daniel Robles Cid @danielrobles10 y Andres Senit @asenit , «mis veteranos lusitanos». Agradecimiento especial a @danimv89, 20 de agosto de 2020

Capítulo VIII: SSAN CRISTÓBAL DE LA LAGUNA. Ciudad Patrimonio Mundial de la Humanidad desde el año 1999. Esta parte del libro está dedicada a Luis Mallén @arkodakigram, Isi González Arias @isi_dakota y a Raúl Máximo Jiménez @raulmassimojimenez que me han hecho descubrir Canarias. 23 de mayo de 2019

Tokom poslednjeg rata na Kosovu i Metohiji uništavana su mnoga svedočanstva minulog vremena jer nisu bila deo poželjne slike prošlosti niti željene slike sadašnjosti. Jedan od istorijsko-umetničkih spomenika koji je delimično stradao tokom rata je i Crkva Bogorodice Ljeviške u Prizrenu, reprezentativan primer umetničkih dostignuća srednjovekovne Srbije i svedok različitih društvenih stvarnosti grada Prizrena kroz dug period trajanja. Kako je hram tokom rata pretrpeo evidentne promene u materijalnom smislu, postavlja se pitanje neophodnosti ukazivanja i na nastale promene i štetu u semantičkom smislu. U radu će se predstaviti geneza procesa obnove Bogorodice Ljeviške nakon rata 1999. godine, analizirati njena savremena percepcija u albanskoj zajednici na Kosovu i Metohiji, ali i razmatrati pitanje celovite zaštite ovog spomenika, odnosno očuvanja njegovog svedočanstva.

OBLIVION AND MODELS OF CARE AND PROTECTION:
CHURCH OF THE HOLY VIRGIN OF LJEVISA IN PRIZREN
Summary
During and after the war in Kosovo in 1999, Serbian medieval monuments were recognized as symbols
and bearers of Serbian identity. This led to the fact that among the Albanian population in Kosovo,
they were seen as an undesirable legacy - a reflection of centuries of existence of the Serbs in Kosovo. One
of the historical monument which was partially destroyed during the war in 1999. and later in 2004. was the
Church of the Holy Virgin of Ljeviš in Prizren, a representative example of artistic achievements of medieval
Serbia and witness of different social realities of the city of Prizren through a long period of its duration. As
the church during the war suffered evident changes in the material sense, we emphasize the need to point out
the changes and damage made in semantic terms. Although the scientific truth about this monument is not
disputed in the Albanian society in Kosovo and Metohia, the popular publications allow baseless debate and
are used in order to forget historical identity of place and promote it in their distorted interpretation. The
monument, being on the UNESCO List of World Heritage in Danger, haven‘t had its own curator since 1999,
so local Albanian tourist guides, printed and internet touristic publications have the primary role in informing
tourists. Through them, this monument is often pushed into oblivion, wrongly interpreted, construed
and used to create a desirable image of the newly-established state and its new, ‘pure’ identity. In this paper
we present the genesis of the reconstruction process of this monument after the 1999, analyze its contemporary
perception in the Albanian community in Kosovo and Metohija, but also consider the issue of comprehensive protection of monuments, preserving its testimony potential.

The chapter gives information on the UNESCO World Heritage Site of Ani in Turkey, under the titles of geographic location and boundaries; physical, natural, and cultural characteristics; history and components; history of excavations; state of conservation and conservation measures; UNESCO World Heritage List nomination process and management planning; and present and future scientific research, with a short list of references for further reading.

Riassunto: A partire dalla prima edizione del 1955 la planimetria del nuraghe e del villaggio di Su Nuraxi di Barumini è stata pubblicata, con aggiornamenti e modifiche, in numerosi contributi scientifici e divulgativi. Le sigle adottate in cinque principali planimetrie edite evidenziano omissioni, variazioni e ripetizioni che si perpetuano nel corso delle varie stesure creando difficoltà alla lettura generale del complesso e alla particolare individuazione dei vani. Questo contributo si propone di verificare tali incongruenze allo scopo di redigere una nuova planimetria con una univoca segnatura degli spazi quale strumento utile alla ricostruzione delle vicende storiche del villaggio di Su Nuraxi. Parole chiave: Su Nuraxi di Barumini, Sardegna, Età Nuragica, Villaggio nuragico, Designazioni Abstract: Since 1955 five major plans of the nuragic village of Barumini have been published. The plans utilized different identification codes for the structures. This has led to some confusion and created difficulties in identify individual structures. This work presents a Comparison identify the various anomalies in the five published works and includes a new detailed plan of the site.

Not only had contemporary architectural discourse called for reconsiderations of a dichotomy between " tangible " and " intangible " cultural heritages, but also revisions of those terms. Informed by the said developments, this research presented a multi-dimensional enquiry into a collection of human-made and naturally-created environments, valued by the inhabitants of Sarachit sub-district as their shared inheritances.

Located in Si Satchanalai district at Sukhothai province, Sarachit stood next to Si Satchanalai Historical Park–which was a part of the Historic Town of Sukhothai and Associated Historic Towns– constituting one of UNESCO World Heritage Sites in Thailand. Operating on a theoretical premise that spatiality and heritage were generated from material-social relations thus subjectively becoming contingents on perceptions of–as much as interactions with–mental and physical cognisance, the following studies covered three thematic foci.

First, the inquiries examined how intangible heritage–namely indigenous legends, verbal folklores, spiritual beliefs, and cosmological views–cultivated a common identity among the populace through representations of space and significations of traditional artefacts in social practices and customs. Second, the investigations incorporated maps and diagrams illustrating the ways in which tangible heritage–empowered by toponymy and oral tradition–fostered a sense of place and belonging via spatial-cum-temporal narratives, allowing several locales in the sub-district to be psychologically affiliated with archeological ruins in the nearby historical park. Third, the upcoming analytical and critical discussions revealed that similar to space–which was neither already produced nor ready to be occupied–cultural heritages in Sarachit were social constructs, existing in a state of constant changes. Latest occurrences included commercial transformations of historical sites and traditional artifacts into cultural commodities, driven by economic incentives from flourishing tourism industry. Altogether, these findings provided a basis to conclude that both tangible and intangible heritages were made and used before they were conceptualised and interpreted as such.

Τρεις αποφάσεις και ένα επιμύθιο για τη νέα μετατροπή τής Αγίας Σοφίας σε τζαμί. (Mετάφραση και σχολιασμός της δικαστικής απόφασης 2020/2595 τού τουρκικού Σ.τ.Ε. και των εκτελεστικών διαταγμάτων τού 1934 και 2020).
Three decisions regarding Hagia Sophia, with an epilogue. (Translation into Greek αnd Commentary of the 2020/2595 Turkish Council of State Decision on the Proper Use of Hagia Sophia in Istanbul, along with the 1934 and 2020 Administrative Acts).

This paper is concerned with the concepts of protection, conservation and management of archaeological heritage sites as invoked by UNSECO, ICOMOS and ICCROM and the benefits of engaging in sound heritage management in the face of increasing Mass Tourism to Aegean Turkey’s ancient archaeological sites.  To this end, the author has selected the two Ancient Greco-Roman archeological sites of Aphrodisias and Ephesus in western Turkey for a comparative study. The sites have been identified for their outstanding universal value (OUV) and contrasting contexts. The Ancient city of Ephesus, inscribed in July 2015 as a World Heritage Site and The Ancient City of Aphrodisias, a nomination candidate since 2009.

Central to the paper is the review of visitor management strategies presented in the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism Management Plans submitted to UNESCO for Ephesus and Aphrodisias and prospects for their timely implementation.

The burning question focuses on the 'Adequacy' of existing Regulalatory frameworks to protect the sites in the face of Mass tourism.

The article aims to present short review over the relations between the countries of South America regarding the policy of protection and safeguard of one of the most exceptional elements of cultural heritage of the indigenous peoples, represented by the pre-Columbian Andean Road System – Qhapaq Ñan. The first part describes the
road network and its meaning for the inhabitants of the Andean region from pre-Columbian to modern times.  Further section presents the process of the nomination and declaration of Qhapaq Ñan as a symbol of the World Cultural Heritage by UNESCO (2001–2014). The nomination was possible thanks to the effort of the representatives of six countries linked nowadays by the Trail: Colombia, Ecuador,
Peru, Bolivia, Chile and Argentina, and in official discourse on regional and international level was presented in terms of pan-Andean integration and cooperation (via structures of the Andean Community of Nations, OAS or CONSUR). The last part of the article offers some reflections about current condition of cultural politics and the process of implementation of the indigenous peoples’ rights regarding the right to participation and the management of their cultural heritage.

The City of Safranbolu was inscribed in the World Heritage List in ‚ˆˆ… by virtue of its key role in the caravan trade over many centuries, Safranbolu enjoyed great prosperity and as a result it set a standard for public and domestic architecture that exercised a great influence on urban development over a large area of the Ottoman Empire. Safranbolu has preserved its original form and buildings to a remarkable extent, but continuous efforts must be made to preserve the traditional townscape.