Ethnicity and Nationalism

Sociology and PhD in applied linguistics entitled "Exploring the Relationship Between Language and Culture in Dhimal of Nepal". He has actively participated on all ICH Convention 2003, ICH Inventorying, ICH nomination process and ICH Safeguarding plans in Nepal since 2012 and onward continuously. Also collected field inventorying experiences working in Jirel Community, Pahari Community and eastern Rai communities of Nepal, KTM Metropolitan Ward No.31 tangible and intangible cultural heritages documentation works and more programs jointly organized by UNESCO Kathmandu and MOCTCA. He has also experiences of working as ADF/UNV, Dhimal MT text books writer, Dhimal Literature Writer, not only but also more than two decades teaching experiences, more than one and half dozen books publication, community research works and facilitations. He's also experiences of doing researches on ethno-linguistics, socioanthropologies, linguistics survey of IPs, ICH elements and domains, IPs and IPOs ethnicity, culture, history and identities, doing translation works, working with WB, IDEA Int'l, NEFIN Climate Change, NFDIN, NAFA, and Nepal Academy as well.

Absbact -Tanzanian and Zmbian univesity stldents are g€nemlly toleranl towards rheir conpatiols of Eurcpean dd South Asian oignx. However, the level of lolennce among Zambians is hieber, basically due to rheexisrence since precolonial time of the Swahili culture and language at minimal nlnber of eapansionist certrr,lized polities in co.temporary Tanaia and lacli of \u-h-btkEorlJrill.ooriali r 'i Z.nh'.. T\r orl e mpo-Iant lactors de the respondenh' attitude to colonialism and trddidonal culrure. The role seculdzation plays is co radictory. Being Chilstian or Muslin. fon a larger or snalle. edrnic group, rhe place of bnth. dd p.obably tbe financial situation proved insienincsr. [Ibn anid, Zanbia, ethia rcciIl hinornies, totera n r e, p o sr c o I a nia ]i fl , n ationbu i Ld i n B, p re c o lo ni al and c a loni dl Dmild M. Bondarerko, PbD, D. Sc.. is \4ce-Dircctor for Re sedch of lhe lnstitute for Aftican Sludies of the Russirn Acrd emy oi Sciedces dd Professo. in tbe Ce er of Soci.l Antlro pology of the Rusian State UniveNity fo.1he Hunanides in Moscow. He is the aurhor of over :00 publicdtions on hisbry and culture of Sub Sahdm Aftica, as well as on r wide rdge of theoreiical issues vdying fron the nse of social conplexiry in dchaic societies ro culrurol pr@e$es in conlempordy world. Anong his monogaphs e those in English: A Popuh Hislory oi Benin. The Rise and Fall oa a Mighry Forest Kingdon (wilh Perer M. Rcse. Fnnkfuft 2003), and "Honodchy. A Prin' ciple of Cullue\ organizdtion (Moscow 2006).see also Rel: Cited. Kaniri K.hhna, PhD, Senior Leturer in rhe Deparhen! of History, School of Hunaniries lnd Sociul Sciences, Unnesny of Zambia (Lusaka). She is rhe arthor of a signincant dunber of adicles injournah dd collections. including those on Soulh Asians in Africa and lndjat policy on the continent.

After a short span of achieving statehood on basis of religious identity, the Bengali Muslims redefined their identity and once again demanded a separate state on basis of linguistic identity. Hobsbawm believe that identity formation in terms of nationhood is a result of deliberate ideological engineering. Economic factors serve as tangible signposts to cultural subjugation. Though many historians owe the Bengali nationalism and claims of statehood to linguistic and cultural difference that proved detrimental for state and nation making in pre 1971 Pakistan, the prime argument of this paper is that nationalist discourse is a discursive formation and a sort of language game rooted in material socio economic phenomenon of inequality and disparity. The concept of inequality and disparity essentially employ that a binary exists, and a group is feeling excluded, marginalized and at disadvantageous position in respect to some other group. The feeling of victimhood is at base of the nationalist movements and (re)definition of identity. Employing the concept of Subaltern Realism given by Mohammed Ayoob and the toolkit of Foucauldian Discourse Analysis, and taking discourse as a combination of material and discursive formations, influencing human subjectivities and conditions of existence; the paper will examine the material economic conditions of existence in pre 1971 Pakistani federation and discursive responses as claims of self-determination and separatist nationalism. One of the key findings of paper is that ethnic Bengali nationalism was a derivative phenomenon of economic exclusion and uneven development.

The study analyses the structure and dynamics of opinions of the general public of Nepal with the radical transformation of the country’s political system in the recent past, with a particular focus on the four major state restructuring issues (i.e. four major political reforms: republicanism, secularism, multilingualism and federalism), and compares them with the positions taken by Nepal’s major political parties on these reforms. The four reforms together made up the transformation that was eventually codified into the new Constitution of the country in September 2015. However, even when the new Constitution was promulgated, the public opinion had not preferred to all four reforms. This research reveals that there is a dominant role of political elites from the major political parties in the transformation of country’s political system. However, the parties also moderated their positions to some extent on some of the issues. This is clearest on the abolition of the Hindu state. The elites maintained their decision to move to a secular state, but added to the constitution a definition of ‘secularism’ that included protection for traditional religious practices. With regard to language policy, the eventual implementation of multilingualism in which Nepali remains the administrative language at the national level and other languages can be recognized as administrative languages in each province, can also be interpreted as a concession to public opinion. The promulgation of the 2015 Constitution formally proved that the political elites of Nepal were the benevolent guardians of political tolerance and minority rights.

This paper examines what best explains political behavior in a deeply divided society.
Despite the democratic nature of the Israeli political system, we suggest that Israel’s society is
characterized by social affiliations mainly defined by social identity that include race, ethnicity, and
religion and amount to tribalism. Based on the results of the 2020 election, we examined whether
these social affiliations or other socioeconomic characteristics better explain voting behavior. First,
we found a significant correlation between tribalism and voting behavior in Israel and socioeconomic
characteristics and voting behavior in Israel. When comparing tribalism’s correlation versus other
socioeconomic characteristics, we found that the correlation between tribalism and voting behavior
in Israel trumps the correlation between socioeconomic characteristics and voting behavior in Israel,
except for the Ashkenazi Jews. In other words, voting behavior is better explained by affiliation
to the social group, that is, by kinship, race, ethnicity, and religion, than by other socioeconomic
characteristics such as education level, economic status, or geographic location. This extends the idea
of “in-group favoritism”.

I t now seems highly likely that within the near future, some say within the coming year, a new constitution will be inaugurated in South Africa. For any new constitution to gain a semblance of legitimacy either locally or internationally, it will have to look something like a liberal democracy with social welfare ambitions; majority rule within a unified state. There should also be some system built into the constitution for preservation of "minority" rights, perhaps through geographical representation of communities, although there will not be any language in the document that recalls the "group rights" of apartheid. There will probably also be some system of strengthened regional government. Basic property rights of market capitalism will, in all likelihood, be sanctified as well. In this same not-too-distant time, shortly after the ceremonies celebrating the inaugural government of the New South Africa, two events laden with historical irony will occur. A bla...

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We thank the Conference participants for their helpful comments and suggestions. We also thank Kumud Bhansali for her helpful comments. We are grateful to the three anonymous reviewers of this journal for their insightful comments and suggestions.

Ugyanilyen jó szervezéssel javulhatnának a magyarok statisztikái a szív- és érrendszeri megbetegedések terén. Ugyanígy apadhatna a nemzeti sörpocak, nőhetne a nemzeti tüdőkapacitás, javulhatna a magyarok állóképessége. Ehhez szervezett és okos közösségi sportstratégia kellene, ami újabb stadionok építése helyett az állampolgárok mozgásba lendítését szolgálná.

Land is a highly important component of the ecosystem determining the existence and variation of other natural resources. Most commonly land is used for urbanization and agricultural development. Either of the said human activity is identified as an anthropogenic impact on natural environment. In order to reduce the negative human impact on the environment, but to promote economic and social development, international political agreements are signed in pursuance of the creation of sustainable development conceptions. The real estate market is an important integral part of the state economy and this market reflects the visible impact of anthropogenic factors and the need of sustainable development. The scientific article aims at examining the agricultural land market in administrative territories of Lithuanian cities and at assessing the legal regulation of the land market in practice. The study revealed that in the areas of Lithuanian cities there is a significant amount of agricult...

The river Barak flowing through Northeast India is the critical cultural and economic resource for thousands of people residing on its banks. The indigenous Hmar tribe have many sites of great spiritual and religious significance located on its course and in small islands in the river. The river is not merely a lifeline, but is integral to their cultural history and sense of selfhood. Currently, the Hmar are opposing the construction of the Tipaimukh dam on the Barak in Manipur. This paper discusses the arguments advanced to oppose this dam as it will displace numerous Hmar villages and submerge their sacred sites: the administrative irregularities and procedural violations, geological instability of dam site and environmental considerations, social costs and the threat of cultural extinction, lack of participatory project implementation, and absence of informed public consent of the affected Hmar.

A tanulmány témája egy több színtéren-az akadémiai világban és az emberi jogi aktiviz-mus területén-zajló, tágabb vitához kapcsolódik, amely a "szabadság kontra méltóság" címkével azonosítható. A szerző elsősorban az emberi méltóság és a médiaszabadság-mely utóbbi általában a véleményszabadság egy speciális válfajaként konceptualizálódik-közötti konfliktusra összpontosítva vizsgálja a problémát; a tágabb nemzetközi kontex-tus felől halad-az európai fejleményeknél részletesebben időzve-, végül a magyaror-szági helyzet tanulmányozására helyezi a fókuszt. Ez utóbbi mozzanat mögött az indíté-kot egy jelentős hazai társadalmi probléma jelenti: nevezetesen a legnagyobb lélekszámú etnika kisebbségi csoport, a roma közösség társadalmi kirekesztése, amiben a feltételezé-sek szerint nem elhanyagolható szerepet játszik a romák szembeszökően negatív média-reprezentációja. A szerző álláspontja szerint ez a probléma-tekintettel a kirekesztés magas társadalmi költségeire-kétségkívül orvo...

The present paper examine the courtship and marriage among intermarried couples in Nepal. The study focuses on how the intimacy was developed? What were the factors that attracted toward each other? How long courtship lasted? What types of marriage respondents had?. The study was conducted in Kathmandu valley. The valley includes three districts that are, Kathmandu, Lalitpur and Bhaktapur district. Information was collected from 210 women who were in intermarriage by using snowball technique. In the study, it is found that most of the couples met each other through common friends. 28.57 per cent of the couples's courtship lasted for two years and above before marriage and 54.76 per cent of the couples had marriage by elopement.

In this study news discourses dealing with the Roma minority in Bulgaria are analyzed. One of the most problematic issues facing Bulgaria in terms of the EU membership process was its attitude toward minorities. The government implemented several policies in this regard and was finally accepted as a member. The overall situation of the Roma minority has improved over time, but has the perceptions of society and the attitude of the media also changed with regard to minorities? This study is seeking answers to these questions. Media discourse plays an important role concerning the determination and maintenance of dominant ideas. Therefore this study mainly focuses on the news discourse related to the Roma minority. As a result it is observed that the news discourse maintains the current prejudices and ideologies about the Roma minority. In news items, the Roma minority are represented as marginal or different people who reside in illegal settlements, people who are more tolerant of violence, and people who need to be protected.

This article explains the effects of ethnic nationalism on Anglophone and Francophone migration. The rise of Québec ethnic nationalism in the 1960s dismantled the cultural division of labour, which created new opportunities for Francophones but threatened Anglophones' traditional dominance over the Québec economy. This had negative consequences for Anglophones but positive outcomes for Francophones, which in turn accounts for differences in migration patterns. Drawing from the internal colony model as well as migration and exit-voice theories, and using ecological census data, micro-census data and election panel data, I find that the key variables that increase the likelihood of Anglophone out-migration either do not explain Francophone out-migration or have opposite effects. This is because ethnonationalist policies decreased the economic return particularly for well-educated, higherearning, professional Anglophones in Québec, while increasing the economic position of Francophones and in particular well-educated professionals.

In this chapter, I address the role of emotions in populist politics and ask whether the emotions that populism appeals to form a specific set that distinguishes populism from other ideologies or discourses, especially from ethnic nationalism and nativism. In order to answer this first question, I first need to clarify the definitions of populism, ethnic nationalism, and nativism that I adopt. I depart from the well-known definition of populism formulated by Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Kaltwasser and indicate the problems connected with this kind of definition in the light of ethnic nationalism. Then I elucidate the concept of ethnic nationalism and its relationship to populism because at least in Western Europe and in the United States of America (USA) they both appear to be very closely related.
In the chapter, I will further focus on this ‘Western’, right-wing brand of populism and only occasionally refer to other varieties. Second, I discuss the concept of nativism and argue why it enables us to explain the connection between the two main characteristics of ‘Western’ populism – that is, its fundamental critique of ‘the (corrupt) elites’ and its fundamental critique of those who do not belong to ‘the people’. Third, after having cleared the strong conceptual and historical interconnections between ‘Western’ populism, nativism, and ethnic nationalism, I analyse the relationship between this type of collective identity and collective emotions. I do so because populist discourse appeals to and formulates specific emotions and specific collective identities. This leads me to the role played by fear versus security, hope versus despair, pride versus shame, and anger versus guilt in the
mobilization of collective identities connected to populism, nativism, and ethnic nationalism. It also leads me to the important distinction between ‘hot’ and ‘cold’ identities. Fourth, I go into the question of how the collective emotions typical of populism are connected to time and into the question of whether populism is following a specific narrative template that is different from ethnic nationalism, as Hakkı Taş has suggested. Here, I argue that the basic rise–fall–resurrection temporal trajectory is not only characteristic of populism but is also found in the Christian religion and in ethnic nationalism. Fifth and last, I end with concluding remarks

More specifically, in this paper I intend, to do two things: explain to a ., broader community why such a movement at this stage, is unique to Natal and I-THE FLIGHT OF THE GWALA-GWALA BIRD: KTHNICITY.POPUL.IGM AND WORKER CULTURE IN NATAL. 'S LABOUR MOVEMENT.

More specifically, in this paper I intend, to do two things: explain to a ., broader community why such a movement at this stage, is unique to Natal and I-THE FLIGHT OF THE GWALA-GWALA BIRD: KTHNICITY.POPUL.IGM AND WORKER CULTURE IN NATAL. 'S LABOUR MOVEMENT.

Absbact-Tanzanian and Zmbian univesity stldents are g€nemlly toleranl towards rheir conpatiols of Eurcpean dd South Asian oignx. However, the level of lolennce among Zambians is hieber, basically due to rheexisrence since precolonial time of the Swahili culture and language at minimal nlnber of eapansionist certrr,lized polities in co.temporary Tanaia and lacli of \u-h-btkEorlJrill.ooriali r 'i Z.nh'.. T\r orl e mpo-Iant lactors de the respondenh' attitude to colonialism and trddidonal culrure. The role seculdzation plays is co radictory. Being Chilstian or Muslin. fon a larger or snalle. edrnic group, rhe place of bnth. dd p.obably tbe financial situation proved insienincsr. [Ibn anid, Zanbia, ethia rcciIl hinornies, totera n r e, p o sr c o I a nia ]i fl , n ationbu i Ld i n B, p re c o lo ni al and c a loni dl Dmild M. Bondarerko, PbD, D. Sc.. is \4ce-Dircctor for Re sedch of lhe lnstitute for Aftican Sludies of the Russirn Acrd emy oi Sciedces dd Professo. in tbe Ce er of Soci.l Antlro pology of the Rusian State UniveNity fo.1he Hunanides in Moscow. He is the aurhor of over :00 publicdtions on hisbry and culture of Sub Sahdm Aftica, as well as on r wide rdge of theoreiical issues vdying fron the nse of social conplexiry in dchaic societies ro culrurol pr@e$es in conlempordy world. Anong his monogaphs e those in English: A Popuh Hislory oi Benin. The Rise and Fall oa a Mighry Forest Kingdon (wilh Perer M. Rcse. Fnnkfuft 2003), and "Honodchy. A Prin' ciple of Cullue\ organizdtion (Moscow 2006).see also Rel: Cited.

I will start by discussing the origins of the [Arab-Israeli] crisis by scoping the long and complicated [ethno-nationalistic] conflict from hermeneutics, colonialism to both Pro-Israel and Pro-Palestinian sides of this paradigm. Therefore, Pro-Palestine historians claim that the Zionist goalmouth from the beginning was to hijack an Islamic Palestine and then on replace the Arab people, that already live there; through Orientalist methods. While the Zionist argument compounds that Jewish people deserve a homeland because of past (anti-Semitic) discrimination throughout premature Europe (Thiel, 2017: P.3). I also will cover a clash of civilizations and how the Zionist evangelical movement began to grow into a cult throughout Israel; that eventually started to exploit a Zionist myth during an ultraviolent colonial performance (Salleh & Zakariya, 2012: p.141).

While Zionists also view Israel as reunifying tribal property as if it were a messianic prophecy (Haklai, 2015: P.23). I will also cover the psychology of Apartied, in which settler ethnonationalism and bi-nationalism is rather instinctive because of a project for an ethnic “imperialist” one-state solution. Furthermore, I will also compare the Israeli pursuit for Zion to South-African apartied, and other universal hegemonic experiments as well (Veracini, 2010: p.61). To start: The Zionist movement began to take place in states outside the borders of what many Jewish people call Israel today. As the Zionist movement attracted countless visionaries and Bible-bashers at the time. Especially, during the development of the early Protestant Christian movement during the late 1800s. Consequently, the Zionist revisionist crusade was symbolic to not just finding a new (Garden of Eden); but an apocalyptic prophecy that started to involve religious fanatics like Farther Ignatius and the reverend William Hechler; who began to capitalise on a large (Christian Zionist) movement. Later, paving a mass migration of Jewish people flooding the Holy Land of Jerusalem; chiefly because of this Biblical prophecy (Zouplna, 2004: p.33).

Absbact-Tanzanian and Zmbian univesity stldents are g€nemlly toleranl towards rheir conpatiols of Eurcpean dd South Asian oignx. However, the level of lolennce among Zambians is hieber, basically due to rheexisrence since precolonial time of the Swahili culture and language at minimal nlnber of eapansionist certrr,lized polities in co.temporary Tanaia and lacli of \u-h-btkEorlJrill.ooriali r 'i Z.nh'.. T\r orl e mpo-Iant lactors de the respondenh' attitude to colonialism and trddidonal culrure. The role seculdzation plays is co radictory. Being Chilstian or Muslin. fon a larger or snalle. edrnic group, rhe place of bnth. dd p.obably tbe financial situation proved insienincsr. [Ibn anid, Zanbia, ethia rcciIl hinornies, totera n r e, p o sr c o I a nia ]i fl , n ationbu i Ld i n B, p re c o lo ni al and c a loni dl Dmild M. Bondarerko, PbD, D. Sc.. is \4ce-Dircctor for Re sedch of lhe lnstitute for Aftican Sludies of the Russirn Acrd emy oi Sciedces dd Professo. in tbe Ce er of Soci.l Antlro pology of the Rusian State UniveNity fo.1he Hunanides in Moscow. He is the aurhor of over :00 publicdtions on hisbry and culture of Sub Sahdm Aftica, as well as on r wide rdge of theoreiical issues vdying fron the nse of social conplexiry in dchaic societies ro culrurol pr@e$es in conlempordy world. Anong his monogaphs e those in English: A Popuh Hislory oi Benin. The Rise and Fall oa a Mighry Forest Kingdon (wilh Perer M. Rcse. Fnnkfuft 2003), and "Honodchy. A Prin' ciple of Cullue\ organizdtion (Moscow 2006).see also Rel: Cited.

The modernity of nations and nationalism has been taken for granted as a self-evident truth, as Gellner (1983) claims, prevailing 'in the modern world and nowhere else' (p. 138). However, the conventional commentaries about tensions between ethnicities and nationalism in making modern nations (e.g. Smith; Hutchinson & Smith) have not been of major relevance to the case of Korea. The notions of Korea as 'an ethnic nation' and 'a state' (with no recognized ethnic or cultural minority) have been coeval since ancient times-fi rst identifi ed with Gojoseon, the fi rst Korean kingdom (2333 to 108) which indicates the origin of the Korean people 2 , and since the seventh century, identifi ed with unifi ed Silla (668-935), followed by Goryeo (918-1392) and Joseon (1392-1897). Until the late nineteenth century, Korea had been a thorough-going Confucian ideology-based bureaucratic nation-state, applying the tenets of Confucianism in its governing system (Kim, 2001/2018). Korea adopted Confucianism in the fourth century together with the Chinese written language (Eckert et al., 1990 , p. 30). The ancient Confucian civilization world had its own rational cosmopolitanism, within which Joseon [the Korean Confucian State] (1392-1897) was a neo-Confucian ideology-based bureaucratic nation-state. Education was a key instrument to uphold the Confucian state ideology and maintain the state apparatus and socioeconomic structure. Sungkyunkwan (1392-1894), the national higher education institution in Joseon, was a training institution for the higher civil service as was its predecessor, Gukjagam in Goryeo (935-1392) (Kim, 2001/2018). The Confucian state in Korea, as in China, orchestrated the national civil service examination system, through which civil servants (Confucian scholar mandarins) were selected in meritocratic principle. In this regard, the conventional juxtaposition of ethnic versus civic nationalism in the existing literature (e.g. Hutchinson & Smith, 1994) is a Eurocentric assumption and thus limited to explain the origins and evolution of Korean nation and nationalism which entailed both ethnic and civic elements (Kim & Bamberger, 2021a). Furthermore, the drastic change in the nature of the state in modern Korean history is atypical : that is from the long-standing Confucian

In recent decades, two major approaches have emerged to explain the intersection of Mizrahi ethnicity and citizenship in Israel. Since the early 1990s, Yoav Peled's Multiple Citizenship paradigm has dominated in elucidating the differential, hierarchical, and fragmented incorporation regime. According to this paradigm, affiliation with the Jewish religion was part of an ethno-national discourse of citizenship that constrained Mizrahim (Jews originating from Muslim countries) between the hegemonic Ashkenazim (Jews of European descent) and Palestinian citizens. However, a recent counter explanation has been proposed, focusing on the interpretive repertoires shaping the political behavior of Ashkenazim and Mizrahim. In contrast to the liberal assumptions of the Multiple Citizenship paradigm, this explanation places greater emphasis on cultural rather than material factors shaping political behaviors and broader worldviews, identifying each ethnic group with opposing cultural repertoires. By introducing the concept of "ethnic thinking," this article delves into the entanglements of religiosity in Mizrahi politics through two case studies-the Mizrahi Democratic Rainbow (the Keshet) and New Mizrahim. Rejecting the inclination to label Mizrahim as predisposed to traditionalism, this article challenges both approaches, which arguably overlook the performative aspects of Mizrahi citizenship.

Összefoglalás A tanulmány a civilitikával mint új társadalomtudományi elemzési iránnyal, a civil társadalom elméletével és gyakorlatával foglalkozik. Az írás a civil társadalom történeti kialakulásának, illetve az alapvető fogalmi-elméleti kereteknek a rövid áttekintésére vállalkozik, emellett azt vizsgálja, hogy Nyugat-és Közép-Európában, illetve Magyarországon milyen konkrét formában és változatban jött létre, jön létre a civil társadalom. A tanulmány célja bemutatni, hogy a közép-európai régióban és hazánkban a civil társadalom fokozatos újjászületésének vagyunk a szemtanúi, ám ez a folyamat még rengeteg ellentmondással terhelt, a demokratikus civil szerveződéseket többféle-gazdasági, külpolitikai, ideológiai-kihívás éri, ezért a kedvező jelek ellenére a civil társadalom stabilizációjáról és konszolidációjáról csak részben beszélhetünk.

A Kárpát-medence mai országainak kapcsolatait a közös történelmi múlt öröksége feszültségekkel terheli. A versailles-i békerendszer, amely etnikai alapon akarta átrendezni a határokat, nem megoldotta a soknemzetiségű birodalmak problémáit, hanem megsokszorozta immár nemzetállami keretek között. A kisebbségi jogok védelmére a nemzetközi jog sem tudott megfelelő válaszokat adni, e kérdés elsősorban az egyes országok kapcsolatain, az aktuális politikai hatalom jó- vagy rosszindulatán, vagy éppen közömbösségén múlik. A közép-európai rendszerváltások időszakában újabb lendületet kapott a kérdés rendezése, több nemzetközi dokumentum is született a kisebbségek védelmére.

Emellett az elhallgatott vagy burokban tartott kisebbségi kérdés a térség országai bilaterális egyezményeinek részévé is vált, nem utolsó sorban figyelemmel az euro-atlanti integráció kívánalmaira. 1991 és 2003 között Magyarország - Ausztria kivételével - minden szomszédjával alapszerződést és/vagy kisebbségi szerződést kötött, akkor rendkívül kedvező nemzetközi visszhanggal megtámogatva. Mára ez a fény megkopott, főként az érintett országok kapcsolataiban, a kisebbségeket érintő vitákban alig hallunk ezekről a szerződésekről. Vajon a kétoldalú szerződések valóban alkalmasak a kisebbségi jogok megerősítésére, a kisebbségek helyzetének javítására? Hogyan viszonyulnak az államok ezeknek a szerződéseknek a végrehajtásához, tartalmuk több lehet-e írott malasztnál? Mi a szerepe a bilaterális szerződéseknek a nemzetközi kisebbségvédelmi rendszerben? A kötet tanulmányai ezeknek a kérdéseknek járnak utána.

Este artículo argumenta que los mitos, leyendas y cuentos populares jugaron un papel fundamental en la creación y desarrollo de una identidad mexicana. Los trabajos de estudiosos como David Brading, Enrique Florescano y Anthony Pagden, entre otros, junto con las fuentes primarias de la época colonial, como el Teatro de virtudes políticas de Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora y Storia antica del Messico de Francisco Clavijero, se analizan en este ensayo. Por lo tanto, este segmento habla de cómo se utilizaron los mitos y leyendas indí- genas por parte de la élite criolla de para una identidad mestiza/híbrida que tuvo una fuerte influencia en los discursos del nacionalismo y la formación de la identidad. El papel de la Virgen de Guadalupe como símbolo clave también se discute en este ensayo.

Románia ezúttal sem hazudtolta meg önmagát A Román állam a magyar autonómia törekvéseket etnikai szempontok alapján történő szegregációnak tekinti. A parlament több politikusa is kiállt az indítványok elutasítása mellett. Marcel Ciolacu román miniszterelnök "mérgező kezdeményezésről" beszél, amikor a székelyföldi magyarság autonómiájának tervezetéről nyilatkozik. Zakariás Zoltán az Erdélyi Magyar Szövetség (EMSZ) elnöke három autonómia tervezetet nyújtott be 2023 december 20kán a képviselőházban. Az egyik dokumentum a nemzeti közösségek kulturális autonómiáját szabályozó kerettörvény-tervezet, a másik a magyar nemzeti közösség kulturális autonómiastatútuma. Ezeket a törvénytervezeteket az Erdélyi Magyar Tanács (EMNT) szakmai műhelyeiben dolgozták ki. A harmadik benyújtott kezdeményezés a Székelyföld autonómiastatútum, amelyet a Székely Nemzeti Tanács (SZNT) dolgozott ki. Immár negyedik alkalommal kerül a román törvényhozás elé a Székelyföld területi autonómiáját előrevetítő, az SZNT által kidolgozott autonómiastatútum, amelyet 2004-ben, 2018-ban és 2020 után a román többség, negyedik alkalommal is elutasított. A Közép-Kelet-Európai államokat etnikai, nyelvi, vallási és kulturális sokszínűség jellemzi. Ez a gazdag sokféleség évszázadokra nyúlik vissza, jóval azelőttre, mint hogy a mai nemzeti államok léteztek volna. A különböző etnikai vagy nemzeti csoportok kialakították külön identitásukat, nyelvüket és egyedi kulturális örökségüket. Az e csoportok előtt álló kihívások közé tartozik, hogy képesek-e megőrizni egyedi identitásukat olyan államokban, mint például Románia, amelyek fölvették a nemzetállami modellt, és nem fogadják el a kisebbségi jogok, köztük az autonómia fogalmát. Románia viszonylag Európa egy új országa, az első világháború után hatalmas területeket szerzett, többek között Erdélyt, amely több mint ezer évig kapcsolódott a magyar történelemhez és kultúrához, és része volt a Magyar Királyság idejének nagy részében. Erdélyt bátran jellemezhetjük úgy, mint "a magyar kultúra kútfőjét és Magyarország évszázados függetlenségének jelképét". A romániai magyarok többsége Erdélyben él, ahol a lakosság mintegy 19,3%-át teszik ki. A magyarok egy alcsoportja a székelység, tömör közösségben él az erdélyi székelyvidéken. Erdélyen kívül is élnek magyarok Romániában, Bukarestben és Moldvában, ahol a magyarság másik alcsoportja, a csángó közösség is megtalálható. Erdélyben a magyarság mellett nagy számban éltek, szászok is kik erőteljes közösséget képviseltek. Mára ők eltűntek, a 80-as évek Ceausescu rezsimje eladta őket a Holocaustot túlélő 50 ezer zsidóval együtt.

Redefining Sacred and contemporary missionary derivation requirements: sacred and the Sacred avatars. I believe that creating a discourse on mission, primarily involves identifying motivations of Mission, internalizing (transforming them into fact of consciousness or becoming Mission as dogmatic-consciousness), their credibility to the world in a message adapted non-integrist, identifying and operationalization to the methods (pedagogy and andragogy adapted principles) to transmit the content of mission, fidelity to the sources of faith. I propose in this study, based on historical variables sacred, identifying the fundamental Sacred and the means by which can humanity achieve it.

Az írás a kisebbségvédelem és a területi-közösségi autonómiához való jog fogalmai kapcsán a nemzetközi jog rétegzettségének kérdését vizsgálja. Esszészerű megközelítése egyen betekintés is a jog és a politika bonyolult összefüggés-rendszerébe.

Este artículo argumenta que los mitos, leyendas y cuentos populares jugaron un papel fundamental en la creación y desarrollo de una identidad mexicana. Los trabajos de estudiosos como David Brading, Enrique Florescano y Anthony Pagden, entre otros, junto con las fuentes primarias de la época colonial, como el Teatro de virtudes políticas de Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora y Storia antica del Messico de Francisco Clavijero, se analizan en este ensayo. Por lo tanto, este segmento habla de cómo se utilizaron los mitos y leyendas indí- genas por parte de la élite criolla de para una identidad mestiza/híbrida que tuvo una fuerte influencia en los discursos del nacionalismo y la formación de la identidad. El papel de la Virgen de Guadalupe como símbolo clave también se discute en este ensayo.

The question of ethnicity remains a crucial variable in Nepal's nation-building process. The Movements based on ethnicity have been reshaping debates on the definition of nation, nationalism, and state structure. Although Nepal was supposed to be defined by a state-sponsored “Nepali” national identity until 1990 it appeared to be highly exclusionary for the ethnic minnows.8 The Peoples’ Movement of 1990 provided the primary stimulus to the ethnic forces for the manifestation of their political ambitions. Thereafter, the ethnic politics in Nepal has grown strength to strength vis-a-vis different politico-historical perspectives in the last couple of decades. Nepal is a multi-lingual, multi-ethnic, and multi-cultural state with a population of around 26,494,5049. Hindu is the leading religion (85%) followed by Buddhist (11%), Muslim (4.2%), and Christian (3.6%).10 Nepali is the national official language which is spoken by 60 % of the population and there are 125 different ethnic communities. The complexity of the ethnic movements in Nepal is arguably linked to the extreme diversity of the social composition. In addition to this, there have been numerous overlapping categories of identity and, therefore, tagging specific ethnic labels or drawing certain ethnic boundaries has been difficult over time. The Nepali state often contributed to the formation of ethnic identities by categorizing these groups under the same ethnic label and treating them as a single group. The ethnic politics has been exaggerated in Nepal in the context of considerable political upheavals. The decade of Maoist insurrection (1996-2006) accounted for almost 13,000 lives and the transposition of hundreds of thousands people.19 The agonizing royal massacre20 in 2001 generated further instability as immediately after this incident, king Gyanandra terminated an elected government. The Peoples’ movement of 2006 reinstalled democracy and marked the end of the ten years of Maoist rebellion. In 2007, Madheshis21 launched its movement in the Tarai region for regional autonomy demanding a single, elongated plains-specific province (ek madhes ek pradesh), causing further instability. However, between the two Peoples’ movements, ethnic politics became increasingly persuasive and led to a new kind of political demands. The major demands of the first peoples’ movement were the establishment of multi-party democracy and downsizing of the role of the Royal Palace, etc. whereas at the end of the second successful peoples’ movement, the ethnic forces substituted their previous demands with new claims of a federal republic and a secular state. On such backdrop, has been designed in terms of three specific objects. Firstly, the thesis has investigated whether the process of transition from the Hindu Monarchy to the Secular Republic correlates with the growth of ethnic assertiveness in Nepal. Secondly, the study has tested the process of constitution-making in particular and Nation-building in general in the light of ethnic politics in Nepal. Thirdly, this inquiry has appraised the demand for “ethnic federalism” as a means to achieve a more inclusive, institutionalized, and sustainable democratic polity in Nepal. Finally, the thesis has ended with a summary of major findings and a prescription of some important policy recommendations.

Reviews 157 Reviews 157 in which sex segregation is both seen as circumvented in temporary marri made responsible for the "brittle," "tense, insecure" marital relations in Iran (As far as form is concerned, the book suffers somewhat from unevenness in less sentences ("In marriage, the point of a woman's life is resolved .. ." p. 208) andering structure with much repetition of concepts (e.g., the difference betwe and temporary marriage) and of vague terms like "ambiguity" (as in: "A man whereas a woman, ambiguously enough, either becomes a sigheh or is a sig What is ambiguous about it?). The authors states unnecessarily often what sh ("The present work aims to decode such formulation, to shed light on the und

This article argues that in recent decades, following the political "turnaround" (mahapakh) in 1977, a distinct new group has appeared on the Israeli scene: the Mizrahi middle class. This social category no longer fits the traditional dichotomies that have steered academic and popular sociological debate in Israel. On the basis of the geographic-spatial changes and the changes in higher education that have taken place in Israel during the past two decades, the article suggests that the Mizrahi middle class is playing a prominent role in the transformations that Israeli society is undergoing, providing a possible source for renewed social integration on a national scale. Israeli sociology is thus called upon to give due consideration not only to the theoretical significance of this group but also to its empirical significance in shaping the collective identity and the ethno-class arena in Israeli society in the coming decades.

A megyerendszer változó szerepe a magyar közigazgatásban Mottó: "A földrajz legnehezebb ága a politikai földrajz. Azért a legnehezebb, mert ebben igen nehéz elfogulatlan, konkrét megállapításokat levezetni. Ezt a tudományágat rendesen csak akkor szokták elővenni, amikor valami politikai törekvést tudományos érvekkel akarnak alátámasztani. Igen nehéz, majdnem lehetetlen ezen a téren teljesen tárgyilagosnak lenni, mert minden igazi művelt ember szereti hazáját, vagy népét, vagy faját s nem tud megszabadulni a részrehajlástól s nem tud leírni olyan tényeket vagy megállapításokat, amelyek saját nemzetének vagy nemzetiségének kárára, veszedelmére vagy lealacsonyítására szolgálnának. A tárgyilagosság hiánya és a célzatosság jellemzik a legtöbb politikai földrajzi munkát, nem is beszélve azokról a megvetésre méltó írásokról, amelyek tudva, valótlan állításokkal igyekeznek céljuk elérését elősegíteni." Cholnoky Jenő Bevezetés A megyék politikai földrajzi arculata és közigazgatási szerepe Napjainkban nemcsak az államigazgatást, de a politika iránt érdeklődő tágabb közvéleményt is foglalkoztatja a magyar közigazgatás reformjának kérdésköre. A helyi önkormányzatokról szóló 1990. évi LV. törvény érintetlenül hagyta Magyarország közigazgatási beosztását, s ugyanakkor a politikai decentralizáció sajátos rendszerét vezette be. Különösen nagy vitát váltott ki a megyerendszer léte vagy nem léte. Az Európai Unióhoz való csatlakozásunk kapcsán a regionalizmus, a regionális fejlesztés, a regionális közigazgatás kérdése ismét aktuálissá vált. Bár az Európai Unió alapelveiben egyértelműen szerepel, hogy a tagországok közigazgatása nemzeti ügy, mégis hivatkozási alap a regionális közigazgatás bevezetéséhez. Nem új gondolatról van szó, a megyerendszer átalakítása már az elmúlt évszázadban is több ízben felmerült, a legkomolyabban 1955-1956-ban. A rendszerváltozás éveiben ismét napirendre került a kérdés. (A következő fejezetekben részletesen ismertetjük az ezzel kapcsolatos véleményeket, a ma is élő vitapontokat, érveket és ellenérveket.) A tanulmány több mint tizenöt év elméleti és gyakorlati kutatómunkáját összegzi. Tartalmát tekintve a politikai földrajz, a közigazgatási jog-különös tekintettel a területi közigazgatásra, a választási rendszerre, valamint az önkormányzati jogra-, a politikatudomány és a szociológia eredményeit ötvözi. Részletesen foglalkozik a megyei önkormányzatok jogelődjeként működő megyei tanácsokkal és a megyei tanácsok megszüntetését célzó szakmai és politikai törekvésekkel is. Az új önkormányzati törvény megalkotásának folyamatát is elemzi, mint ahogy a megyei brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk

Center at the Hebrew University for their financial support. Note: This chapter is a condensed version of a longer paper with the same title, containing additional results and more extensive methodological details. This paper is available from the first author’s website at