Ethnicity and Nationalism

A sequel to the groundbreaking volume Race and Racism in Modern East Asia: Western and Eastern Constructions, the present volume examines in depth interactions between Western racial constructions of East Asians and local constructions of race and their outcomes in modern times. Focusing on China, Japan and the two Koreas, it also analyzes the close ties between race, racism and nationalism, as well as the links race has had with gender and lineage in the region. Written by some of the field's leading authorities, this insightful and engaging 23-chapter volume offers a sweeping overview and analysis of racial constructions and racism in modern and contemporary East Asia that is unsurpassed in previous scholarship.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Illustrations and Tables
Conventions
Preface

1. Introduction: The Synthesis of Foreign and Indigenous Constructions of Race in Modern East Asia and Its Actual Operation, Rotem Kowner and Walter Demel
I. Antecedents: A Detailed Examination of Early Western Racial Constructions of East Asians
II. Interactions: The Fusion of European and Asian Constructions of Race
III. Nationalism: Interactions between Race and Ethnic Nationalism in East Asia
IV. Gender and Lineage: The Impact of Domestic and Foreign Racial Constructions

PART I: ANTECEDENTS
2. East Asians in the Linnaean Taxonomy: Sources and Implications of a Racial Image, Rotem Kowner and Christina Skott
The Linnaean Revolution and View of Humankind
Sources of Linnaeus’ Racial Perspective on East Asians
The Essence of Asia: Swedish Views of China
Swedish Reports and Linnaeus’ Revision of His Human Taxonomy
Linnaeus’ Legacy and the Unfolding Racial View of East Asians
3. Constructing Racial Theories on East Asians as a Transnational “Western” Enterprise, 1750-1850, Walter Demel
The Founding Fathers of Racial Theories: Linnaeus, Buffon, Kant and Camper
The Second Generation: Multiple Directions
4. The ‘Races’ of East Asia in Nineteenth-Century European Encyclopaedias, Georg Lehner
Classifying the Peoples of Asia
The Encyclopedias' Main Sources for Remarks on the “Races” of East Asia
Chinese, Japanese and Koreans: Descriptions of East Asian peoples
Stereotypes of East Asians in General Knowledge
Visual Representations of Race in Works of General Knowledge
Concluding Remarks
5. The Racial Image of the Japanese in the Western Press Published in Japan, 1861-1881, Olavi K. Fält
Background
The Oldest People on Earth
The Shining Japanese Race
Weak and Inferior Race
Praising the Endeavors of a Poor Race
Conclusion

PART II: INTERACTIONS
6. The Propagation of Racial Thought in Nineteenth-Century China, Daniel Barth
The Background: Imperial China and the “Other”
Stage I (1846-1851): Marques and Wei Yuan
Stage II (1851-1855): Hobson and Muirhead
Stage III (1855-1872): The Self-Strengthening Movement
Stage IV (1872-1892): John Fryer and the Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine
Conclusion: Chinese Intellectuals, Social Darwinism and Race
7. Learning from the South: Japan's Racial Construction of Southern Chinese, 1895-1941, Huei-Ying Kuo
The South Seas as Japan’s Backyard, 1895-1914
Japan's Expansion into the Southern Chinese Networks, 1914-1928
Chinese Anti-Japanese Nationalism and Japanese Discourses on South Seas Chinese, 1928-1936
Southern Chinese as Non-Han Races, 1936-1941
Conclusions
8. “The Great Question of the World Today”: Britain, the Dominions, East Asian Immigration and the Threat of Race War, 1905-11, Antony Best
Immigration and “the Awakening of Asia”
The Prophets of Race War
Critics of White Solidarity
Finessing the Racial Divide
Conclusions
9. “Uplifting the Weak and Degenerated Races of East Asia”: American and Indigenous Views of Sport and Body in Early Twentieth-Century East Asia, Stefan Hübner
Sportive Citizenship Training in the Philippines
Chinese Cooperation and Acceptance of American-Style Modernization
Japanese Resistance and its Defeat by American Style Modernization
Conclusion
10. Racism under Negotiation: The Japanese Race in the Nazi-German Perspective, Gerhard Krebs
Early Nazi Views on the Japanese Racial Position
Becoming More Aryan
The Problem with the Japanese in the Nazi Worldview
Continuing Mutual Mistrust
The End
11. Discourses of Race and Racism in Modern Korea, 1890s-1945 , Vladimir Tikhonov
Race and Its Uncertainties
The Emergence of Race Theories in Modern Korea: One of the Logics of the “Civilized World”
“Race” and “Ethnic Nation” in Colonial Korea, 1910-1945
Conclusion: Race as a Path to Modernist Self-assertion?
12. The United States Arrives: Racialization and Racism in Post-1945 South Korea, Nadia Y. Kim
Contextual Background: America Marches In and Mass Mediates
The American Military, Whiteness, and Imperialist Racial Formation
American Mass Media, White Heroes, and Counter-Hegemony
Blackness and Imperialist Racial Formation
Racism and Invisibility in Korean “America”
Concluding Remarks
13. A Post-Communist Coexistence in Northeast Asia? Mutual Racial Attitudes among Russians and Indigenous Peoples of Siberia, David Lewis
Discrimination against Siberian Peoples as an Outcome of Racial Prejudice
The Origin and Legacy of Russian Attitudes to Asians
Racial Attitudes among Indigenous Siberian Peoples
The Communist Model of Racial Modus Vivendi
The Impact of Prolonged Racism on Indigenous Siberian Peoples
Marriage as an Anti-Racist Means in a Multi-Racial Society

PART III: NATIONALISM
14. Nationalism and Internationalism: Sino-American Racial Perceptions of the Korean War, Lü Xun
Descendants of the Mongolian Hordes: American Perceptions of the Chinese
The Ambitious Wolf: Chinese Perceptions of Americans
The Mirrored Self: A Nation-State in the Making
15. Gangtai Patriotic Songs and Racialized Chinese Nationalism, Yinghong Cheng
Gangtai Patriotic Songs: A “Colored” Political Genre of Pop Music
A Tacit Collaboration between the Party-State and Capitalist Cultural Producers in Hong Kong and Taiwan
The Interaction between Gangtai Patriotic Songs and Chinese Popular Nationalism
Analyses
Concluding Remarks
16. Japanese as Both a “Race” and a “Non-Race”: The Politics of Jinshu and Minzoku and the Depoliticization of Japaneseness, Yuko Kawai
The Historical Trajectories of Jinshu and Minzoku
Being a “Race” and a “Non-Race” in Present-day Japan: An Empirical Study
Conclusions and Implications
17. Ethnic Nationalism in Postwar Japan: Nihonjinron and Its Racial Facets, Rotem Kowner and Harumi Befu
Premises of Nihonjinron
Nihonjinron as a Manifestation of Japanese Nationalism
Nihonjinron and Its Concern with Origin, Blood and Racial Hierarchy
The Impact of Race-Related Tenets on Everyday Life
Functions of Ethnic Nationalism in Contemporary Japan
Concluding Remarks
18. Ethnic Nationalism and Internationalism in the North Korean Worldview, Tatiana Gabroussenko
The Soviet Discourse of the Outside World: Conditional Internationalism
The North Korean Worldview in the “Soviet Era”: Echoing the Soviet Paradigm
Mono-Ethnicity as a Special Korean Virtue: The Evolution of the North Korean World Vision under the Influence of Juche
North Korean Propaganda about Foreigners from Inclusive and Alienating Perspectives
Conclusion

PART IV: GENDER AND LINEAGE
19. In the Name of the Master: Race, Nationalism and Masculinity in Chinese Martial Arts Cinema, Kai-man Chang
From Anti-imperialist Nationalism to Cultural Nationalism
Masculinities That Matter
Conclusion
20. Sexualized Racism, Gender and Nationalism: The Case of Japan’s Sexual Enslavement of Korean “Comfort Women”, Bang-soon Yoon
Korean “Comfort Women”: Drawn in as Substitutes
The Nature of Victimization
Colonial Policies and the Mobilization of Korean Women
Treatment of Korean “Comfort Women”
Lives under Sexual Slavery
Nationalism, Gender and Sexual Violence
Conclusion
21. “The Guilt Feeling That You Exist”: War, Racism and Indisch-Japanese Identity Formation, Aya Ezawa
Power, Discourse, and “Mixed Blood”
The Indisch and the Dutch East Indies
The Indisch Community under Japanese Occupation
Indisch-Japanese Relationships
Indisch-Japanese Descendants
Conclusion
22. ‘The “Amerasian” Knot: Transpacific Crossings of “GI Babies” from Korea to the United States, W. Taejin Hwang
“An Act of Both Humanity and Patriotism”: The Amerasian Immigration Act of 1982
“Confucius’ Outcasts”: The Korean Amerasian “Plight”
Inter-country Adoption of Korean “GI Babies”
Living as a “Mixed-Blood Child” (Honhyeola) in Cold War Korea
“Half-American Also is American”: Towards Migration
Conclusion and Postscript

PART V: CONCLUSIONS
23. The Essence and Mechanisms of Race and Racism in Modern East Asia, Rotem Kowner and Walter Demel
The East Asian Contribution to the Study of Race and Racism
East Asia’s Role within the Rise of Racial Theory and the Resulting Hybridity
Sources and Manifestations of Racism
The Close Links between Racism and Nationalism
The Role of Gender and Lineage in Constructions of Race and Racism
East Asia and the Future of Race and Racism
Contributors
Bibliography
Index

This newspaper column from 2003 examines how Indians in Trinidad and Tobago are misled, guided by so many fears, the encouragement of feelings of victimhood, and smallness of vision. There is an important contribution for Indians to make to the building of this New World civilisation, which is still in its infancy and only half-made. What is needed is a vision, mission and leadership not griping about “discrimination”, but looking fearlessly to the future.

This study aims to analyze the ethnic dilemma in the Pamir region, or Badakh Mountains of the Badakhshan region, that became the reason for the call of independence of Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region from Tajikistan. This paper also examines the socio-political linkages among the various Pamiri groups in Badakhshan Region. Likewise, the impact of a declaration of independence by Gorno-Badakhshann region on Pamiri ethnic groups in other geographically linked countries, especially in Gilgit- Baltistan is also highlighted in this study.

Chapitre 2 L'oligarchie sucrière dans la consociation. Thèse pour le Doctorat en Science Politique, présentée par Catherine Boudet le 03 décembre 2004, Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Bordeaux, Atelier National de Reproduction des Thèses, 642 pages.

For Hans Christian Andersen's “Ugly Duckling” the mere fact of being born in the nest of a duck, growing up amongst duckling-siblings and possessing impressive swimming skills is not a guarantee to be perceived as a duck. Just so, for Georgian citizens of Armenian origin, the mere fact of being born in Georgia, speaking the dominant language and knowing the culture is not a guarantee of automatic admission to the dominant group. This master thesis examines reminding practices carried out by the ‘reminder society’: members of the dominant Georgian nation who do not allow ethnic Armenians to forget their non-Georgian origins.

This thesis aims to examine the concept of ethnic domination and its manifestations in deeply divided places. In brief, ethnic domination can be defined as a means of managing ethnic differences in multiethnic contexts through asymmetrical power relations, in accordance to collective distinctions of an ethnonationalist ideology, whereby a group is subordinated to another holding the critical power, albeit not intent to directly eliminate the subaltern.
In the introduction and the first chapter, I shall deal with two core conceptualizations, ethnicity and the state, by proposing a ‘constructivist-structural’ approach towards ethnicity and emphasizing the role of the nationalizing state as an instrument of domination. When this process structures the ordinary politics, a hybrid political regime, the hegemonic ethnic state, could be revealed. Accordingly, I shall analyse Israel and Estonia, two prototypical cases of ethnic domination (also examined as most similar cases). The Israeli and Estonian examples would be helpful to observe six variables, detected by operationalizing ethnic domination properties on three political-institutional layers: (i) state-citizenship; (ii) government-parliament; (iii) parties and party system. Then, an overarching classification of political regimes and a definition of democracy in plural societies would be provided.
Secondly, I shall scrutinize the empirical cases in detail. In fact, Israel (considered within the Green Line) and Estonia have sizeable ethnonational minorities: the Palestinian citizens of Israel and the Russian-speaking group of the Soviet diaspora in Estonia. Moreover, they are dominated by majority groups (the Estonian and the Jewish) embracing ethnonational ideologies (Zionism and restorationism). The variables of ethnic domination would be thus retraced in the Estonian and Israeli experiences. In fact, both countries (i) adopt state centrism and hierarchizing citizenship policies in constitutional norms that disenfranchise or discourage minority participation; (ii) encompass an ethnic majoritarianism in government formation despite electoral preferences and the (mostly ethnic) opposition; (iii) reinforce ethnic cleavages in the ethnic party system in order to exclude minority parties or soften, through patronage or co-optation, minority claims by ethnic mainstream actors.
Finally, I will discuss the findings of the comparison. After having problematized ethnic domination and political stability, the tightening of the condition of the Palestinian citizens of Israel and the democratic evolution of ethnic politics in Estonia will be diachronically connected to internal and external factors.

Macedonians have emerged from the substratum of prehistoric tribes belonging to the huge family of Pelasgians, Aeols/Boreans  and Hyperboreans (Anti, Brygii, Danuni, Kiti, Hittiti, Lapiti, Macedoni, Minyi, Misiani, Mosiniki, Pelasgi, Pelagoni, Paioni, Tiroi, Tyrseni, etc.) that lived and contributed the creation of archetypical cultures of the second millennium BCE in the central regions of Macedonian Peninsula and Asia Minor.  During their migrations these ancestral Aryan-Macedonic tribes brought with them their culture and contributed to the creation of the civilization centers in antiquity,  especially in the region of lower Danube and further toward Ukraine/Russia (as 'Aryans') and in Central Europe (as 'Veneti' and/or 'Gaul'). 
As a result of the progressive expansion of the early Macedonians during the archaic period all the other regional tribes fused together into a larger union of Macedonians. At the beginning the Orestians (modern Mkd. Gorani; Eng. 'highlanders', mountainers)  from Argo (today Kostur region, Aegean Macedonia) in western Lower Macedonia, together with other neighboring Macedonic tribes living in Eordaia, Elimeia (Kožani and Grevena), northern Timfaia (Hasia), Lynkestia, Desaretia (Lerin-Prespa-Ohrid region), Elimiotia, Pelagonia and Paionia (in Upper Macedonia) began to form the Macedonian state, the first entity of that kind and extent on the European soil.

This study analyzes policies and public attitudes concerning the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) after the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine. The issue of the political rehabilitation of these nationalist organizations, which relied on terrorism and were involved in Nazi genocide and ethnic cleansing of Poles during World War Two, became one of central political issues in this post-Soviet state. The question is which factors determine attitudes towards the OUN and the UPA in contemporary Ukraine. The hypothesis is that regional factors are the main determinants of the public opinion concerning these organizations. This paper uses analysis of historical studies and archival data to examine policies and controversies concerning the OUN and the UPA. It employs comparative and regression analyses of the 2009 Kyiv International Institute of Sociology survey to determine effects of regional factors, compared to other factors, such as ethnicity, language, and age, on attitudes towards the Stepan Bandera faction of the OUN and the UPA. The paper shows that that regional factors and perceptions of the involvement of the Bandera faction of the OUN and the UPA in mass murder are strongest predictors of views concerning these nationalist organizations.

Somalia is generally thought of as a homogenous society, with a common Arabic ancestry, a shared culture of nomadism and one Somali mother tongue. This study challenges this myth. Using the Jareer/Bantu as a case study, the book shows how the Negroid physical features of this ethnic group has become the basis for ethnic marginalization, stigma, social exclusion and apartheid in Somalia. The book is another contribution to the recent deconstruction of the perceived Somali homogeneity and self-same assertions. It argues that the Somalis, just like most societies, employ multiple levels of social and ethnic distinctions, one of which is the Jareer versus Jileec divide. Dr. Eno successfully portrays another Somalia, in which a mythical homogeneity masks the oppression and social exclusion suffered by some ethnic groups in the country

This article examines the rise and key characteristics of Neo-Zionist political thought in Israel and its relationship with mainstream Zionist thought. It argues that despite the radical and repulsive discourses of Neo-Zionism and the critique expressed by liberal Zionists towards it, the former has always been embodied in classical Zionism. The justifications provided by Neo-Zionists are based on principles propagated by central leaders of mainstream Zionism. Utilising new perspectives in Settler-Colonial Studies, the article demonstrates how both strands encapsulate the Zionist continuum and continuous expansionist drive for new settlements in Palestine based on 'Biblical right' of Jews over the land of Palestine. Both advocate supremacist, exclusivist, and volkish rights for Jews with disastrous consequences for the indigenous people of Palestine. The convictions and practices of the Neo-Zionists in the post 1967 period help unveil the camouflaged motivations, justifications and practices of mainstream expansionist Zionism.

A hybrid that originated in the traditional peasant music, Romanian popular music (muzică populară), as it is known from radio broadcasts, TV shows or live performances from all around the country, was developed by mixing the village music of the twentieth century with techniques and principles borrowed from the classical repertoire and other light genres. Muzica populară emerged in the interwar years, but was perfected and regulated by the communist regime, becoming one of the favorite genres of the rural and urban working class and, nowadays, it continues to have a great appeal among all age categories. Our aim was to discover the motivations that lead the village youth of Romania to involve themselves in activities dealing with muzica populară, in particular, or with folklore and traditions, in general. To accomplish this, we conducted several interviews with young people from Sălaj county, from which a few patterns emerged: the rapid familiarization with the genre due to specific TV channels; the acquired taste due to grandparents raising their grandchildren in the absence of the parents who migrated in the 2000s; the expressed devotion to the local culture and their willingness and duty to preserve and promote it. We can also explain the success of muzică populară
among young people by structural factors that are at work in the whole society, namely the lack of interest of post-communist authorities in building and/or maintaining a cultural and educational infrastructure in the rural areas. Thus, this paper aims to explore contemporary rural pop culture by considering the connection between the deterioration of the cultural infrastructure in rural areas, transnational migration and the exponential development of an industrydevoted to the recent muzică populară.
Keywords: muzică populară, folklore music, folk traditions, rural youth,
cultural infrastructure, transnational migration, niche TV channels.

The purpose of this essay is to review some of the basic conceptual debates in nationalism studies under the broad and interrelated categories of ethnicity, nations and nationalism, and classification of nations and nationalism. The sheer volume of literature produced on these subjects, particularly since the collapse of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, poses a major challenge, but the present selective focus using key and influential texts as examples should provide the reader with a solid foundation for further research. The essay has three sections, organized as follows. The first, on ethnicity, provides a brief history of the term and an overview of what is usually described as the debate between primordialist and instrumentalist accounts of ethnicity, but suggests that this characterization is misleading. Section two, on nations and nationalism, begins with a similar etymology before surveying the debate between modernist, perennialist, and ethno-symbolist conceptions of the nature of and relations between those two phenomena. Finally, the third section reviews the range of ways that nations and nationalism have been classified, including the now dominant distinction between civic and ethnic types.

This essay is part of the "Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Migration" section of the International Studies Association's "International Studies Encyclopedia" (www.isacompendium.com).

Closely associated with China’s growing prominence in international politics are discussions about how to understand Chinese history, and how such perspectives inform the way a stronger China may relate to the rest of the world. This article examines two narratives as cases, and considers how they fit against more careful historical scholarship. The first is the nationalist narrative dealing with Qing and Republican history, and the second is the narrative on the Chinese world order. Analyses of Chinese nationalism tend to see a more powerful China as being more assertive internationally, based in part on a belief in the need to address and overcome past wrongs. Studies of historical regional systems in Asia point to the role that a peaceful ‘Confucian’ ethos played in sustaining a stable Chinese-led order, and highlight the promise it holds for checking regional and international tensions. The two perspectives create an obvious tension when trying to understand China’s rise, which can suggest that using historical viewpoints to understand contemporary developments may be doomed to incoherence. This article argues that difficulties in applying knowledge of the past to analyses of China’s role in contemporary world politics indicate a relative inattentiveness to Chinese and Asian history. It illustrates how the nature of China’s rise may be more contingent on the external environment that it faces than popular received wisdom may indicate. The article suggests that a more extensive engagement with historical research and historiography can augment and enrich attempts to appreciate the context surrounding China’s rise.

Closely associated with China's growing prominence in international politics are discussions about how to understand Chinese history, and how such perspectives inform the way a stronger China may relate to the rest of the world. This article examines two narratives as cases, and considers how they fit against more careful historical scholarship. The first is the nationalist narrative dealing with Qing and Republican history, and the second is the narrative on the Chinese world order. Analyses of Chinese nationalism tend to see a more powerful China as being more assertive internationally, based in part on a belief in the need to address and overcome past wrongs. Studies of historical regional systems in Asia point to the role that a peaceful 'Confucian' ethos played in sustaining a stable Chinese-led order, and highlight the promise it holds for checking regional and international tensions. The two perspectives create an obvious tension when trying to understand China's rise, which can suggest that using historical viewpoints to understand contemporary developments may be doomed to incoherence. This article argues that difficulties in applying knowledge of the past to analyses of China's role in contemporary world politics indicate a relative inattentiveness to Chinese and Asian history. It illustrates how the nature of China's rise may be more contingent on the external environment that it faces than popular received wisdom may indicate. The article suggests that a more extensive engagement with historical research and historiography can augment and enrich attempts to appreciate the context surrounding China's rise.

This paper is focusing on the use of motifs from Croatian early medieval history in Nazor’s topical collection of poetry entitled Hrvatski kraljevi (The Kings of the Croats). Hrvatski kraljevi functions perfectly within its Zeitgeist, as Nazor’s way to re-create Croatian historical memory and distribute it as ‘poetical knowledge’ to the readers. The metaphor of blut und boden, strongly showing throughout this topical collection of poetry, constructs and embodies continuity with the past, and boosts the sense of national unity in Nazor’s present(s). For Nazor’s generation of Croatians, medieval Croats were tremendously important symbols used to draw and develop a Croatian historical ‘genealogy’ in order to position the Croatians amongst European nations of the time.

In the immediate aftermath of WWII, many Japanese migrants in the state of São Paulo claimed Japan had won the war while others accepted it had lost. This eventually resulted in intra-group conflicts known as Kachi-make conflicts. Why and how did the conflicts occur? Earlier studies have provided cultural accounts to this question, arguing that those with a strong patriotic attachment to the homeland attacked those without. However, the cultural argument cannot explain the different levels of the conflicts between Japanese communities. By comparing two rural communities, Bastos and Registro, I argue that the disjuncture between local economic and organizational bases weakened the community’s associational legitimacy, which led to the conflicts. In the long run, communal organizations of Japanese migrants gradually dissolved. However, Bastos and Registro demonstrated two different courses of the dissolution: Bastos saw violent conflicts among the residents because of the widening gap between the two bases whereas Registro did not see the violence because it sustained coherence between them.

Historiography During the Soviet Nation and State Building Process
The concepts of nation and state embody in themselves both normality and artificiality. It is firmly established by historical experience that the human, as the subject of the former as well as the object of the latter, frequently interferes with the content of these concepts. If this intervention stems from ideological reasons, the implication is that the mechanism for providing legitimacy is involved with its focus on historiography. At this stage, the engine of historiography becomes an office for the approval of political power.
Within that context, the fictionalization of history transforms the knowledge of the past to a reproducible product. This understanding means a neglect of the motive to attain the reality of the past; instead, the aim is to become the social engineering required for the continuity of the ideology. In this concise text, alongside the ongoing philosophical debates as to what history is and how it should be laid out, the instrumentality of history in practical terms will be examined with a special focus on the Soviet Union paradigm.
Keywords: Soviet historiography, Soviet nation-state, Territorial historiography, Soviet nationalism.

канд. полит. наук, доцент кафедры международного права и международных отношений юридического факультета, старший научный сотрудник Центра правового обеспечения взаимодействия РФ со странами АТР ФГБОУ ВПО «Бурятский государственный университет» (г. Улан-Удэ)

Much academic research has been highly critical of South Korean state's approach to international migration and multiculturalism. Underscoring its intentions to assimilate migrants into the values, norms, and mores of the dominant society, many scholars have linked it to a series of previous institutional reactions to global trends. This repetition in strategy for national development has resulted in the general dismissal of the state-led multiculturalism as superficial and rhetorical at best. But assuming South Korean multiculturalism to merely signify a new name for an old form of nation building overlooks important changes that have recently occurred. One is the 'post-ethnic' agenda by the South Korean elites. Recognizing that multiculturalism has left pure-blood ideology defunct, they have sought new ways to negotiate official norms of the ethnic nation with present realities and expectations. Formally introducing this evolution in statecraft are two public diplomacy initiatives: The Korean culture-gene and CREATiVE KOREA. Both are recent state projects that engage with national identity and membership through old " ethnic " lens, but in a manner that is also inclusive and friendly to multiculturalism. Sustaining the paradox is the careful mediation of diverse, if not contradictory ideas and practices as a means of addressing multiple demands that are dragging the nation to different directions. From this point of view, the modalities of social control have outgrown the prevailing academic wisdom, necessitating the need to reexamine the cultural framework in operation today.

We do not advocate [….] segregation [….] That was a temporary political measure and that time is past [….] The Greater White Racialist movement intends to establish for our White Aryan Race what every other race on earth has: A Racial homeland. 3

This article explores the ethno-nationalist rhetoric promoted by radical right-
wing parties in Europe; its perceived threats against national identity
translated into a nostalgia for the past based on ethnic homogeneity. Five
anti-immigrant frames have been especially instrumental in attracting voters, merging with other central components to construct a potent master frame and structuring much of the mobilizing activities of these parties. This
development motivates a closer look into the ways in which the ethno-
nationalist message is framed and constructed, taking Sweden as our case in point. The Sweden Democrats entered the Swedish parliament in 2010, an
election that has come to mark the end of Swedish exceptionalism and pointing towards the resurgence of ethno-nationalism in Sweden too. The Swedish case is analyzed with a focus on the Sweden Democrats particular
ethno-nationalist message; the rhetoric of decline of golden ages and
solutions posed to combat these alleged processes of decay. We depart from framing theory that allow us to better understand the centrality of the
ethno-nationalist message, which demonstrates considerable continuity over time, despite the modernization of party rhetoric. Thus, the exclusive
conceptualization of nationality as constituted by an inherited essence proposes that Swedish identity is more than culturally assigned. The empirical material consists of Sweden Democrat party manifestos and position papers since 1989 and selected articles from the party newsletter (SD Kuriren).

Why do multi-ethnic states treat various ethnic groups differently? How do ethnic groups respond to these state policies? We argue that interstate relations and ethnic group perceptions about the relative strength of competing states are important—but neglected—factors in accounting for the variation in state-minority relations. In particular, whether an ethnic group is perceived as having an external patron matters a great deal for the host state’s treatment of the group. If the external patron of the ethnic group is an enemy of the host state, then repression is likely. If it is an ally then accommodation ensues. Given the existence of an external patron, an ethnic group’s response to a host state's policies depends on the perceptions about the relative strength of the external patron vis-à-vis the host state and whether the support is originating from an enemy or an ally of the host state. In this paper we are testing this theoretical framework on state-minority relations in the Chinese context. We present five configurations and elucidate our framework on eighteen largest ethnic groups in China, from 1949 to 1965 tracing the Chinese government’s policies toward these groups and examine how each group responded to these various nation-building policies.

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Turkish national discourse did not gain full-fledged political content and aim until the declaration of the Second Constitution in 1908. This relative delay of political controversy on Turkish nationalism was not due to the ignorance of the bureaucrats and intellectuals towards the problem of saving of the state. On the contrary, they tried all possible alternative policies, such as Ottomanism, Islamism or, in general, Westernism. At the beginning Turkism did not have pure national content, for Ottomanism and Islamism were still shaping the existing acts of manner. There were persuasive reasons for this outlook. First of all, the Ottoman state was a multinational empire and this inevitably led to construct the ‘millet’ system. Bringing forward the Turkish national discourse would shake this established and deep-rooted order. Secondly, the term ‘Turk’ did not have the positive meaning until the nineteenth century.

In South Asia, marriages are overwhelmingly endogamous. In recent years, new forms of self-initiated marriages, such as love-marriages and love-arranged marriages, are beginning to emerge among the younger generation. In these new forms, young people exercise considerable choice and agency; however, when the couple crosses caste and ethnic boundaries, parents and kin often take the defiance of the younger generation as instances of dereliction of duty and transgression of family and community values. Cases of intermarriage, thus, offer a unique opportunity to investigate the social and cultural changes a society is undergoing. Based on qualitative research, conducted in southern Nepal, this paper examines the ways Madhesi (plains dwellers) men and Pahadi (hill dwellers) women enter into courtship and negotiate their marriages. We argue that new forms of subjectivity emphasizing individual choice and agency have begun to emerge among the younger generation in Nepal—and South Asia in general. The new subjectivity has unfolded in tandem with structural transformations of the economy, the state, and the culture.

The paper is based on field research conducted among Tanzanian and Zambian university students. Its immediate aim was to find out their attitude to the colonialism-born non-African (European and South Asian) minorities. The evidence gives reason to argue that the level of tolerance among Zambian students is higher than among Tanzanian. The most significant reasons for that are those related to the two countries’ history since the pre-colonial time, the memory of it, and this memory’s use and abuse by the post-colonial states. The greatest difference between the two cases lies in the existence since pre-colonial time of the Swahili culture and language at minimal number of expansionist centralized polities as the background for autochthonous peoples’ unity in Tanzania and lack of such a background till colonial period in Zambia. The Tanzanian situation is generally exceptional for Africa, while Zambian is typical. The theories based on the European historical experience prompt that Tanzania has better prospects for nation-building. However, we admit that in the wake of multiculturalism and profound shift in comprehension of nation as social reality in contemporary world, Zambia’s position can be even more favorable for multicultural nation-building and creation of the postcolonial nation-state than that of Tanzania.

Between 1984 and 1996, public health authorities in Israel maintained a secret policy of discarding blood donations made by Ethiopian-Israeli citizens and immigrants. Officials later attempted to justify this policy on the grounds that immigrants from Ethiopia were subject to high rates of infectious disease (especially HIV). In 1996, this led to an explosive and violent confrontation between Ethiopian-Israeli protestors and agents of the state, including police and public health authorities. This essay explores the cultural and political context of that confrontation, including the discourse of political violence which it occasioned. The conflict between Ethiopian-Israelis and the state was located within a wider set of political contexts, including the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which was linked to it through a shared trope of “spilled blood” common to both. Cultural analyses which ignore this dynamic political context are in danger of seriously misrepresenting the meaning of the “Blood Affair” to its participants. At the same time, this essay also engages a critical analysis of the public health policies which led to the crisis. Public health and nationalist discourse reinforced one another at the expense of Ethiopian immigrants in general, and so-called “Feres Mura” Ethiopians in particular.

The position of Nice in the years immediately preceding and during the Second World War was one of ambiguity and uncertainty for residents. A pre-war target of Fascist irredentism, the city was coveted by Rome before finally being occupied by Italy following the expansion of the Italian zone of occupation in November 1942. The large Italian community in the Alpes-Maritimes and the overtly political atmosphere of Nice meant that one’s sense of identity became intricately linked with political standing – whether this was intended or not. This paper intends to examine how sense of identity within Nice affected the political outlooks of those residing there. Inversely, it will also examine how the potential political implications led many to abandon their sense of national identity in favour of their political outlook, as well as how both these decisions affected Italo-French relations within the city.

In this paper I discuss the results of a recent comparative research among university students in Tanzania and Zambia. In both countries the overwhelming majority of the population (over 99%) is formed by people of a great many of local ethnic groups who co-exist with compatriots of different non-African origins, whose communities, although small in numbers, are well visible in Tanzania and Zambia’s economic and social life. My goal was to study the attitude of the most advanced, educated and hence socially prospective part of the African youth to those non-African minorities that formed in the time of, and due to coloni-alism – the so-called “Europeans” and “Indians”. The particular problem I was concerned with is whether African university students see and want to see their compatriots with com-pletely different ethno-cultural backgrounds and group histories, as well as a specific posi-tion in contemporary society, as parts of the Tanzanian and Zambian nations. Thus, in the paper I trace not only how the minorities’ present position in the respective societies influ-ences the students’ attitude to them, but also the way the historical memory of the pre-colonial and colonial past, its image in the minds of the young people influence their atti-tude to the diasporas that hardly would have ever formed in a situation other than colonial.

Eighteenth-century Scottish poetry has often been regarded as the product of only three men, each greater than the last. This Scots triad—Allan Ramsay, Robert Fergusson, and Robert Burns—has served as the de facto nationalist vanguard of eighteenth-century Scottish poetry, defiantly opposing the forces of English assimilation provoked by the Union of 1707. In this scenario (and given the altogether slender opus of Scots poems in the eighteenth century), the abundance of English verse by the Scots triad may continue to provoke the nagging suspicion that perhaps eighteenth-century Scots really did have a cultural "inferiority complex." Critics contending with eighteenth-century Scottish poetry face an apparent impasse: either continue studying a relatively limited sampling of Scots or hybrid Scots poems or argue for the value of English verse by Scottish poets. The former task not only invites critical burnout, but also relies on dubious assumptions about the function of Scots in eighteenth-century Scotland. For many critics, forces of cultural imperialism bent on eradicating literary Scots and its practitioners are the sole culprit for the loss of a cohesive Scottish national identity after the Union. However, in a nation with a diverse linguistic inheritance in Gaelic, Scots, and English, poets such as Ramsay, Fergusson, and Burns explored the possibilities of English in the same manner they did Scots: through self-conscious imitation of existing literary models. Plainly put, Scottish poets wrote in English for specific reasons that are as reflective of their culture as their motives for writing in Scots.

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This paper focuses on moral, legal and constitutional issues arising from debates and political conflicts centered on identity, human dignity, recognition and identity politics. In his 2018 book, Identity, the Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment, Stanford University political scientist Francis Fukuyama addresses themes which may properly be considered matters of political philosophy and the philosophy of law: How are we to navigate between traditional, often ethnic-racial, and unitary conceptions of the nation-state on the one hand, and the threat of identitarian fragmentation on the other? Though Fukuyama affirms the importance of the concepts of human dignity and identity, he also criticizes contemporary identity politics-which he views as a danger to liberal democracy. "The rise of identity politics in modern liberal democracies," writes Fukuyama, "is one of the chief threats that they face;" and moreover, "unless we can work our way back to more universal understandings of human dignity, we will doom ourselves to continuing conflict." Fukuyama's criticism of identity politics has more recently found some parallels in the writings of George Packer and his 2021 book, Last Best Hope. Drawing on Fukuyama's arguments and Packer's complementary criticism from the center-left, this paper raises a related question of whether the well reasoned case against identity politics as a threat to liberal democracy, national unity and purpose does not create greater room for skepticism of fast-paced and ambitious ("Wilsonian"), liberal-internationalist goals and globalization. Greater emphasis on political consensus at home may strengthen the hand of American foreign policy in support of liberal democracy, though we now look back with well founded skepticism on neo-conservative interventionism and "forever wars." There are just and needed limits on globalizing internationalism imposed by and implicit in the criticism of identity politics. Having lost the unity of purpose of Cold-War liberalism, we are yet to find a "golden mean" avoiding divisive ethnic nationalism and political fragmentation.

The aim of this paper is to propose an articulated reflection on some theoretical and methodological problems inherent in the study of a crucial aspect of the way ethnicity works in social space. We refer to the practices of ethnic naming, that is, the kind of social categorization that makes use of ethnonyms. The analysis will be guided by an anti-essentialist, relational and dynamic conception of ethnicity, as well as by the idea that ethnicity, beyond very different local embodiments, possesses a basic unitary core that transcends the distinction between premodern and modern world. In the author's opinion, the theoretical and methodological investigation of ethnic categorization and ethnonyms, on the one hand, will contribute to support the correctness of this approach to ethnicity, on the other, will provide a rich set of conceptual tools useful for analyzing a particularly complex aspect of identity constructions within both living and extinct populations. With reference to the contemporary world, this "toolkit" should be of decisive help in understanding a phenomenon, ethnicity, whose global impact on a social, political and sometimes legal level is still very noteworthy.

Issues of nationalism regarding the "Catalonian Independence Movement" in Spain 2017 and beyond.
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Imagine the Texas Legislature authorizing a vote for Texan Independence - a referendum on theLone Star State once again becoming an independent republic. Imagine that Texans voteoverwhelmingly for independence, and that state lawmakers then vote to secede, something thathas not happened in the United States since 1861, the eve of our horrible Civil War

Migration; Islam; Europe; identity; Christianity
ABSTRACT
A recent theme recurs in the writing of cultural critics, like journal- ist, Douglas Murray and the speculative novelists, such as Michel Houellebecq, author of Submission, and Jean Raspail, creator of the in!uential and controversial rightwing work, The Camp of the Saints. All agree that Europe "nds itself poised on the brink of carelessly losing its distinctive identity. These authors concur in blaming a combination of cultural and social sources for Continent’s malaise. One the one side is the mass immigration of Muslims from conservative Islamic states and their resistance to integration into the European value mainstream. On the other side, European elites have been indi#erent to and arguably com- plicit in Islamization, while the neglected population of tradition- alist working class citizens have rebelled along racist and xenophobic lines. The alienation of the elites from the idea of Europe as a Christian civilization further feeds Europe’s crisis of confused identity. In response to these disturbing scenarios, the present author questions the assumption of a program of “saving a culture,” explores the comparative character of European national character versus the United States as immigrant nation. What are the di$culties of an actual re-Christianization, in light of European secularism, the obstacles to Tariq Ramadan’s European Islam? Are Muslim immigrants in Europe fated to remain an unas- similable entity?

This review article explores the role nationalism has played in the world dominated by the Eastern Orthodox Churches. The focus is on the recent contributions of Paschalis Kitromilides who has written extensively on this topic. The article assesses the four books dealing with the relationship between religion, politics, Enlightenment and nationalism in the Balkans and Eastern Europe. The analysis emphasises the complex and contradictory relationship between nationalisms and the Orthodox Churches pointing to the profound transformation that has taken the place in this relationship over the last 250 years