State Violence

In order to prove that the disappearance had actually occurred as a result of state action, the commission pointed toward the systematic practice of enforced disappearance by the Honduran government. It was their assertion that this practice sufficiently proved that the disappearance of Mr Velasquez could be linked to the state. The commission called upon a variety of evidence to demonstrate such a practice existed including witness testimony and media extracts, which indicated as many as 160 people were victims of state colluded disappearance between the years 1980-1983. The evidence pointed towards a distinct modus operandi:
they used automobiles with tinted glass… without license plates and sometimes used special disguises, such as wigs, false mustaches, masks…The kidnappings were selective, the victims were placed under surveillance, then… kidnap[ed]... Some were taken from their homes; others were picked up in public streets
The Court held that the evidence presented sufficiently proved that:
“That there existed in Honduras from 1981 to 1984 a systematic and selective [practice] of disappearances carried out with the assistance or tolerance of the government; That Manfredo Velásquez was a victim of that practice and was kidnapped and presumably tortured, executed and clandestinely buried by agents of the Armed Forces of Honduras …”
This aspect of the decision is crucial for two reasons. Firstly, the Court decided that the pattern of behaviour by the Honduran government was relevant to the case at hand and secondly, that the enforced disappearance of Mr Velasquez could be ‘presumed’ as being attributable to that state practice. Referring to existing international law  that indicates that courts have the power to weigh evidence freely, the court concluded that  the disappearance could be linked to the Honduran government through ‘circumstantial or indirect evidence or by logical inference’
As a result, the burden of proof required to show that a disappearance had occurred, was lowered to less than a reasonable doubt. In explaining the rationale for this change, the court stressed the need to avoid “confusing the protection of human rights, with criminal justice”  (an area which is accustomed to fulfilling the higher evidentiary requirement). The judgement went on to state that:
“the objective of international human rights law is not to punish those individuals who are guilty of violations, but rather to protect the victims” . 
This approach would go on to exemplify the victim-centric jurisprudence of the IACHR that makes every effort to ease the facilitation of justice. The benefit to the claimant stemming from this aspect of the decision cannot be overstated as it assists the process of linking the disappeared to the actions of the state.

Toxic Silence: Race, Black Gender Identity, and Addressing the Violence against Black Transgender Women in Houston contributes to a growing body of transgender scholarship. This book examines the patriarchal and heteronormative frames within the black community and larger American society that advances the toxic masculinity which violently castigates and threatens the collective embodiment of black transgender women in the USA. Such scholarship is needed to shed more light on the transphobic violence and murders against this understudied group.

Little is known about the societal and cultural issues and concerns affecting black transgender women and how their gender identity is met with systemic, institutional, and interpersonal roadblocks. During a time period in American history defined by Time Magazine as "The Transgender Tipping Point," black transgender women have emerged as social, cultural, and political subjects to advance our understanding of the lives of people who identity as a part of both the black and LGBTQIA communities. In the end, this book calls on the black community and culture to end the toxic silence and act instead as allies who are more accepting and inclusive of differing sexualities and gender identities in an effort to improve the generative power of black solidarity.

Ce pouvoir, né de la société, mais qui se place au-dessus d'elle et lui devient de plus en plus étranger, c'est l'Etat. Friedrich Engels, L'origine de la famille, de la propriété privée et de l'Etat (1884) Tout État est fondé sur la force. Léon Trotsky à Brest-Litovsk La guerre est une opération militaire dirigée par un Etat (ou un royaume) contre un autre, dans le but de le soumettre, de le piller ou de le détruire. Nicolas Journet, « Aux origines des guerres »

Challenging the popular perception of HIV as a consequence of the 'perverse intimacies' of sex and drug use, Anti-Black Racism and the AIDS Epidemic: State Intimacies argues that black racial disparities in HIV rates reflect the organization of anti-black, racialized poverty and structural violence. Racism, not race, ethnicity, or culture. The state has structured the ways in which black Americans have been made vulnerable to HIV exposure and infection far beyond the capacity of any individual or community to mitigate or control. From structured impoverishment to racial segregation, and from mass incarceration to the political death meted out to former prisoners, the primary structuring factor that has determined risk of HIV infection has been state intimacy, or the violent intimacy of the racist state.

This has been my research paper of applying for PhD in photography in the University for the Creative Arts in England, but rejected in May 2018.

Based on an interdisciplinary methodology, this doctoral research aims to critically analyze and arguably understand the signification of propaganda in some artistic elements realized and used or abused by the artists and the Statesmen/women. Because the dissertation takes an interdisciplinary approach through library research, it relies on several disciplines and methodologies: art, journalism, political philosophy and science.                     
In order to limit in time and space for its academic purposes, the dissertation is relying on photography and image that the Federal Government of the United States of America and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) are universally using in their propagandist agenda in the War on Terror and the establishment of a New Caliphate. In other words, it tries to know why and how these States are falsifying reality to either hide or justify their violence (particularly torture, rape, slavery, and genocide) through visual propaganda. It is also aware of the controversial concept of propaganda as art, since it would examine the debates among the artists, thinkers, and politicians regarding the use or abuse of art in public brainwashing whereby a governor is able to commit any State crime in the name of God, justice, liberty, or democracy.
Why does this research undertake to understand visual propaganda made by the US Government and the ISIS? First, both political institutions have enormous political, economic, social, scientific, and artistic power to manipulate public opinion nationally and internationally. They are both relying on ideological brainwashing, which means democracy and religion. Third, they have some artists, including image specialists, and scientists who help them in their conquest of the world. Finally, they are perfectly using carious mass communication tools, particularly the Internet or even new one in the future, to propagate some falsified information, images, and documents in war against each other.
The use of visual arts and the employment of artists by the States for a propagandist agenda are not obviously a new phenomenon. For instance, the Behistun Inscription constitutes a piece of propaganda establishing Darius’s right to rule. If visual propaganda has a long history of painting, sculpturing, and graphing as the existence of the State itself, the emergence and development of the Internet by the Third and Fourth Industrial Revolutions, particularly after the September 11 attacks, has given an unlimited dimension to propaganda in its both quantitative and qualitative aspects through the mass media like Google, Facebook, Twitter, and Telegram. Government photography has thus found a huge laboratory in a planetary dimension in which some photographers have embraced certain new and inestimable opportunities to mix their artistic aspiration with political and economic aspirations. This modern visual job requires that the governors and photographers work together to falsify reality in an artistic and political manner that we regard as propaganda. In this regard, all people around the world have ceaselessly become the target of propagandist images, since propaganda by photography needs no specific language, and images are easily propagating everywhere without any geographical limitation, thanks to the digital power of the State as, for example, disclosed by Snowden.     
Those symbiotic relationships between governance and art, which we can call “political photography”, would cause many questions to which the dissertation tries to reply, such as what is the demarcation line between governance and art? Does the State, i.e. the US Government and the ISIS in our case, need the photographers to manipulate public opinion in its crime against existence? If the answer is positive, how does it use them? Should be any separation between photography and governance? What is the responsibility of photographers in governance in its propagandist agenda? Should the society consider any complicity of artists in State crime realized or facilitated by photographic propaganda? Does the civil society have any power to limit or to destroy visual propaganda?
There are some original aspects in this research project. Firstly, if American propaganda is well documented, especially after the Second World War, it has currently obtained new aspects after 9/11 whereby the USA has been attacked for first time in its own territory. Secondly, the ISIS is nearly a new terrorist organization with universal power of recruiting and using the jihadists of terror and massacre around the world through some sophisticated images invoking Islam. Indeed, despite its limited history, the ISIS has proved that it can use visual media very effectively for its propaganda and theatrical violence. Finally, it seems that the physical death of the US Government and the ISIS cannot unfortunately result in the disappearance of their visual propaganda, because – as, for example, Neo-Nazism has already shown – the visual elements of their propaganda help their ideologies to come into existence again or to renew in different models. In other words, their images have already made them somehow eternal. In this sense, my previous doctoral research on State crime and violence would be helpful, since my second PhD thesis focused on why and how the States struggled to keep their powers through some sophisticated violent and non-violent tools including brainwashing and propaganda made by some intellectuals.                       
           
Keywords: State, Propaganda, Visual Propaganda, Political Photography, USA, ISIS, Art, Photography, Visual Terror, Hollywood Visual Style

Jennifer Goett's ethnography examines the race and gender politics of activism for autonomous rights in an Afrodescedant Creole community in Nicaragua. Weaving together fifteen years of research, Black Autonomy follows this community-based movement from its inception in the late 1990s to its realization as an autonomous territory in 2009 and beyond. Goett argues that despite significant gains in multicultural recognition, Afro-Nicaraguan Creoles continue to grapple with the day-to-day violence of capitalist intensification, racialized policing, and drug war militarization in their territories. Activists have responded by adopting a politics of autonomy based on race pride, territoriality, self-determination, and self-defense. Black Autonomy shows how this political radicalism is rooted in African diasporic identification and gendered cultural practices that women and men use to assert control over their bodies, labor, and spaces in an atmosphere of violence.

The subject of this article is the military institution, with particular reference to the training and the military culture. The approach to the subject is through the results of micro-sociological research, which mostly refer to the conceptual instruments of symbolic interactionism, and through the first results of a long ethnographic research. 
The present study shows a correlation between the training model of the military and episodes of sadistic and uncontrolled violence and torture, perpetrated by social actors trained on the basis of that model.

Across regimes both dictatorial and democratic since the end of the absolute monarchy in 1932, Thai citizens have experienced a range of forms of extrajudicial violence at the hands of state officials, including torture, disappearance, assassination, and massacre. In nearly all cases, state officials have done so with impunity and escaped sanction and accountability. This impunity has been produced and sustained through the unwillingness of state officials to find their colleagues responsible, the intimidation of victims of violence and other citizens, and weak legal and other institutional structures. Impunity takes place in public and is pedagogical and meant to be witnessed, from the instance of state violence to the evasion of accountability and finally to the creation of evidence about impunity for it. Drawing on overlooked archival and other state documents, hundreds of newspaper articles, memoirs of civil servants and victims of state violence, and court observation to reveal previously-unexamined incidents, In Plain Sight: Impunity and Human Rights in Thailand offers a new history of modern Thailand written through the lens of impunity complete with a new chronology, new actors, and new unresolved questions. Between the lines of the lives and deaths of victims of state violence and the dissimulation and denials of state officials, unexpected and surprising insights about violence, law, and human rights emerge. By placing the production of impunity side-by-side with the different challenges to impunity made by victims and survivors of state violence, occasional dissident civil servants, and, particularly beginning in the 1970s, the international and domestic human rights movements, the new history of modern Thailand found in In Plain Sight is not one of seamless state domination, but also records and takes account of the continual and courageous challenges made to it.

For more information and to order, see https://uwpress.wisc.edu/books/5453.htm

Throughout the twentieth century and the outset of the twenty-first, Puerto Rico's sociopolitical and pro-independence struggles from US colonial rule have been influenced by the emergence of mobilizations for environmental justice. This article suggests that our understanding of both environmental and anticolonial mobilizations can be broadened by considering Puerto Rico's sociopolitical and colonial reality, as well as emphasizing the criminalization processes that take place as an institutional reaction to social mobilization. The structure of the article follows a threefold analysis. In the first part, I describe the historical basis of Puerto Rico's colonial situation, including its environmental impact, outlining the intertwined nature of these two processes. The second part outlines the mechanisms of repression and criminalization developed by the US and Puerto Rican governments. Finally, part three analyses the Puerto Rican environmental conflicts between 1999 and 2012, as well as how pro-environmental civil disobedience became a criminal offence.

This article examines the struggle for land tenancy reform and the assassination of Farmers' Federation of Thailand (FFT) leaders in northern Thailand during the period of democratic politics between 14 October 1973 and 6 October 1976 as unresolved, ambiguous, and linked events in the recent Thai past. During the 1973-1976 period, farmers became new political and legal subjects as they fought to pass and then implement the 1974 Land Rent Control Act. Drawing on provincial archival records, the author contextualizes how and why tenancy became a contentious issue between farmers and landlords beginning in the 1950s and then examines the anxious and violent backlash with which their organizing in the 1970s was met by state, para-state, right-wing, and landholding elites. The author interrogates the conditions and effects of the assassinations by writing about the life and death of one of the leaders of the FFT, Intha Sribunruang. The denials by a range of state officials of the political nature of Intha and other FFT leaders' murders underscore both the importance of the FFT's work and the necessity to critically evaluate the assassinations. The author concludes by arguing that the lack of resolution surrounding the struggle for tenancy reform and the assassinations of FFT leaders continues to resonate in present-day politics. An Appendix to the article offers the first English-language list of the FFT leaders known to have been killed or victimized by violence between 1974 and 1979.

https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781315229027-4/sacred-children-accursed-mothers-eyl%C3%BCl-fidan-ak%C4%B1nc%C4%B1 Hundreds of occupational deaths of workers, murders of women and trans people, suicide bombings, and the curfews and special force operations in the Kurdish cities and towns in southeast Turkey exemplify how the state jeopardizes and exterminates the lives of its citizens. Through territorialized violence, the prevalent necropolitics renders these appalling deaths acceptable, ordinary, and in certain cases even enjoyable for the "common citizens". The politics, the promise, and the premise of the AKP's rule have been situated on decades of military and state violence that preceded it. Beginning with their first term in 2002 and continuing onwards, the AKP's initial vow to change the 1982 constitution, drafted under a military provision following the 1980 coup detat, was lauded as a truly democratic turn in the history of Turkish politics. The space of politics is shaped and re-inscribed by the very spectacle of overtaking death under the sovereign hold.
[Book Chapter in Performance in a Militarized Culture, 2017, eds. Sara Brady and Lindsey Mantoan]

Since the end of the absolute monarchy in Thailand on June 24, 1932, the rulers and the ruled have been locked into struggle, often violent, over what form the polity and the people's participation in it should take. This essay examines this struggle, the imagination of justice, and the inability to consolidate democracy, or even a stable government, through the lens of the monarchy, which has remained beyond accountability. Violence committed to preserve the monarchy forecloses democracy and fosters a form of what can be called modern absolutist monarchy, when some lives are visibly placed beyond the law's protection from violence and others are made dispensable by being made subject to repressive enforcement of the law. The emergence in 2020 of a daring challenge to the position of the monarchy beyond the law refracts both the dangers it poses to democracy and the urgency of imagining a new Thai polity.

A 12-year-old boy is shot in a public park on the grounds of being a threat, yet despite the locational relevance there was a silence within leisure research. With this in mind, the aim of this manuscript is a manifesto on the manner that leisure-related research on race, social justice, quality of life, and leisure studies (more broadly, as an academy) must confront the silence with dealing with racism as structural and systematic. If we are to advocate in varying ways on the right of populations to enjoy the life sustaining opportunities that are afforded to them as citizens through leisure, then we must also hold ourselves accountable when those very leisure settings fail to deliver on that promise, and become life-threatening. Tamir Rice, is a case of the duality of silence on the structural nature of racism while also an opportunity to assert a social relevance for leisure research.

KEYWORDS: Tamir Rice, Race, social justice, racial threat theory, color-blind racial ideology

Bringing together scholarly discussions on heritage and state violence, this article analyzes the multilayered structure of dispossession in contemporary Turkey. Through a combination of archival and ethnographic material, it documents the journey of the Fabiato Mansion situated in Büyükada, Istanbul becoming first a ruin, then a state property, later a culture house run by the Touring Automobile Company, and now the local courthouse. It argues that, although heritage and waste have been conceptualized in opposition to one another, the case of the Fabiato Mansion reveals that ruins and heritage sites are deeply connected through practices of dispossession. Conceptualizing the layered modalities of dispossession that led to the transformation of the Fabiato Mansion into the Büyükada Culture House, it illustrates the experience of the dispossession of sense of belonging through the life story of Aurora Fabiato. Then, it analyzes the abandonment of the mansion as part of the process of elimination of possible inheritors and it illustrates how the Mansion's dilapidation was operationalized in the politics of redistribution. Focusing on Touring Company's practices of preservation and repurposing it puts forward that by obscuring property relationships, the Büyükada Culture House generates a nostalgic political ideology that operates as way to avoid reckoning the violent past. While civilizational discourses on culture facilitated justifications of contested regimes of inheritance, they could not successfully end the mansion's agonizing presence between heritagization and disinvestment.

A look at the recent history of Chinese state policy towards Islam / religion in Xinjiang, in the context of the introduction of "political re-education centres" (internment camps) and mass extra-judicial disappearances of Uyghur and Kazakh Muslims since early 2017.

This essay introduces a special issue of ACME focused on the "carceral-police continuum." We use this phrase to highlight three important concepts in policing and carceral geographies scholarship. The first is the imminence of coercive state power, and its uneven distribution. The second is the tangled and expansive web of relationships through which carceral logics and practices operate. The third are the ways attention to these conditions can contribute a conceptual framework to abolitionist praxis. After first offering some additional commentary on each of the problem areas identified above, we then describe how each of the papers collected here advances our understanding of these issues. We conclude by identifying several directions for continuing development, including a need for ongoing conceptual and methodological innovation that supports efforts toward collective forms of organizing, mitigation and redress directed at various forms of state violence, carceral power and their repercussions.

This introductory essay considers the critical purchase of “relationality” in current scholarly debates in Comparative Ethnic Studies and Comparative Literature. It foregrounds Blackness and/as incommensurability as they are treated in these fields' distinct and overlapping institutional locations, historical developments, and epistemic investments.

Espacios de tortura percibidos como circulares sin haber sido vistos, tumbas imaginadas con la extensión de una provincia, huesos de desaparecidos acosando la infraestructura de Centros Clandestinos de Detención, casas perdidas en el anonimato de la clandestinidad… El objetivo principal de este libro es comprender el modo en que son vividos e imaginados los espacios en donde tuvo lugar la desaparición forzada de personas en la Provincia argentina de Tucumán (1975-1983).
Espacios de desaparición aborda diferentes interrogantes sobre el vínculo entre el espacio y la violencia de Estado: ¿se puede hablar de la construcción social del espacio en contextos de violencia extrema? ¿cómo se habitan los lugares que fueron marcados por la desaparición? ¿de qué manera se percibe el espacio bajo condiciones de violencia y alteración de los sentidos? ¿qué rol juega la producción de geografías imaginarias para situar partes desconocidas y clandestinas de los procesos de violencia?
A partir del análisis de los discursos de familiares de Desaparecidos, sobrevivientes de Centros Clandestinos de Detención y militantes de partidos de izquierda, se analizan las representaciones asociadas a los espacios de desaparición: el espacio del secuestro, el espacio del traslado, el espacio concentracionario y el espacio de inhumación. Espacios de desaparición explora formas heterogéneas que asumió la desaparición en el sur de Tucumán (zona ocupada militarme durante el “Operativo Independencia”). Este libro presenta, a su vez, un abordaje teórico novedoso al utilizar la teoría crítica del espacio para pensar la manera en que se construye socialmente el espacio en contextos de violencia de Estado.

Esta tese é construída a partir do interesse em compreender determinadas angulações da engrenagem governamental de gestão das mortes dos moradores de favelas no Rio de Janeiro. O momento da efetuação do disparo da arma de fogo que atinge o morador de favela demarca a produção de um recorte analítico do processo de gestão dessas mortes, considerando papéis e registros oficiais – sendo o laudo cadavérico acionado enquanto documento a partir do qual são exploradas outras movimentações (burocráticas ou não) que compõem o inquérito policial e o processo judicial de casos de homicídio ocorridos durante intervenções militares em favelas. As formas como chefes e agentes de Estado se referem a essas mortes em declarações públicas, assim como as repercussões sobre o enquadramento dessas mortes por entre diferentes instâncias estatais, referenciam o quadro político enfocado na tese – cuja elaboração decorre de um trabalho de campo pautado pela agenda dos familiares de vítimas de violência institucional. Trata-se do resultado de uma experiência de pesquisa junto a coletivos políticos protagonizados por esses familiares, entendendo seus enfrentamentos, demandas, dores e conquistas enquanto orientação primeira para a conformação do olhar sobre forças de estado que produzem legitimidade e legalidade para mortes completamente ilegítimas.

Das „Was macht uns wirklich sicher?“ Projekt hat sich mit der Frage beschäftigt, was nach die sexualisierter Angriffe und folgende Racial Profiling am Silvesternächte in Köln aufgeworgen wurde: Wie können scheinbar ‚gute Ideen‘, wie das Unterstützen von betroffenen Personen von Gewalt, so falsch laufen und rassistische Überwachung und Sicherheitsregime festigen? Das Projekt stellt das Sicherheitsversprechen des Staates im Falle sexualisierter & Partner_innen Gewalt in Frage, weil Techniken wie Polizei, Gefängnis und Grenzen mehr Gewalt (re)produzieren anstatt sie zu beenden.

Das Projekt (www.whatreallymakesussafe.com) einschließt:
-Seminare & ein Podiumsdiskussion im Sommer 2016
-das Ausstellung “Heilungsarchiven” und “Lab für Alternativen zu Polizei & Gefängnis” im Sommer 2017
-eine Webseite mit Interviews mit Aktivist_innen, die an Alternativen zu Polizei durch community-basierten Umgang mit Gewalt arbeiten

Als Ergebnis des Projekts wurde das „Was macht uns wirklich sicher? Toolkit für Aktivist_innen“ veröffentlicht. Mit Beiträgen über aktuellen politische Kämpfe von Organisationen bzw. Mitglieder_innen von Kampagne für Opfer rassistischer Polizeigewalt (KOP), Hydra e.V., ReachOUT, Kiralina, LesMigras, Women in Exile, Flüchtlingsrat Brandenburg, KNAS[], Transformative Justice Kollektiv Berlin, & MSO Inklusiv!.

Nach den Ereignissen der Silvesternacht in Köln 2015/16 forderten weiße feministische und LGBT Mainstream Organisationen den Staat auf, für mehr ‚Schutz‘ zu sorgen. Doch wir wissen, dass dieser vorgebliche Schutz von marginalisierten Communities ein Vorwand ist, um Polizei und Justiz weiterhin Gewalt gegen People of Color und Migrant_innen ausüben zu lassen (was in der Racial Profiling am folgenden Silvesternacht ausgestellt wurde). Das Toolkit offenbart die Logik wobei radikale queer-feministische Inhalte vereinnahmt und verdreht wird, um rassistische Sicherheitsregime zu stärken, und einige politische Strategien dieser „Strafrechtsfeminismus“ (z.B. in Sexualstrafrechtreform, „Hasskriminalität“, und das neuen „Prostituiertenschutzgesetz“). Das Toolkit thematisiert die Verquickungen staatlicher Gewalt und verschiedene Formen von zwischenmenschlicher Gewalt (vor allem sexualisierter Gewalt und Partner_innengewalt) in Deutschland, um zu zeigen, dass der Staat zwischenmenschliche Gewalt ermöglicht statt sie zu verhindern und daher keine Lösung für diese Gewalt sein kann.

Wenn uns Polizei und Grenzen keine Sicherheit geben können, welche Alternativen haben wir in unseren Zusammenhängen? Wie können wir uns selbst Sicherheit schaffen? Das Toolkit bietet Werkzeuge für community-basierte & intersektionale Alternativen für Sicherheit, die von U.S. Bewegungen wie für community accountability (gemeinsame Verantwortungsübernahme) & transformative justice (transformative Gerechtigkeit) inspiriert sind und in der Praxis in Berlin Umsetzung findet.

Extrajudicial killing (EJK) is a relatively recent concept located at the intersection of human rights, criminology and the sociology of law. It is defined as state-killing outside of the formal legal system of a state without due process of law. As a residual category it relies heavily on the definition of what a 'state' is and thus a theory of the state. A key feature of EJK is a denial of state involvement in killing necessitated by EJK's constituting state crime in which the state violates its own self-defined rules for operation. The specific focus of this study is how state 'frames' are used in speeches and political communication to promote state-killing while denying any state connection to that killing. EJK is seen to occur in coordinated waves of violence (cycles of violence) that resemble the trajectory of infectious diseases in epidemics that are influenced by the frames put forth by the state and watchdog institutions in 'cycles of moral reaction'. This case study focuses on EJK in the Philippines which has played a key defining role in EJK internationally, specifically on police encounter shootings and death squad killings during the 'War on Drugs' that began in 2016.

Western media reporting on the post-9/11 Taliban regime in Afghanistan propagated the image of Afghani women as being helpless, voiceless victims in desperate need of external intervention to rescue them from oppression—i.e. the faceless woman dressed in the all-encompassing blue burqa. Contrary to such symbolizing, and drawing on Hayward and Schuilenburg's (2014) criteria for resistance, this article examines the longevity and endurance of Pashtun poetry as a vehicle of resistance for women and girls in their fight against state-sanctioned patriarchal oppression. Not only does this undermine the broader narrative of helplessness propagated by the West, but it illuminates the agency, resilience, and bravery of women who challenge the status quo and achieve greater participation in public and political life.

“Hell is empty, and all Statesmen/women, their lawyers, and ass-kissers are here.”
                      (War-Worshiper Shakespeare’s The State: Act 1 Scene 2)

Synopsis

This paper presents some researches and documents concerning State violence and criminality inside as well as outside of so-called State jurisdiction, which means all earth and cosmos parallel to the development of State science and art depending on State criminality. State brutality has indeed embraced many increasing aspects in existence, thanks to unlimited authority, hierarchy, punishment, secrecy, spy, misinformation, lie, deception, brainwashing, propaganda (especially, through religion, education, the mass media, and the Internet and its Géants du Web), wealth, technology, science, art, as well as intellectual and artistic complicity and crime. For instance, intellectual and artistic violence is perpetuated by the countless gangs of artists, journalists, scientists, philosophers, law professors, and lawyers acting as State watchdogs, covering agents, or lobbyists: the artistic, intellectual, and governmental prostitutes, or criminals. They are genuinely participating in both “State soft power” (functioning as an abominable machine of propaganda, brainwashing, and control like State censorship, the Government control of the media and the Internet) and “State hard power” (e.g., inventing and increasing the weapons of mass destruction), which means they are perfectly materializing and legalizing all forms of State brutality against all existence. 
In contrast to their crusade against nongovernmental violence or petty criminals who must be maximally suffered, avenged, or tortured by the legal system,  they are doggedly aiming at rejecting, minimizing (partly by a mystified terminology like collateral damage, State wrongdoing, and political sexual scandals), banalizing (e.g., Durkheim’s sacred rule: “crime as a normal  phenomenon”), camouflaging, manipulating, beautifying, romanticizing (e.g., revolutionary violence), justifying, theorizing (“State monopoly on violence” as divinized by Weber, among many other examples), defending, legalizing, or acquitting, through the national and international laws, all forms of State violence against humanity and non-humanity at any time and space, according to the circumstances. As a result, State violence is mercilessly and impunitively de facto or de jure (such as diplomatic immunity, legal immunity, judicial immunity, State responsibility, amnesty by the State Criminals themselves!) imposed on all humanity and non-humanity by some sacred, governmental, and prestigious gangsters everywhere: war, genocide, imperialization, colonization, occupation, unethical human experimentation, trafficking (like uranium trafficking, arms trafficking, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and organ trafficking matched with organ harvesting), corruption, taxation, terrorism, mass murder, torture, rape, forced disappearance, forced labor (e.g., prison slavery), espionage, legal and illegal immigration, the Internet (e.g., cyberterrorism and cyberwarfare), money laundering and  tax haven (e.g., Switzerland nicknamed as “le receleur de Hitler”, the USA, Canada and its Godmother or the UK) plundering natural resources, corporate violence, environmental violence, and so on. This is perfectly matching the Governors’ “psychopathic personality” or an extreme form of “criminal personality”: Government or State personality supported and worshipped by the Mafia intellectuals.
Human history has actually proved two principal aspects of State violence. On the one side, all States, regardless of their titles and ideologies from so-called democratic to despotic ones, have unlimited capacity to impose mass suffering and humiliation on humanity and non-humanity altogether through their violence and luxury in the name of God (i.e. a fictional, omnipotent, violent, bloodthirsty, and white-collar animal), nationalism, democracy (a generic and magical expression for covering all forms of governance and organized criminality or State Evil from, for example, the People’s Republic of China, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the Russian Federation, and  the Islamic Republic of Iran, or the Eastern Empires, to la République Française, Her Majesty’s Government, and the Federal Government of the United States of America, or the Western Empires), justice, prosperity, liberty, liberation, national interest, “la raison d’État”, international interest, just war, sacred defense, and so on. On the other side, this phenomenon is causing unlimited happiness for the Statesmen/women as well as for their clans, acolytes, and gangs by providing them with all sources of safety in peace as well as in war: impunity or very ridiculous sanctions (if there would exceptionally be any funny proceedings orchestrated by the Statesmen/women themselves!), capital (such as extremely luxury home and travel), sex, and celebrity orchestrated by the complicity of the mass media and literature, among many others. These aspects are consequently satisfying the Statesmen/women’s complexities of superiority, racism, narcissism, or sadism. The masses are simultaneously educated, encouraged, or even awarded to massacre, brutalize, or plunder their so-called enemy for the sake of motherland or other reasons like revolutionary terror and war, while polluting and destroying the environment without any sense of thought, doubt, or morality.                           
The Statesmen/women are thus the “white-collar criminals” whose destructive power and authority recognize no limit in space and time. They not only destroy human existence, but also pollute and annihilate non-human existence: “I am absolutely and shamelessly able to commit all forms of crime against all person, society, nation, property, animals, environment, and eventually against all galaxy through the State and His Intellectuals, Lawyers, Mass Media, Police, Army, and Judge who are awfully teaching, wonderfully camouflaging, excellently strengthening, permanently protecting, or perfectly and simply acquitting me of all charges.” (The Mafia State 4:13) “All white-collar gangsters indeed belong to the State, and to Him they will indeed return.” (The State Godfather 2:156) “In reality, the State is the Greatest Spy, the Biggest White-Collar Criminal, the First and the Last Criminal, the Master of All Criminals, and He and His Gangsters are finally with existence wherever.” (The Holy and Criminal State 16:70, 57:3, 1:4, 57:4) “Fight, massacre, terrorize, and plunder in the way of the State against the enemy of the State, because the State does love the warlike people, terrorists, professional and mass murderers.” “Do not call dead those who are killed in the cause of the State. They are in fact living, but you cannot perceive that life: the State shahid.” “And if you are killed in the cause of the State, then the State terrorists are certainly far better than all anarchists and Statists who are happily amassing worldly, heavenly, or scholarly capitals.” (The State War 2:190, 2:154, 3:157)
In short, State violence, as the most perfect and dangerous form of unlimited and organized crime (legally as well as illegally!), is omnipresent, systematic, theorized, justified, camouflaged, and unpunished. In other words, the State and its gangsters, i.e. the Statesmen/women or the wildest and greediest animals, constitute unlimited and organized crimes against all humanity, nature, and cosmos, thanks to the use of all means, because the political end is absolutely justifying all means, without any sense of shame, absolutely any: “Then you will know that I am the State or the Lord your God, and my gangsters shall absolutely never be ashamed.” (State Crime 2:27)         

Keywords

State Crime, State Corporate Crime, State Organized Crime, State Violence, State Terrorism, Political Violence, Terrorism, White-Collar Criminals, White-Collar Crime, Corporate Crime, Corruption, Cyberterrorism, Cyberwarfare

[ [ Bu çalışma Korkmaz Alemdar'ın editörlüğü'nde, (Ankara) Gazeteciler Cemiyeti tarafından yayınlanan Türkiye'de Kitle İletişimi (Dün - Bugün -Yarın) isimli kitabın Gözden Geçirilmiş ve Genişletilmiş İkinci Baskısının 1. ve 2. cildinde yer alması için hazırlandı. Yayıncının yayın politikası gerekçesi ile Editör tarafından çalışmada yer alan isimlerin bir kısmı listeden çıkartılarak basılan makalenin, sansürsüz, ilk halini paylaşıyorum. ] ]

Türk basın tarihi, bir anlamda gazetecilere karşı şiddetin tarihidir. Dönemlere göre çeşitli biçimler alan şiddet, gazeteleri ve gazeteciyi sindirmek, sindiremiyorsa yok etmekte bir araç olarak kullanıla gelmiştir. Gazetecinin görevini yapmasının, yani halkın haber alma özgürlüğünün engellenmesinin belirgin yöntemleri olarak; gazetelerin sansürlenmesi, olan biten hakkında bilgi toplamaya çalışan gazetecinin engellenmesi, gazetelerin ve gazetecilerin açılan davalar yoluyla çalışamaz hale getirilmesi, basıldıktan sonra dağıtım aşamasındaki gazetelerin toplatılması sıralanabilir. Tüm bu yöntemlerin yanında basın çalışanlarının yaşama haklarına yönelik saldırılar da halkın haber alma özgürlüğünü engellemenin bir yolu olarak görülebilmektedir. "Kanla Sansür" yöntemi olarak tanımlanabilecek olan bu durum, basına yönelik saldırı ve engellemelerin de en ağırıdır. Basın çalışanlarının yaşama haklarına yönelik bu saldırılar, genellikle hükümet, örgütlü suç örgütleri, terör örgütleri gibi organize yapılardan kaynaklandığı için çoğunlukla da faili meçhul kalmaktadır. Öldürülen Gazeteciler Üzerindeki Anlaşmazlıklar Gazetecilerin bireysel olarak meslek tarihine yönelik ilgilerinin sınırlı olması ve meslek örgütlerinin işlevsizleşmesi, gazetecilerin yaşam haklarına yönelik saldırılara karşı sistematik bir karşı koyuşa engel olmaktadır. Tarihi gerçekler üzerinde var olan anlaşmazlıklar, gazeteci meslek örgütlerinin bugüne kadar bir araya gelip, meslektaşlarının öldürülmeleri ile sonuçlanan olayları düzgün bir şekilde listelemesine bile engel olmuştur. Örneğin Türkiye Gazeteciler Cemiyeti'nin 2017'de güncellediği listeye göre öldürülen gazeteci sayısı 66 iken, bir başka basın meslek örgütü olan Çağdaş Gazeteciler Derneği'ne göre bu sayı 78'dir. Aynı şekilde 2013 yılında Diyarbakır'da kurulan Özgür Gazeteciler Cemiyeti ise tamamı Kürt kökenli gazeteci, yazar ve gazete dağıtımcısı olarak görev yapan 77 ismi "basın şehidi" olarak listelemektedir. Doğal olarak her üç meslek örgütünün listesinde birbirlerinin listesinde yer almayan isimler bulunmakta, bazı isimler ise her üç örgütün listesinde dahi yer bulamamaktadır.

OPENING PARAGRAPHS: In an old Silk Road oasis town on China’s western border, these days a thirsty traveller can knock back a cold beer in a local mosque. The former place of worship is now a bar for tourists. And it is with the customers’ views in mind—and, perhaps, the aspirations of China’s leaders—that the place is called “The Dream of Kashgar.”

For Kashgar’s Uighur residents, however, and for other Muslims across the Chinese region of Xinjiang, that dream is a nightmare. Last summer, when I traveled to Xinjiang, I witnessed the most abject sense of fear and trauma I have encountered in 27 years of researching identity and religion among its Uighur communities. Mosques were deserted and cloaked in razor wire, restaurants were stripped of their halal signage, and local people carefully avoided any expression of religious piety.

Draft chapter forthcoming in edited volume tentatively titled, Race and National Security, ed. Matiangai Sirleaf This chapter uses the analytical framework offered by Black Palestinian solidarity to reveal the coconstitutive nature of racism and colonialism as well as the enduring significance of anti-imperialist struggle. It does so first by examining how Israel's shoot-to-kill policy is predicated on the racialization of Palestinians within the framework of national security law. It then uses an internationalist approach, which situates Black subjugation in the United States in the context of global regimes of capital, violence, and governance, to help explain the militarized response to Black uprisings. Using Aime Cesaire's "boomerang effect," the chapter then traces the iterative development of police militarization, forged within the crucible of U.S. imperial dominance since at least the late nineteenth century, and highlights how contemporary U.S. law enforcement trainings in Israel are among the most recent iterations of this trend. The chapter concludes with reflections on the limits as well as the potential of anti-imperialist activist efforts embedded in the praxes of Black Palestinian solidarity.

This essay employs the 2016 police shooting of Korryn Gaines by Baltimore SWAT to ask critical questions about how various conceptualizations of gender violence occlude critical theorizations of how black people die at the hands of the state. Black death is thus taken up as a Black feminist theoretic to challenge the discursive capacity of gender as a singular category to articulate conclusively the suffering of Black gendered subjects. Thus, by examining the narrative maneuvers of the 2017 Women's March to articulate police violence as a gender concern, this essay demonstrates how the specificities of Blackness are crowded out by the drive towards a collective politic.

The Indonesia post-New Order era saw anti-heresy campaign against Ahmadiyah and Shia on the rise. Instead ofcprotecting Ahmadiyah and Shia congregations, the government officials often were complicit to the violent protests perpetrated by the vigilante groups, who demanded the disbandment of the two minority congregations. I found that the local State officials – under the pressure of the vigilante grouping – developed variety of hegemonic instruments and even resorted later to domination to allow for the subaltern groups to conform to beliefs of majority. The social and political stability were the main goal of the local State officials. This paper presents Ahmadiyah and Shia resistance
against penetration of power committed against them by the state officials and the vigilante groups. The resistance was performed through the material and moral co-optations. The resistance was effective in Ahmadiyah, in the sense that it undermined the state’s penetration to Ahmadiyah. However, Shia’s resistance faltered due to the absence of
material co-optation and less institutional support from the society. Despite the different outcomes, nonetheless the two case studies show that the subordinate minorities were not just merely passive objects of the state oppression, but in contrast to the Gramsci’s theory on hegemony, the minorities were able to demystify the prevailing ideology
being penetrated against them by the ruling class. The paper is based on almost three months fieldwork in Manislor, Kuningan regency, West Java province and another four months in East Java province, including Sampang regency of Madura Island in 2013.

Keywords: Ahmadiyah, Shia, resistance, hegemony, post-New Order Indonesia

La tarea judicial de escoger hechos, clasificarlos, ordenarlos y simplificarlos para luego imputarles consecuencias jurídicas, a la luz de categorías formales, abstractas y universales, es un modo de representación del mundo en el que aquello que se intenta representar es expropiado del gesto mismo que intenta su apropiación. Como en investigaciones anteriores, en esta ocasión exploro los expedientes judiciales del FOI, un frente paramilitar, como fuentes históricas y antropológicas, dotadas de una particular textura descriptiva.  Me propongo documentar en qué momento y de que forma la representación jurídica que se configura en los expedientes judiciales abandona o exilia lo que representa, y problematizar ese abandono y ese exilio.

IS is a new phenomenon in the face of an on-going conflict in the Middle-East in what I refer to as the Shami theatre. It evolved from a fledgling affiliate of al Qaeda into a powerful and organised “pseudo-state” under the leadership of Abu-Bakr al-Baghdadi and operates largely in the Shami theatre. The Shami theatre with its core group of actors has been scripted into a region of conflict, through a toxic approach from 1916 till now (2017), a hundred years and counting. According to the Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR), of the 203097 civilian deaths recorded from March 2011 until November 2016, IS has been responsible for 1.48% (2998) of the deaths. Considering this fact alone, it had to be asked, “Why the obsession with IS”? This project considered the rise and development of IS and its choice of violence in the context in which it exists. Violence and the defining of violence have been contested for centuries, mainly because violence involves and refers to different conditions, actions and processes. The consequences of violence may be immediate, short-term or long-term and may be contextualised within an interpersonal framing or as the result of an inherent social condition. What is peculiar about the way in which violence is defined and which aspects of the definition of violence are included or excluded will determine the human experiences being examined and the conclusions drawn. In this regard the study examined the various templates of violence and interrogated the manifestation of these different forms of violence in the context in which IS functions. The research considered a plurality of reasons and motivations drawn from IS’s magazine Dabiq and other academic and news sources to explain IS’s lure for foreign fighters, its use of violence and the claim about its “clash” with western values. It then considered the difference in terms of theodicy vs. theology, so that the question was no longer “why are Muslims so violent?” but “why has this specific group of persons resorted to violence?” Significantly, consolidation of persons under extreme circumstances does not necessarily imply a ‘unity of ideology.’ From this aspect of the theorisation it became evident that limiting the discussion on IS and its attacks on foreign soil to a monologue about religion or demanding a theological reform of Islam to more ‘liberal traditions,’ or to claim that the genesis of IS is to be found in theology has largely been disingenuous. Widening the lens of analysis is a tool of academic integrity when the research demands it, and is not an attempt at denying religious ideology. There is an element of religious ideology certainly, but it cannot be divorced from its social context. What it does is to animate the role and impact of human action. IS has used the tools of language, religion and sectarianism to justify its violence. IS has destroyed shrines, libraries and schools, exhibited blatant intolerance of difference and independent lifestyles and choices and it has specialised in significant levels of barbarity, the killing of the elite and citizens. In this regard the study interrogated the “clash of civilisations” claim by exploring the possibility of explaining the violence and actions of IS in terms of western epistemological fraud and western methods of violence learned from the violence of colonialism/coloniality.  The study linked all of these issues to the continuity of the history of dehumanisation and control of the space, bodies and belief of the Muslim subject.  Although IS has attacked westerners, the majority of its victims are Muslims. The rabid sectarianism of Maliki and the unspeakable torment and torture committed by Assad has spurred further extremism which will at some point contribute to the rise of IS 2.0 unless an amicable and just political solution is achieved. All the templates examined ultimately led to the plausible conclusion that the violence of IS is motivated by revenge, the greed for power and control and in many ways manifests as the dark side of modernity. Religion is the currency invoked to draw supporters, sympathy and recognition, and to seek legitimacy. But religion, specifically Islam does not constitute the motivation for the violence. This study concluded that IS and those powers unleashing violence on the largely Sunni Syrian and Iraqi populations have been targeting a very specific enemy, with the aim to completely destroy it – they are attacking Islam and the Islamicate. The narrative, the tactics, the behaviour, the propaganda, the ongoing epistemicide and the pacts between Assad, the changing Iraqi regimes, the US, and IS all point to this. And attacking Islam and the Islamicate includes attacking the inheritors of Islam. This is the consolidation of the theorising.

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राज्य-हिंसा पर विचार करने से पहले हम मुख्यरूप से हिंसा की तीन स्थितियों की कल्पना कर राज्य की भूमिका का स्थापन करने का प्रयास करते हैं। पहला, कुछ व्यक्तियों का समूह उनके निवास-स्थल के नजदीक लग रहे परमाणु संयंत्र के खिलाफ शांतिपूर्ण प्रतिरोध कर रहा है, क्योंकि इस परमाणु संयंत्र से होने वाले रेडियोएक्टिव खतरे उनके सुरक्षित जीवन-यापन के विरूद्ध गंभीर खतरा उत्पन्न कर सकते हैं। राज्य की पुलिस ने उस जनसमूह के खिलाफ लाठीचार्ज किया और लोग गंभीर रूप से घायल हो गए है। दूसरा, बहुसंख्यक वर्ग के लोग सांप्रदायिक उन्माद में अल्पसंख्यक वर्ग के खिलाफ हथियार लेकर सड़कों पर उतर गए हैं और बड़ी मात्रा में अल्पसंख्यक वर्ग के लोगों की हत्या कर रहे हैं और राज्य की मशीनरी अल्पसंख्यकों को सुरक्षा प्रदान करने में अनिच्छुक और उदासीन दिखाई पड़ रही है। तीसरा, राज्य में निवास करने वाले किसी खास वर्ग या जाति समूह को उनके मानवाधिकारों से योजनाबद्ध तरीके से वंचित किया जा रहा है तथा दैनिक जीवन की आधारभूत जरूरतों को उनकी पहुँच से दूर रखा जा रहा है, जिसके परिणामस्वरूप वह जाति-समूह मानव-विकास सूचकांक के सभी पैमानों में पिछड़ रहा है और उनकी औसत जीवन-प्रत्याशा राष्ट्रीय औसत जीवन-प्रत्याशा से बेहद नीचे है।