US-Latin American Relations

Table of Contents, Acknowledgements, and Introduction to my new book, The Last Good Neighbor: Mexico in the Global Sixties (Duke Univ Press), which examines Mexican internationalism—intersection of geopolitics, US-Mexican relations, and political cultures of the post-Bandung Left—during the period c. 1958-1966.

Latin America and the Global Cold War analyzes more than a dozen of Latin America’s forgotten encounters with Africa, Asia, and the Communist world, and by placing the region in meaningful dialogue with the wider Global South, this volume produces the first truly global history of contemporary Latin America. It uncovers a multitude of overlapping and sometimes conflicting iterations of Third Worldist movements in Latin America, and offers insights for better understanding the region’s past, as well as its possible futures, challenging us to consider how the Global Cold War continues to inform Latin America’s ongoing political struggles.

Contributors: Miguel Serra Coelho, Thomas C. Field Jr., Sarah Foss, Michelle Getchell, Eric Gettig, Alan McPherson, Stella Krepp, Eline van Ommen, Eugenia Palieraki, Vanni Pettinà, Tobias Rupprecht, David M. K. Sheinin, Christy Thornton, Miriam Elizabeth Villanueva, and Odd Arne Westad.

This chapter addresses a series of questions: since Raúl Castro succession of his brother as the head of the Cuban government in 2008, was or is Latin America relevant for Cuba and vice-versa? Particularly important in this regard is the issue related to Cuba´s links with the new wave of regionalism in Latin America at the beginning of the century and, vice-versa, the influence of this regionalism on recent Cuban political and economic evolution. In this regard, our main argument is that the development of the so-called post-liberal or posthegemonic regionalism within a propitious context of an economic international environment and a significant shift in LAC politics with the electoral accession to power of center-left, left-wing and populist movements and parties were intertwined and created the conditions for the establishment of a new pattern of relationships between Latin American countries and Cuba, moving from the initially Cuban Communist Party strong involvement in "exporting the Revolution" to a more cooperative role of the Cuban governmenteventually as a facilitator and an "honest broker" in conflict situations in the region 1 and a provider of professional services. This new pattern helped to reinstate Cuba not only as a full member of the LAC and hemispheric community but also to develop a new relationship with the United States.

Overall, the book does make a compelling case to focus on the independence of the judiciary and the nature of the judges when trying to understand progress in judicial investigations of human rights violations. As democracies consolidate and evolve, the traditional focus on the executive-common in most "transitional" studies-must be expanded to include other institutions that play an active political role.

Este artículo analiza sintéticamente los argumentos principales desarrollados en mi libro El imperio de la ley: James Brown Scott y la construcción de un orden jurídico interamericano, Buenos Aires, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2014. El libro explora el desarrollo de un discurso moderno sobre el derecho internacional en los Estados Unidos, y su impacto en América Latina entre comienzos del siglo XX y finales de los años 1930. La dimensión del tema parece en principio inabarcable. Sin embargo, el encuentro con la obra, la carrera académica y la visión jurídicopolítica del jurista estadounidense James Brown Scott hizo posible enmarcar la cuestión en torno del impacto intelectual, académico, jurídico y político de las ideas de Brown Scott. Revisar su imaginario legal e imperial, así como también los proyectos y  Centro de Historia Intelectual, Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. [email protected] organismos panamericanos que contribuyó a crear en América Latina permite acotar la cuestión, sin perder de vista el alcance más vasto de la problemática abordada. El resultado es un trabajo de historia intelectual sobre la construcción de una hegemonía hemisférica por parte de los Estados Unidos en América Latina a través de la emergencia de un nuevo discurso moderno del derecho internacional.

Often referred to as a 'perfect failure,' at the time, the Bay of Pigs invasion was called the US' worst defeat since the war of 1812 1 , and widely acknowledged as a case study in how not to conduct foreign policy. In the 53 years since, the operation has been the subject of intense debate, particularly since the archival records began to be released in the 1990's. However, as the number of books on the subject demonstrates, the focus has largely been on trying to assign blame for the failed invasion, rather than a more nuanced analysis of the way in which domestic policy concerns influenced the decisions taken by President Kennedy, both before and during, the operation. This is due in part to the fact that examining the impact of domestic considerations upon foreign policy is a relatively new field of study. 2 However, as Professor James D. Fearon notes, the effect of domestic politics upon states' foreign policy is becoming an increasingly significant part of the study of international relations. 3 He cites as evidence, the growing number of articles that "invoke domestic politics or domestic-political factors in explanations for foreign policy choices." 4 Therefore, as Mervyn Leffler also argues, by examining how domestic ideas and interests shape foreign policy, a greater understanding of US foreign policy can be reached, which also helps to bridge the gap between American diplomatic history, and IR theory. 5 Cuba was a hot-button issue for the Kennedy administration in 1961, and as such, dominated both foreign policy objectives and domestic concerns over the existence of a communist dictatorship only ninety miles from US shores. Whilst criticism of the handling of Operation Zapata has been justifiably directed against both President Kennedy and supporting government agencies, scholars have identified several points or crucial mechanisms by which the decisionmaking process was weakened, thus leading to faulty decisions taken and the plan's ultimate failure. Rebecca Friedman, Kurt M. Campbell and James Steinberg both see the failure as largely the result of the transitional dynamics that often affect new and inexperienced administrations, together with a

sobre las relaciones del Caribe con Estados Unidos. This collection of essays rescues Caribbean societies out of plantation-based interpretations and examines them from a social-historical worldsystems approach à la Wallerstein. Gaztambide is more concerned about the geographical region's interaction with the hegemonic pretensions of United States foreign policy since their irruption in the region in 1898. Exploring this center-periphery relationship further illuminates the Caribbean's

"The Criminalization of Immigration: Contexts and Consequences explores these competing narratives and the consequences of criminalizing immigration in the United States and abroad. It examines the impact of national, state, and local legislation on the psychosocial well being of immigrants. The book explores key ways in which immigration is criminalized, and examines how the problematization of immigration becomes a political tool. The first chapters of the book explore the criminalization of immigration through the lens of pacification and the theater of cruelty. In both chapters, the authors seek to understand the process of “othering” members of the immigrant population to exact social control and to mollify the public. These front chapters set the tone for remainder of the book. They provide the impetus for why states have enacted, or have attempted to enact state level immigration laws that make it nearly impossible for the undocumented to live within the boundaries of these states. In section two, three U.S. states are highlighted: Arizona, Alabama, and Indiana. While the chapters on Arizona and Alabama summarize key aspects of state laws, author Sujey Vega highlights the life of one undocumented immigrant as she navigates life in the Heartland.

The book then turns its focus to the criminalization of immigration in a socio-political context. Here, four chapters provide explorations of the criminalization of immigration on labor standards enforcement, immigrant detention, the right wing perspective in the United States and in Europe, and white supremacy. Labor standards impact the rate by which undocumented immigrants are paid, which in turn impacts their health and safety within and outside the workplace, protections from workplace discrimination, and collective activity protections. The criminalization of immigration erodes many of the workplace and labor protections that we have come to view as essential. Similarly, the privatization of corrections has influenced the incarceration and detention of many undocumented immigrants and has even influenced the very laws described in section two of this book. If not for the possibility of profiting off of the detention of the undocumented, many of immigration related laws would not have come to fruition.

The next section of the book provides a transnational and international context to the criminalization of immigration. With chapters focusing on human rights violations, the transnational dimensions of Mexican migration, the making of the Maras, and the criminalization of immigration in the United Kingdom, these chapters ask the reader to examine the criminalization of immigration from a broader perspective. The reader learns how national issues become international and, likewise how international immigration issues influence national policy.

The final chapters of the book put the human face on the criminalization of immigration. Each chapter represents a case study of a specific aspect of the criminalization of immigration. They approach the issue from the viewpoint of a day laborer, an undocumented woman who has become a victim of domestic violence, a child whose parents are undocumented, and a detention officer who wrestles with his decisions to continue his job. Regardless of which chapters one reads, the raw emotion felt by placing oneself in each context is overwhelming.

Overall, The Criminalization of Immigration: Contexts and Consequences provides a complete examination of an issue that cuts through emotional value conflicts. It provides the facts and knowledge essential for a fair and balanced debate"

El 11 y 12 de septiembre de 1971 se llevó a cabo el Festival de Rock y Ruedas en Avándaro, Estado de México. La organización del evento había sido promovida por personajes vinculados a empresas como Telesistema Mexicano y Coca Cola. Se trataba de un proyecto que buscaba, principalmente, generar contenidos televisivos similares a los que reproducían o aludían al rock anglosajón. Para ello, una serie de estereotipos fueron construidos por los medios de comunicación masiva sobre los jóvenes mexicanos. Sin embargo, a Avándaro llegaron varios grupos de jóvenes "onderos", que no encajaban en los estándares ciertamente elitistas de la televisora.
La presencia de los "onderos", aunada a la descuidada e inexperta planeación del evento llevaron al proyecto empresarial al fracaso. El testimonio de los jóvenes asistentes, marginados del modelo desarrollista mexicano, es uno de los grandes testimonios de la contracultura mexicana de finales de los años sesenta y principios de los setenta.
https://leer.amazon.com.mx/kp/embed?asin=B07WW2BHQC&preview=newtab&linkCode=kpe&ref_=cm_sw_r_kb_dp_af8UDbV25B03W

The dissertation deals with Reagan's foreign policy towards El Salvador and Nicaragua, which are conceived as testbeds of the effectiveness and applicabilty of the War Powers Resolution. I argue that the comparative analysis of the US administration's foreign policy towards these two Central American countries allows to detect the inherent flaws of the legislation, as well as the alternative legislative tools which the Congress can make use of in order to preserve the mechanism of "checks and balances" within the US political system.

En un análisis preliminar del debate historiográfico sobre la política exterior estadounidense en América Latina, me sorprendió descubrir cómo no se había logrado todavía superar el enfoque económico del expansionismo norteamericano y al mismo tiempo cómo se seguía insistiendo acríticamente en la tesis del imperialismo "activo", como una planificación deliberada desde el siglo XIX, para la construcción de un imperio. 1 Y todo esto a pesar de la gran cantidad de estudios tanto norteamericanos como europeos, que sobre la base de nuevos documentos están cuestionando desde hace casi veinte años esta doble perspectiva. La misma parece incluso reforzarse en los análisis de las relaciones entre los Estados Unidos y los países del Hemisferio Occidental. El historiador mexicano Enrique Krauze, en un artículo recién publicado en el diario español El País, seguía dibujando la política exterior estadounidense del siglo XX como consecuencia de las fuertes presiones de las corporaciones económicas privadas, haciendo referencia a la llamada "diplomacia del dólar", término desde hace tiempo fuertemente cuestionado a partir de estudios de disciplinas diferentes, sobre todo en su significado original. 2 Lorenzo Meyer, en un análisis acerca de las relaciones Estados Unidos-México en la primera mitad del siglo XX, dibuja una política exterior norteamericana dominada esencialmente por los intereses de los grupos capitalistas, como elemento de continuidad antes y después de la llegada de Woodrow Wilson a la presidencia. 3 Las interpretaciones históricas que han adoptado dicho enfoque -y que analizaremos de forma más detenida después-presentan un doble problema. En primer lugar, la sobreposición arbitraria de "expansionismo" e "imperialismo", como fenómenos complementarios uno al otro; en segundo lugar, la asociación automática entre "imperialismo" e "interés económico", en donde tal interés se identifica normalmente con las grandes corporaciones comerciales y financieras. Además, la tesis del imperialismo "activo" asume rasgos anti-históricos, porque extendiendo esta peculiaridad a la política exterior estadounidense, tanto del siglo XIX como del siglo XX, no toma en cuenta las transformaciones de la "capacidad" de los Estados Unidos en el sistema internacional que se produjeron entre los dos siglos, como consecuencia del rápido proceso de revolución industrial * El autor agradece la colaboración de Diego Silva, estudiante de la Maestría en Filosofía de la Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, en el trabajo de búsqueda bibliográfica.

BRACERO FAMILIES: MEXICAN WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN THE UNITED STATES, 1942-64 Rachael Frances DeLaCruz Old Dominion University, 2014 Director: Dr. Elizabeth Zanoni The Bracero Program created a bilateral agreement between the United States and Mexico that legalized US agricultural growers to import Mexican workers on seasonal labor contracts between 1942 and 1964. The Bracero Program exclusively contracted men, allowing male laborers known as braceros to migrate according to seasonal patterns. Many braceros left their families behind in Mexico. However, some bracero families made the dangerous choice to remain together, with women and children migrating illegally to the United States. The experiences of these women and children are silenced in traditional documentary sources like government reports and sociological studies, as well as glossed over by historians who characterize bracero camps as masculine, homosocial spaces. These overlooked bracero families are the focus of this paper, which utilizes the oral interviews of braceros and bracero family members collected by the recent Bracero History Project. I argue that there was indeed a presence of women and children in bracero camps and that the presence of these women and children alleviated what was an alienating and isolating experience for all members of a bracero family by continuing the norms of Mexican communities and families. This analysis of bracero oral histories inserts the previously silenced experiences of these families into the history of American labor migration and borderlands studies. 3 This thesis is dedicated to my parents, Fred and Gilda, for teaching my how to read, write, and work hard. 4 CHAPTER 1 "THEY WERE BRACEROS, BUT THEY WERE ALSO FAMILIES": LOCATING WOMEN AND FAMILIES IN BRACERO HISTORY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY presence of families on bracero camps made the bracero families feel less detachment by continuing the norms of Mexican communities and families. This analysis of bracero oral histories inserts the previously silenced experiences of these families into the historical memory of American labor migration and borderlands studies. 5 Literature Review The historiography of Mexican American history has blossomed since the 1960s, when Chicano/a scholars began to enter academia. While only a small portion of the existing literature focuses on the Bracero Program, between the 1960s and early 1990s scholars examined it on legal, political, and organizational levels. Only within the last few years have historians started to explore bracero daily life at length. This is not to say, however, that the braceros have been completely overlooked by historians, as they are frequently mentioned in literature on Mexican American, immigration, and borderlands history; but the field is lacking multiple critical examinations of the bracero experience. One of the first books published on the Bracero Program was Merchants of Labor: The Mexican Bracero Story written in 1964 by Ernesto Galarza, a Mexican writer, labor activist, and historian. 6 Merchants of Labor, an exposé of the Bracero Program, was a foundational text in the field. Galarza provided basic descriptions of major events 5 The term "silenced" is a term commonly used to describe the experiences of women's and other marginalized groups. It points to how traditional sources privilege certain perspectives, thus causing silences for those not privileged. , (accessed March 25, 2013). 8 and developments as well as a legal analysis of the Bracero Program. Galarza contended that the Mexican government did not have equal say in the bilateral agreement, because the U.S. government and growers controlled the program. The U.S. government supported the program because "on the face of it the new system introduced planning, created a stable administrative machinery, laid down standards and directives by which operations were governed, and gradually became a seemingly permanent part of commercial agriculture in California." 7 The government liked the appearance of controlled labor and migration, even if it did not actually achieve this goal. While Galarza demonstrated why the U.S. government supported the Bracero Program, he focused on the problems within the program. He provided examples of braceros who did not receive the wages, housing, or food guaranteed by their contracts. He discussed the variety of work braceros did, which included harvesting almost every type of crop, landscaping, and camp maintenance. Overall, he argued that the Department of Labor and employers manipulated the workers. Injustices endured by braceros included, but were not limited to, "displacement from jobs, harassment, depression of wages, deterioration of housing, the weakening of organization and the use of braceros in strikes." 8 With his main goal of ending the Bracero Program, Galarza argued that the program perpetuated an image of a better system, a system that was a symbol of international cooperation and better working conditions. However, Galarza demonstrated that this was not the reality. This contemporaneous work was crucial in setting the stage for future scholarship on the Bracero Program. 7 Ernesto Galarza, Merchants of Labor: The Mexican Bracero Story (San Jose:

Aunque el estudio de las relaciones hispano-norteamericanas en el siglo XX haya florecido en la última década, es posible que las relaciones mantenidas entre los dos Estados a lo largo del siglo XIX sean las relaciones bilaterales de la España contemporánea menos estudiadas, especialmente en su dimensión económica. Buscando despejar alguno de esos interrogantes, y como parte de la tesis doctoral que estoy realizando, me gustaría llamar la atención sobre las relaciones comerciales hispano-estadounidenses en los decenios de 1880 y 1890, aunque no me propongo hacerlo en toda su complejidad (muy superior a la que se les ha supuesto), ya que hay asuntos en los que no entraré, como la disputa en torno al boicot europeo -del que participó España-a la carne de cerdo estadounidense, o la vertiente filipina de los acuerdos, que tampoco será objeto de este trabajo.

Essay 3: Cisneros poetry response United States-born women of Hispanic/Latin American ancestry often face dilemmas in culminating a subculture that fuse Anglo, Spanish, Amerindian, and sometimes other cultural ideals into a relatable identity. These dilemmas, frustrations and confusions are frequently portrayed in the works of Hispanic-American authors. To varying extents, many of these Latina writers intersperse, allude to, or struggle with incorporating Spanish words and phrases into their predominantly-English language works.

A brief overview of three key conflicts between the United Fruit Company and Latin American countries which hosted their enterprises (Costa Rica, Colombia, and Guatemala), relating each to contemporary US foreign policy and military doctrine. Also discussed is a history of United Fruit's origins and practices.

This paper analyzes the reception and influence of the Alliance for Progress in Venezuela during the 1960s (1961-1969). The US assistance program financed various social projects in Latin American countries, with the aim of promoting local development, and at the same time counteracting the impact of the Cuban Revolution (1959). Methodologically, the research was nurtured from primary sources, official Venezuelan and American documents, and contemporary press review. In sum, it is evident that although the economic resources sent to Venezuela were inferior to other nations, the political support of the United States was fundamental for the consolidation of the young Venezuelan democracy.

Este ensayo examina los múltiples intentos realizados por el gobierno estadounidense a lo largo del siglo XX para mejorar sus relaciones con América Latina. La mayoría de estos fueron causados por factores externos como guerras o conflictos con otras potencias. Aunque sinceras, estas iniciativas fracasaron ante las prioridades geopolíticas y económicas de la política exterior estadounidense. Elementos raciales y, principalmente, la ignorancia de los policy makers estadounidenses en asuntos latinoamericanos también determinaron el poco éxito de tales iniciativas. Concluimos que las buenas intenciones no son suficientes para que una potencia mundial logre comportarse como un buen vecino. Palabras clave: intervencionismo, intereses económicos, intereses geopolíticos, determinismo ideológico, racismo.

This essay examines the US government's attempts throughout the 20 th century to improve its relations with Latin America. It shows that most of these efforts were motivated by external factors such as wars or conflicts with other world powers.

Determining a starting date for Pan-Americanism has been an historically controversial task.  This debate carried (and still carries) more significance than mere pedantry; attempts to move the date backwards or forwards can change the meaning of ‘Pan-Americanism’ by shifting the focus in the concept’s creation story to different aspects and different actors.  The traditional date – 1889, the year of the First International Conference of American States – highlights the role of the United States in the formation of Pan-Americanism and has directed the attention of historians towards questions of geopolitical power relations, hemispheric security, and commerce and away from other questions of juridical, social, cultural and intellectual development. Alternatives to 1889, including 1826 (Simón Bolívar's Panamanian Congress) and 1888 (the Montevideo Conference on private international law), bring Latin American participation closer to the centre of the story.  This paper will explore the approaches to this question taken by writers in Chile, Argentina and Uruguay in the early twentieth century.  In doing so, it will consider the importance of both 'etic' and 'emic' descriptions of the movement.  In the early twentieth century, a ‘Southern Cone’ understanding of Pan-Americanism–of its beginnings and its trajectory–emerged and helped to shape the Pan-American policies of these three countries.  Most significantly, this understanding emphasized the role of Southern Cone actors and elevated certain goals of Pan-Americanism, particularly the codification of international law.  By considering these 'emic' definitions, historians can come to an 'etic' account of Pan-Americanism's development that is, frankly, more pan-American.

Este libro analiza de manera rigurosa la influencia de los Estados Unidos sobre el Ejército colombiano en los años cincuenta. El autor estudia cómo Colombia, un país pequeño y con un Ejército modesto en el escenario internacional, se involucró por iniciativa de su dirigencia política en las aventuras militares coordinadas por Estados Unidos en Corea y la crisis del canal de Suez; y cómo estas circunstancias repercutieron en la modernización del Ejército de Colombia al seguir las prácticas y usos militares estadounidenses gracias al interés mostrado por los militares nacionales hacia ese sistema militar. De igual modo se exploran las diferentes vías y medios por los cuales el modelo militar de los Estados Unidos comenzó su afianzamiento en el Ejército colombiano con la creación de unidades militares insignia como la Escuela de Lanceros y la Policia Militar, o asimilando la instrucción militar aplicada en el lejano país del Norte.
Este libro estudia las implicaciones de esta larga relación militar bilateral que afectó tanto a las tropas nacionales como a la política exterior y la soberanía del país gracias a la simpatía mostrada por los políticos y militares colombianos en los años cincuenta. Un texto que sin lugar a dudas ganarían en leer tanto académicos como militares y el público en general interesado en comprender desde una perspectiva histórica el origen de las relaciones bilaterales contemporánea entre estos dos países.

Palabras Clave:
Batallon Colombia
Colombia, Guerra de Corea
Policia Militar Colombia
Escuela de Lanceros
Tropas de Elite
Politica exterior colombiana
Historia militar
Relaciones internacionales Colombia
Relaciones Colombia Estados Unidos

English Version
This book studies the U.S influence on Colombian Army from 1951 to 1959. The text is divided in three chapters. The first one analyses international context and relationship between U.S and Colombia during the 50´s, considering the correlation “friend-foe”. The second chapter studies the implementation of the American military model in the Colombian Army and the perspective adopted by local militaries. The third one explains how the practices and uses of the U.S military model where adopted in Colombia, taking into account such aspects as tactics, military training and equipment.
The book is based on exhaustive work on primary sources from Colombian Presidential Archives, Ministry of Defense and National University Archives. Moreover, it includes sources from Military and “National” libraries, as well as memoirs, military publications as “Revista Militar” and “Revista de las Fuerzas Armadas”. The research also uses Colombian official documents such as “Diario Oficial” and “Anales del Congreso”, military manuals and documents from “Foreign Relations of the United States”.

Keywords:
Military Cooperation between Colombia and United States.
Colombia, Korean War.
US-Colombian Military Relations.
Counterinsurgency War, Elite troops.
Escuela de Lanceros
Colombian foreign policy in 50's.

INDICE

INTRODUCCIÓN: LOS ESTUDIOS MILITARES, UNA NECESIDAD DEMOCRÁTICA

CAPÍTULO I: LA POLÍTICA EXTERIOR MILITAR COLOMBIANA EN LOS AÑOS CINCUENTA

*Panorama general: EE.UU., América Latina y Colombia en los 50’s.

*Política exterior militar colombiana: ¿afinidad de intereses con los Estados Unidos?
- "Nuestra contribucion al imperio de la paz": ¿Subordinacion militar activa?.
-El peligro militar del comunismo

CAPÍTULO II: UN CASO DE MODERNIZACIÓN DEPENDIENTE: EL EJÉRCITO DE COLOMBIA Y EL MODELO MILITAR ESTADOUNIDENSE

*Estados Unidos, una referencia militar para el Ejército de Colombia
-Los antecedentes:¿una modernizacion militar tardia pero efectiva?
-Estados Unidos: La unica opcion militar.
-El Ejercito de Colombia: De un modesto acercamiento a una relacion consumada.
-La "Legion Extranjera Colombiana": El Batallon Colombia recoge experiencias en Corea y el Canal del Suez.

*Enseñanzas militares de la campaña de Corea: una influencia silenciosa en el contexto militar nacional

*Puntos a favor, puntos en contra: los militares colombianos frente al modelo militar estadounidense
-"¿Què deseo yo para el Ejercito de Colombia?"


CAPÍTULO III: LA ADSCRIPCIÓN DEL EJÉRCITO COLOMBIANO AL MODELO MILITAR ESTADOUNIDENSE SOBRE EL TERRENO

*Unidades representativas del proceso de adscripción militar a los Estados Unidos
-"Lealtad, valos y sacrificio": Las Escuela de Lanceros.
- ¡Discipulos precoces!: El Batallon Numero 1 de la Policía Militar.

*La influencia militar indirecta: Manuales y revistas militares.
-La Revista Militar: Una difusion tecnico-militar por entregas.
-La traduccion de manuales militares estadounidenses para el Ejercito de Colombia.
*Armamento made in USA: una influencia técnico militar

CONSIDERACIONES FINALES: A MODO DE CONCLUSIÓN

Anexos

Bibliografía

América Latina y el Caribe atraviesan un cambio de ciclo político y económico en el que se cruzan factores económicos y políticos, así como dinámicas domésticas y los condicionantes estructurales propios de la transición de poder que vive el sistema internacional contemporáneo. El fin de la bonanza de las commodities es una derivación tardía de la crisis económica mundial, que a su vez anuncia una crisis de la globalización como estructura hegemónica. En un contexto de posglobalizacion, asciende la extrema derecha y el nacionalismo, alterando las condiciones para la inserción internacional y las políticas exteriores de Latinoamérica y el Caribe. Este artículo explora estos procesos, atendiendo a los cambios en Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea, analizando en particular cómo afectan a Cuba en un momento de redefinición de sus relaciones externas.

Latin America and the Caribbean are facing changes in their political and economic cycle, where economic and political factors are combined with domestic dynamics and structural conditioning factors triggered by the current transition of power of the international system. The end of the commodities bonanza is a belated consequence of the global economic crisis which, in turn, heralds the crisis of globalization as the hegemonic structure. In a post-globalization context, far-right ideologies and nationalism arise, altering the conditions for international integration and the foreign policies of Latin America and the Caribbean. This article explores these processes, considering the changes that are taking place in the United States and the European Union, and particularly focuses on the impact they have on Cuba, which is currently reshaping its foreign relations.

Link: https://www.revistas.una.ac.cr/index.php/ri/article/view/15446/22052. Durante sus dos primeros años como presidente de Brasil, Jair Bolsonaro dio la máxima prioridad a la relación con Estados Unidos, logrando un entendimiento extraordinario con el presidente Donald Trump. Sin embargo, la llegada de Joseph Biden a la presidencia ha tenido un significativo impacto en dicho entendimiento. Aquí se demuestra que las relaciones brasileño-estadounidense con los presidentes Trump y Bolsonaro se enmarcaron en sus programas de gobierno populistas y que fueron impulsadas por su mutuo entendimiento personal, alterando las prioridades (pero no el contenido) de la agenda bilateral. La llegada de Biden y su distanciamiento ideológico con Bolsonaro no implica necesariamente un enfriamiento en la relación bilateral, sino un redireccionamiento a los canales institucionales gracias a los mecanismos preexistentes entre Estados Unidos y Brasil, así como un retorno a las prioridades históricas: primero los asuntos económicos, luego los energéticos y medioambientales, posteriormente los militares y finalmente los sociales. En esta investigación se ha implementado la metodología deductiva en el estudio de dos dimensiones: una discursiva, al examinar los discursos oficiales más importantes de Trump, Bolsonaro y Biden en las relaciones brasileño-estadounidenses, con el objetivo de identificar los cambios en sus percepciones y prioridades; y otra histórica, al estudiar el desempeño de las instituciones bilaterales en las áreas antes referidas, con la finalidad de detectar los patrones de continuidad que van más allá de las administraciones presidenciales.

El presente documento es la introducción de mi libro titulado: "Conflicto político e ideología en Nicaragua (1821-1933): De Timbucos y Calandracas a las Partidas de Políticos". En este libro se analiza la poca relevancia que tuvieron las diferencias ideológicas en el enfrentamiento político ocurrido durante el siglo XIX e inicios del XX en Nicaragua. Para explicar este fenómeno se realiza un re-interpretación de la historia política nicaragüense utilizando la teoría de sistema desarrollado por Niklas Luhmann y el concepto de neopatrimonialismo de Hannes Wimmer.

This study is focused on the evaluation of successes and failures of the Common Market of the South (Mercosur). This analysis of Mercosur's integration seeks to identify the reasons why the bloc has stagnated in an incomplete customs union condition, although it was originally created to achieve a common market status. To understand the evolution of Mercosur, the study offers some thoughts about the role of the European Union (EU) as a model for regional integration. Although an EU-style integration has served as a model, it does not necessarily set the standards by which integration can be measured as we analyse other integration efforts. However, the case of Mercosur is emblematic: during its initial years, Mercosur specifically received EU technical assistance to promote integration according to EU-style integration. Its main original goal was to become a common market, but so far, almost thirty years after its creation, it remains an imperfect customs union. The article demonstrates the extent to which almost thirty years of integration in South America could be considered a failure, which would be one more in a list of previous attempts of integration in Latin America, since the 1960s. Whether it is a failure or not, it is impossible to envisage EU-style economic and political integration in South America in the foreseeable future. So far, member states, including Bra-zil, which could supposedly become the engine of economic and political integration in South America, have remained sceptical about the possibility of integrating further politically and economically. As member states suffer political and economic turmoil, they have concentrated on domestic recovery before being able to dedicate sufficient time and energy to being at the forefront of integration.

In 1976 the United States Congress halted arms sales to Chile. This paper analyzes the congressional debate over arms sales to Chile, the context within which the debate occurred, and the political and military consequences of the action. Scholarship has largely overlooked the embargo’s implications for US-Chile relations or regional security dynamics in South America. Initially US sanctions increased Santiago’s diplomatic isolation and military vulnerability, but Chile’s eventual ability to surmount the effects of the embargo increased Augusto Pinochet’s political independence vis-à-vis Washington. When the Reagan administration began pushing for a transition to democracy it lacked two key instruments to influence a military government: weapons sales and security assistance.

Abstract This article shifts the typical analysis of the ―politics of tourism‖ to a study of the use of tourism as a mechanism of politics in an international scale. This ethnographic history presents the case of the tourism boycott of Guatemala that was organized by the International Union of Food and Allied Workers in 1979. This article analyzes the responses and effects of the boycott, whose goal was to pressure the military government to desist its violation of human rights. Significantly, the boycott, a mobilization of transnational NGOs, represents an early example of neoliberal global governmentality that successfully pushed Guatemala to adopt new neoliberal strategies of tourism development and promotion. Key Word: Neo-liberalism, governmentality, tourism politics, tourism as politics, Human Rights, tourism boycotts, heritage tourism.

Sin duda China ganó terreno frente a Estados Unidos en América Latina hasta bien entrado el segundo año de la pandemia. Sin embargo, esto sólo ha tenido un impacto geopolítico limitado y no ha llevado a un aumento general de la simpatía hacia China en América Latina. Estados Unidos aún puede responder al desafío chino y ha recuperado terreno con la administración de Biden y su propia diplomacia de las vacunas.