Giorgio Agamben

“‘The Underlying Gesture’. Towards the Notion of Gesture in Jean d’Udine and Sergei Eisenstein”. In: Rossella Catanese, Francesca Scotto Lavina, Valentina Valente (eds.), From Sensation to Synaesthesia in Film and New Media. Cambridge Scholars Publishing 2019, 102-115.

Tesi di laurea triennale in filosofia in cui, attraverso la lettura dei testi di A. Kojève, si cerca di rendere chiavi di lettura perfettamente idonee alla comprensione del mondo in cui viviamo quei concetti-cardine del pensiero del russo-francese quali la fine della storia e la fine della politica.

In the introduction to the volume, the editors explain the overarching aim of the volume and contextualize the main themes of its chapters. Even if the notions of biopolitics and biopower have played a crucial role in philosophy, the humanities, and the social sciences over the last decades, they have been used in various and at times diverging senses, which has also produced different narratives about the history of biopolitics. The main aim of the volume is to clarify whether and to what extent the concept of biopolitics is applicable to antiquity. To answer such questions, the chapters collected in the volume address three main topics, namely the possible presence of biopolitical discourse in ancient thought, the extent to which the application of a biopolitical approach to ancient thought requires qualifications, and some influential contemporary interpretations of the relation between biopolitics and antiquity.

In this article I attempt to outline Walter Benjamin's peculiar notion of "myth" through a reading of his essay on Goethe's "Elective Affinities" and referring to Jean-Luc Nancy's idea of an "interruption of myth" (developed in his book "La communauté désœuvrée").

schede di lettura PSICHE Anno I, n. 1, marzo 2014 schede di lettura Federica Buongiorno, dottore di ricerca in Filosofia, borsista di ricerca presso l'Istituto italiano per gli studi storici di Napoli, redattrice di varie riviste di filosofia Giorgio Agamben, Che cos'è il contemporaneo?

La tesi presenta inizialmente il pensiero di Jacques Derrida sull'animalità. Il tema affrontato è la sovranità dell'uomo sul resto dei viventi, in particolare nei riguardi della discriminazione dell'animalità. Nei capitoli a seguire si attua un'emancipazione dell'animalità e non dall'animalità come la corrente umanista voleva. Attraverso l'ontogenesi del concetto di "umanità" viene decostruito il costrutto che sorregge la soglia che divide l'uomo dagli animali, laddove essi partecipano all'animalità in maniere differenti. L'emergenza di questa composizione dei temi trattati si erge ad azione esemplare con cui Derrida, prima di morire, ha lasciato delle tracce da seguire durante il ricevimento del premio Adorno.

Als e-book:
https://www.turia.at/titel/finkelde1.php


Im Zentrum der Paulus-Lektüren von Badiou, Agamben, Zizek und Santner steht die Frage nach dem politischen und philosophischen Erbe der Briefe des Apostels. Dieses Erbe betrifft zwei Aspekte: Paulus’ Verständnis des christlichen Universalismus, der die exklusive Offenbarung des Sinai-Bundes des jüdischen Volkes zu einer Heilslehre für »alle Nationen« (Röm 1,5) macht. Und es betrifft Paulus’ Konzept eines christlichen Subjekts, das sich durch ein »Leben in Christus« der politischen Ordnung entgegen stellt.

Dabei dient der »Apostel der Heiden« den Autoren als Gewährsmann im Streit um philosophische Positionen, die unter Begriffen wie Differenz-Philosophie, Alterität und Dekonstruktion das letzte Jahrhundert dominiert haben und heute neu verhandelt werden.

Während Agamben und Santner sich explizit in die Tradition der »Philosophie der Differenz« stellen, versuchen Badiou und Zizek diese zu überwinden. Paulus erscheint dabei als Begründer eines radikalen politischen Subjekts, das wiederzuentdecken nötig ist in Zeiten, in denen »die großen Erzählungen« (Lyotard) als ideologisch-totalitär verworfen werden und gleichzeitig ein weit verbreiteter Zynismus die Beurteilung der politischen Debatten in den westlichen Demokratien prägt. Nicht eine Rekonstruktion theologischer Glaubensfragen steht im Vordergrund dieses ‚Streits um Paulus’, sondern die theologischen Implikationen in politischen Fragen der Gegenwart.

"Il virus dell'Occidente. Universalismo astratto e sovranismo particolarista di fronte allo stato d'eccezione", Mimesis, Milano 2020.

In questo libro parlo male di: Foucault, Heidegger, Agamben, Cacciari, Di Cesare, Wu Ming, Zizek, Badiou, C. Galli, Runciman, Urbinati, Ignazi, Panebianco, Giavazzi, della Loggia, Battista, Molinari, Brennan, Mearsheimer, Milanovic, Aresu, Zhok, Formenti e molti altri.

Parlo invece bene di: Hegel, Marx, Engels, Croce, Gramsci, Lukacs, Jullien, Habermas, Prospero, Illetterati, Moroncini, Tedesco, Brancaccio, Mazzucato, Bell, Pieranni, Esposito, Dal Lago, Marramao, Losurdo, Deng Xiaoping, Zhang Boying, Zhao Tingyang, Balibar, Chomsky, Bergoglio e altrettanti.

Cerco di dare infine a Costanzo Preve il suo, nel bene come nel male.

Accattatevèllo. Il divertimento non è assicurato ma nel mio minuscolo ci ho provato.

"La pandemia di Covid-19 ha fatto emergere le contraddizioni delle  società capitalistiche, rese sempre più fragili e disuguali da decenni  di guerra ai salari e ai diritti delle classi subalterne, dallo  smantellamento del welfare e dal prevalere di forme di  coscienza ultracompetitive. Certo della propria eternità e incapace di  immaginare un modello alternativo di legame sociale, l’Occidente ha  creduto che il “virus cinese” colpisse solo i paesi arretrati o ritenuti  autoritari e che mai potesse diffondersi nelle nostre efficienti e  trasparenti democrazie tecnologiche. Invece di prendere sul serio  l’esperienza di altre realtà che hanno gestito meglio l’emergenza grazie  alla capacità dello Stato e della politica di guidare l’economia e la  produzione, subordinando gli interessi privati a quelli della  maggioranza, ha negato a essa ogni riconoscimento, fino a procurarsi da  solo un rischio estremo per eccesso di hybris.
A questa  rinuncia suicida a guardare l’alterità non è sfuggito il dibattito  filosofico: di fronte allo stato d’eccezione, sia le posizioni  dirittumaniste astratte sia il sovranismo particolarista e populista –  che dell’odierna egemonia neoliberale costituisce non l’alternativa, ma  una scissione conservatrice – condividono infatti il medesimo  atteggiamento suprematista, con il rifiuto di elaborare una forma  concreta di universalismo e di pensare una diversa configurazione del  rapporto tra individuo, società civile e Stato, ma anche una diversa  forma di convivenza tra le nazioni".

Stefano G. Azzarà (Messina, 1970) insegna Storia della filosofia all’Università di  Urbino. È segretario alla presidenza dell’Internationale Gesellschaft  Hegel-Marx e dirige la rivista scientifica “Materialismo Storico”. Il  suo lavoro si concentra sul confronto tra le grandi tradizioni  filosofiche e politiche degli ultimi due secoli: conservatorismo,  liberalismo, marxismo. Ha pubblicato diverse monografie e numerosi  articoli su riviste italiane e internazionali.

http://mimesisedizioni.it/il-virus-dell-occidente.html

INDICE

Capitolo primo
I.1. Crisi storiche e naturalismo capitalistico
I.2. Lo spettro del «totalmente altro»: la Cina e  l’Occidente
I.3. Circoscrivere il contagio o procurarsi da  soli un rischio?
I.4. Costruzione e criminalizzazione del nemico
I.5. Democrazie liberali e “regimi autoritari”  nello stato d’eccezione
I.6.  Democrazia o democrazie?
I.7. Democrazia liberale e democrazia socialista
Appendice.  Universalismo concreto e dialettica dell’inclusione nel Tianxia, la  «via del Cielo»

Capitolo secondo
II.1. Il virus dei filosofi 1. Eccezione e  repressione
II.2. Il virus dei filosofi 2. Immunizzazione e  esclusione
II.3. Il virus dei filosofi 3. L’individuo e  l’altro
II.4. Il  virus dei filosofi 4. Liberalismo e «anarchismo da Gran Signore»
II.5. Miseria della critica della biopolitica
II.6. Nihil sub sole novum?
II.7. Perché tutto cambi
II.8. Perché non cambi nulla nell’essenziale. Un  nuovo saccheggio economico?
II.9. Perché non cambi nulla nell’essenziale.  Un’ulteriore concentrazione del potere?

Capitolo terzo
III.1. Quale ritorno dello Stato?
III.2. Jones e Brennan: critica della democrazia  moderna, fine del suffragio universale e monopolio epistocratico del potere
III.3. Ripristino del liberalismo  particolaristico e capitalismo organizzato: verso uno «statalismo  autoritario»
III.3.a.  Milanović: «capitalismo meritocratico liberale» contro «capitalismo politico»
III.3.b. Mearsheimer: fine  dell’illusione dell’universalismo liberale dirittumanista e revival  del realismo particolaristico
III.3.c. Aresu: «capitalismo  politico» o trasfigurazione della riscossa delle classi dominanti?
III.4.  Sovranismo e comunitarismo
III.5.  Il “socialismo” comunitarista
III.6.  Esternalizzazione del conflitto. “Oltre destra e sinistra”
III.7. Liberalismo e sovranismo, universalismo e  particolarismo
III.8. Ricostruire la democrazia moderna

RESUMO: O pensamento de Agamben provou-se extremamente atual e pungente, uma vez que o estado de exceção e o homo sacer, ser matável, coexistem nas chamadas democracias liberais. Apesar da natureza legal dos direitos humanos nos Tratados Internacionais e nas Constituições dos Estados nacionais, tais garantias parecem ser insuficientes, para a proteção dos mais vulneráveis, os homo sacer do século XXI. A partir da análise dos textos deste filósofo e dados organizados pelo Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança pretende-se demonstrar a existência de espaços de exceção e do homo sacer na realidade brasileira. Palavras chave: Estado de exceção. Segurança pública. Vulnerabilidade social.

Bonne analyse des enjeux de la recherche-création, bien recherchée-Pour pousser l'analyse plus loin, il faut porter plus d'attention sur les spécificités processuelles de la science et des arts (D/G développent une telle tentative dans Qu'est-ce que la philosophie? Note pour le travail: A-Note pour le cours: A

S’il est vrai, comme plusieurs études on essayé de le montrer, que la production narrative (romanesque et filmique) du postmoderne italien est caractérisée par un retour à l’impegno, même d’une manière différente par rapport au concept d’ « engagement » de l’après-guerre, il faudra placer les romans de Giorgio Vasta dans ce même domaine, en reconnaissant pourtant toute leur spécificité. Dans Il tempo materiale (2008), le retour aux années Soixante-dix, et spécifiquement à l’ « affaire Moro », permet de récupérer métaphoriquement la dernière leçon de l’engagement intellectuel (surtout celui d’Arbasino et Sciascia), pour la projeter sur la condition du temps présent. Cependant, si les autres narrations contemporaines  qui se sont confronté sur le thème des «année de plomb» et du terrorisme (Ballestra, 2009 ; Giordana, 2003 et 2012) en ont relevé un caractère de quelque sorte énigmatique et irrésoluble, Vasta y trouve au contraire la première, épatante manifestation d’une maladie qui affecte encore le temps présent et qu’on pourrait définir, avec Arbasino, «afasia del Pratico». Il s’agit d’une maladie qui concerne en premier lieu le langage : celui qui les enfants-terroristes de Il tempo materiale essayent naïvement de révolutionner en parodiant les expressions typiques de la nouvelle civilisation médiatique, mais aussi celui que le « moi » autofictif protagoniste de Spaesamento (2011) retrouve inscrit dans toutes les manifestations de la société contemporaine, spectaculaire et « ironique ».
La langue définit la forme du monde où l’homme habite. C’est pour ça que l’impegno se doit caractériser par un travail de « re-alphabétisation » de l’homme, commençant au niveau de l’invention des histoires pour arriver jusqu’à la modification du langage de la vie quotidienne, autant privée que publique. De cette manière, Vasta propose un parcours pour retrouver un contact avec la réalité demeurant muette derrière les mots stéréotypés et vides qui la racontent au présent ; mais aussi pour sortir de ce paradigme postmoderne dans lequel, tout d’abord, sa narration semblait s’insérer.

A incompreensão encontrada no meio acadêmico pelos recentes artigos de Agamben relacionados com a pandemia do vírus covid-19 demonstra a urgente necessidade de recontextualização e releitura de um autor basilar para a compreensão do mundo contemporâneo e das rápidas transformações políticas que estamos vivendo neste início de século XXI. Esta pequena resenha sobre uma das suas obras mais impactantes e atuais pretende oferecer um estímulo neste sentido.

Introdução Em Filosofia o problema metodológico é inerente a qual-quer estudo porque o método configura o âmago do pen-samento filosófico. Desta forma, justifica-se a importância de uma análise metodológica da obra de Agamben, como, por exemplo, o estado de exceção, objeto do presente texto. Através da genealogia do estado de exceção, Agamben revela a existência de uma ligação entre suspensão do ordenamento jurídico vigente e a suposta garantia da ordem política colo-cada como necessidade estatal. No fundo, subjaz um espaço vazio entre o estabelecimento e a aplicação da norma, que Agamben define como anomia e que ele indica ser inerente ao exercício do poder nas democracias ocidentais atualmente.

The Portuguese writer Fernando Pessoa once wrote that ‘the village is larger than the city’ because you can see ‘more of the world from there’ than you can from anywhere else. In this small world, the familiar and intermittent sounds of bells dictate the time of our childhood; a stroll through its worn alleys makes us imagine the echo of our ancestors’ steps; the tired light coming from an old window suggests the lingering presence of lost loves. The village is larger than the city, and even than the modern metropolis, because, as Pessoa writes, in it ‘I am the size of what I see, and not the size of my height.’1 To be the size of what we see: there is an abyssal truth in these words. Within this form of life, the mantle of representation fits perfectly on the shoulders of existence. Here in the village, according to Pessoa, seeing and being coincide.

The contemporary world rests on a decisive reversal of these two experiences. Today the human is no longer the living being who has sight; if anything, she is the seeing creature who pictures life.

Dit paper zal eerst de bevindingen van Emmanuel Levinas uiteen zetten, zodat de dualistische grondstructuur van het subject aangetoond wordt. Vervolgens zal kort de theoretische verdieping van Giorgi Agamben op deze bevindingen aan bod komen, zodat de theorie van Levinas in verband kan worden gebracht met de notie van de auto-affectie. In het tweede hoofdstuk worden de zelftechnieken geïntroduceerd aan de hand van een van de laatste collegereeksen van Michel Foucault. Hieruit zal blijken welke invloed dit Oud-Griekse begrip heeft gehad op de subjectiviteit-invulling van de Franse filosoof. In het voorlaatste deel, De dubbele beweging en de zelftechnieken, worden de antieke en hedendaagse bevindingen over het subject met elkaar verbonden. Hoewel de verschillende visies niet direct met elkaar overeen lijken te komen, zal dit paper aantonen dat de auteurs die aandacht besteden aan het spirituele onderzoek elkaar aanvullen. De ethiek gebaseerd op het spirituele vraagstuk zal hierbij centraal staan: Hoe moet het subject met zichzelf leven?

The origins of modern photojournalism in Germany, during the yeas 1925-1933, is the central object of this dissertation. Checking popular illustrated magazines, such as Berlliner Illustrirte Zeitung, and their contemporary critics, one seeks to know if could understand them with a notion of “aesthetic of transparency”. In order to arrive at the empirical research, some notions about the modern and modernity were delineated, hoping to understand the cultural processes and regimes of visuality of the beginning of 1920s as its unfolding, as well as starting from some reflections of Charles Baudelaire to think the aesthetic experience of modernity and its relation with photography. In addition, it was tried to understand if a dialogue between realism and modernisms could be possible, within the German context. The Weimar Republic was thought of as a democratic space for political, economic and social rearticulation, in which photography would have been articulated by the artistic field such as Neues Sehen (New Vision), by Lászlo Moholy-Nagy, and Neue Sachlichkeit Objectivity), by Albert Renger-Patzsch, exerting on the photographic production in journalism some of its conditions for its modernization. Finally, it was reflected on the modernization of the photojournalism in the Weimar Republic from the illustrated magazines study, based on the use of the photographic series potentially narrating journalistic facts, mainly from some photographs of Erich Salomon and Felix H. Man. This study allowed us to verify that the ripening of photojournalism met a demand of the German reading public for facts, reinforcing a certain professional ideology of objectivity. Having been possible by the coincidence of relations, as photographers willing to produce many images of various aesthetic forms under a diversity of conditions, allied to the freedom of editorial power and its experimentation, besides the rising of photographic agencies that began to order photographic work with the written report.

The status of learning styles theory in educational studies is uncertain as we inhabit the liminal phase between the theory's death as proclaimed by educational psychologists who avow to have disproven it and whatever afterlife will follow. At this moment, with both past and future in view, that we have an opportunity to reflect on the foundational assumptions of the theory. Engaging in the growing community of Agambenian philosophy of education and the ongoing dialogue around educational potentiality, this article approaches learning styles theory as a paradigm of educational Megarianism. In this frame, the error of the learning styles theorists was not in the construction of a particular typology, but in the metaphysical approach to pedagogy. The reflection upon learning styles as paradigm also contributes a paradigmatic case of educational Megarianism to the discussion of potentiality in Agambenian philosophy of education. Writing about endings is both provocative and attractive. The idea of something ending often unsettles and disturbs, particularly when it involves question of politics or the status of a body of knowledge and the future of a profession…Yet the idea of endings is also attractive, not least because it allows us to reexamine settled assumptions , convictions, and commitments; to ask where we are where we are going, but also how we got here. The question of endings is thus simultaneously a question of beginnings (Williams 2013, p. 648) From the side of educational studies populated most densely with psychologists, we hear a death knell ringing for the theory of learning styles. More of interest to the psychologists than philosophers throughout its fashionable phase, we are now in the liminal space between the fall of learning styles theory and the afterlife-a space where the theory's last

Borders of nation-states have become the natural barriers that constrain and organize the movements of people. These borders have entry and exit points such as airports, seaports, and border crossings. Besides being an essential element in defining the national identity of the majority of people who lives inside their geography, these borders can be used as a political tool to control the movement of people as a punishment for their political orientations. In the age of mobility control, inequality in general as well as the refugee crisis and the Arab Uprisings in particular, the Palestinians of Gaza have been excluded from the external world and isolated in the Gaza Strip through different mechanism related to borders and visas. This paper is an autobiography of occupation, travels, airports and border crossings. It describes life under occupation, visa and border violence in the Rafah borders and the Israel's Erez checkpoint, Allenby, and then experiences at European and Middle Eastern airports and borders. The paper explores the state of the exception of living under the occupation as a Palestinian. I explore how the systematic profiling of the Palestinians is operating in Arab countries' borders. Moreover, this paper focuses on the transformation of a person, who was a migrant and asylum seeker, to become a citizen, and how borders can operate as a quasi-citizen of a developed nation. This is a narrative of the 21 st century through the eyes of a Palestinian transformed into an unconfirmed Swede.

El siguiente ensayo explora la noción de exilio como categoría filosófica considerando su relación con los términos extranjero, abandono y hospitalidad. Su autora considera el exilio como un concepto clave para comprender tanto la vida filosófica como la situación de la vida humana respecto del lenguaje y la ley. Esta exploración se realiza retomando nociones que han trabajado en la filosofía contemporánea autores como Derrida, Nancy, Agamben y Heidegger, pero que, en realidad, están presentes en la filosofía desde su comienzo.

Lager und limitiert dessen räumliche Entwicklung (z Auswicklung). Bei Ratzel wird der relative Aspekt der geographischen L. (die,L. an sich') als Beschreibung eines Ortes im Vergleich zu anderen Orten deutlich hervorgehoben. Folglich ist eine Vielzahl von L.n beschreibbat wobei analytisch von den umfassenden zu den engen L.n sowie von den natürlichenauf den 2Kontinenten, in Klimazonen etc.zu den gesellschaftlichen und politischen L.nwie etwa der L. der Staaten zueinanderfortzuschreiten ist.

The paper aims to grasp the COVID-19 pandemic as a socio-political catastrophe in the Benjaminian sense. As argued in the article, the scope and nature of the COVID-19 crisis eludes us due to our closeness to its inner core. What is obfuscated in this moment is the politico-legal framework on which the international community is based, where sovereignty and turbocapitalism join their forces to produce biopolitical devices. The paper looks into uses of the state of exception in particular countries, concluding that the rule of law in the pandemic was generally put on the back burner even by the countries that officially praise it. Sovereignty clearly returned to the stage, undermining parliamentarism and civil liberties in the sake of necessity. International law remained
incapable of addressing this return, let alone of enforcing responsibility of China for infringing WHO rules. As a conclusion the paper argues that COVID-19 opened new-old paths of governing the living that will play a planetary role in the future fights for dominance and imposing a new face of capitalism.

In what ways is music implicated in the politics of belonging? How is the proper at stake in listening? What role does the ear play in forming a sense of community? Music and Belonging argues that music, at the level of style and form, produces certain modes of listening that in turn reveal the conditions of belonging. Specifically, listening shows the intimacy between two senses of belonging: belonging to a community is predicated on the possession of a particular property or capacity.

Somewhat counter-intuitively, Waltham-Smith suggests that this relation between belonging-as-membership and belonging-as-ownership manifests itself with particular clarity and rigor at the very heart of the Austro-German canon, in the instrumental music of Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven. Music and Belonging provocatively brings recent European philosophy into contact with the renewed music-theoretical interest in Formenlehre, presenting close analyses to show how we might return to this much-discussed repertoire to mine it for fresh insights.

The book's theoretical landscape offers a radical update to Adornian-inspired scholarship, working through debates over relationality, community, and friendship between Derrida, Nancy, Agamben, Badiou, and Malabou. Borrowing the deconstructive strategies of closely reading canonical texts to the point of their unraveling, the book teases out a new politics of listening from processes of repetition and liquidation, from harmonic suppressions and even from trills. What emerges is the enduring political significance of listening to this music in an era of heightened social exclusion under neoliberalism.

“The classics are back. Naomi Waltham-Smith lifts the critical analysis of style to the next level with the freshest and most radical reimagining of the classical masters we have seen in a long time. In prose of fire and fervor, Waltham-Smith puts Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven in the ring with Badiou, Agamben, and Nancy and raises the stakes in what it means for music to be human. A performance of dazzling intellectual virtuosity.”—Michael Spitzer, University of Liverpool

“Do not enter these pages expecting to find the Viennese Classical Style of your peers. Brace yourself instead for a complete repurposing of every element of that style and of almost everything that has been said about it.  Nothing is lost on Naomi Waltham-Smith, and it is exhilarating to watch her wrest this music from its perceived foundations and urge it into the teeming vortex of her critical imaginary.”—Scott Burnham, Graduate Center, City University of New York

Après une multiplication des écarts à la procédure constitutionnelle durant les deux conflits mondiaux, la Suisse a vu sa population se mobiliser et recourir à un instrument de dé-mocratie directe pour réclamer la sortie de cet état d'exception. En septembre 1949, l'initiative populaire « Retour à la démocratie directe » est ainsi acceptée par le peuple et les Cantons et contribue à mettre fin à l'expérience suisse la plus récente du régime d'exception. Ce cas nous permet-il de réfuter l'hypothèse de l'extension infinie du droit d'exception qui, selon Agamben, témoigne que le « paradigme biopolitique de l'Occident est aujourd'hui le camp et non pas la cité » (Agamben 1997, 179) et d'affirmer qu'il existe une voie de sortie démocratique à la velléité de construction de l'État d'exception permanent ? Dans le présent article, nous montrons que si le droit d'initiative garanti par le modèle démocratique direct suisse obvie à la construction du « camp comme nomos de la modernité » (Agamben 1997, 179), il permet au peuple conçu comme souverain de porter lui-même atteinte aux fondamentaux de la démocratie, introduisant une forme d'« exception démocratique ». Mots-clés : état d'exception, démocratie directe, initiative et référendum, Agamben, Suisse, souveraineté, pleins pouvoirs.

Summary: After the First and Second World War period, during which the constitutional democratic procedure was largely suspended, the Swiss population mobilised and launched direct democratic procedures to put an end to this state of exception. In September 1949, the people and the federal state accepted the popular initiative " Back to direct democracy " (Retour à la démocratie directe), a vote that marked the end of the most recent experience of the state of exception in Switzerland. Does this case allow us to refute Agamben's hypothesis of the infinite extension of the state of exception, according to which " today it is not the city but rather the camp that is the fundamental biopolitical paradigm of the West " (Agamben 1998, 102), and to claim that there is a democratic way to stop the production of the permanent state of exception ? In the present article, we show that, if the initiative right granted by the Swiss democratic model can prevent the construction of the " camp as the 'nomos' of the modern " (Agamben 1998, 95), it also introduces the possibility for the sovereign people to infringe basic democratic principles, thus opening the way to forms of 'democratic exception'.

Subjekti eneseloome võimusuhetes: Agambeni, Badiou' ja Foucault' subjektsuseteooriad semiootilisest vaatepunktist 1 Ott Puumeister Liberaaldemokraatlikus kontekstis nähakse indiviidi enamasti autonoomse agendina, kel on vabadus valida, kuidas oma elu teostada. Kuid see autonoomsus taandub tavaliselt enese elustiili valimisele ning otsustamisele, mida tarbida. Selline autonoomsus jätab subjekti ilma poliitilisest tähtsusest. Mõtlemaks poliitilise subjekti agentsuse potentsiaalsusest ja võimalustest, pöördub see artikkel 1) Giorgio Agambeni ja tema mõtete poole mistahes singulaarsustest ning tulevast poliitikast; 2) Alain Badiou' sündmuse ja sündmuslikkuse käsitluse poole; ning 3) Michel Foucault' enesetehnoloogiate kontseptsiooni poole. Lõpuks vaadatakse kolme autorit semiootikapeamiselt Juri Lotmani kultuurisemiootika -vaatepunktist. Semiootika perspektiiv annab palju juurde poliitilise subjekti mõistmisele nii agendina võimusuhete kontekstis kui ka uurimisobjektina. Subjekti vabaduse võimalikkusest saab diskursuse, poliitilise terviklikkuse ja võimusuhete kontekstis rääkida kui pidevast tähistusprotsessist; veel enam, subjektistki on võimalik rääkida kui katkematust semiootilisest protsessist, mida ei ole võimalik defineerida kindlaksmääratud identiteetide alusel, olemuslikult.

This article aims to discuss how Bartleby, Herman Melville's literary character from the homonymous story, Bartleby, The Scrivener re-emerged in the Occupy Movement in Wall Street. It intends to argue that Melville's story has been wrongly appropriated, because Bartleby's occupation of the physical space of the lawyer's Wall Street office is not a symbolic act. Instead, Bartleby's formula should be recognised as the initial gesture towards emancipation. This is so because Bartleby's formula offers a space for social contingency as it suggests the withdrawal from social order. Rather than attempting to find some political agency in Melville's figure, this article aims to recognise the capacity of Bartleby's formula for political insurgency. In this way, it seeks to revise Occupy Wall Street's (OWS's) appropriation of, and relation to, Melville's short story, as well as suggesting that Bartleby's formula offers an embodiment of political contingency rather than the means to a political outcome.

South Korea is home to one of the most
vibrant film industries in the world today,
producing movies for a strong domestic
market that are also drawing the attention of
audiences worldwide. This book presents a
comprehensive analysis of some of the most
well-known and incendiary South Korean
films of the millennial decade from eight
major directors. Building his analysis on
contemporary film theory and philosophy, as
well as interviews and other primary sources,
Steve Choe makes a case that these often
violent films pose urgent ethical dilemmas
central to life in the age of neoliberal
globalisation.

This essay analyzes Zorns Lemma (1962–1970), a film made by American artist Hollis Frampton (1936–1984). Noting Frampton’s use of Robert Grosseteste’s thirteenth-century treatise De luce [‘On Light’] as a key aspect of the film’s soundtrack, the essay argues that Grosseteste’s investigations of light as a medium played a key role in Frampton’s theorization of cinema. As such, his interest in medieval light theories spurred him to develop a powerful, idiosyncratic response to prevailing discourses of media and medium specificity during the 1960s. When examined in light of contemporaneous projects by Pier Paolo Pasolini (1922–1975) and Roland Barthes (1915–1980), Zorns Lemma points up the significance of medieval thought in the period’s conceptions of art and time.

Dentro del espectro de la biopolítica, Giorgio Agamben ha cobrado notoriedad por sus planteamientos. En el texto, analizamos  el carácter separatorio de la máquina jurídico-política, tal como ésta es analizada en El poder soberano y la nuda vida y en Estado de excepción. Si la nuda vida es una vida a-bando-nada en el umbral de la excepción y que ha sido separada de todo estatuto jurídico-político; si la separación está a la base de la funesta simetría en que están el soberano y el sacer respecto al ordenamiento jurídico-político; y si el campo emerge como "matriz oculta" del espacio político de las democracias contemporáneas a partir de la separación creciente entre el principio de nacimiento y el Estado-nación, esto significa que la separación desempeña un papel crucial en el funcionamiento biopolítico de la máquina jurídico-política de Occidente.

Obwohl Hannah Arendt die Sozialwissenschaften ihrer Zeit geringschätzte, kann ihr Denken sozialund gesellschaftstheoretisch fruchtbar gemacht werden, sofern man nicht allein auf Arendts trennscharfe Unterscheidungen (zum Beispiel von Macht und Gewalt) fokussiert, sondern auch ihren Sinn für Paradoxa, Übergänge, Aporien und Brüche in den Blick nimmt -und bisweilen mit Arendt über Arendt hinaus oder gegen sie denkt. Unter dieser Prämisse untersucht der Aufsatz zwei eng miteinander verschränkte Schlüsselthemen Arendts: die Grundbedingung der Natalität und das Vermögen zu Handeln auf der einen, den ‚Muselmann' als Endprodukt des Konzentrationslagers auf der anderen Seite. Beide -Natalität und ,Muselmann' -markieren auf ihre Weise die Grenzen und Abgründe politischer Ordnung(sbildung). Im Ergebnis wird deutlich, dass einerseits Arendts Bild vom Lager die eigentliche Untertanenfiktion des Nationalsozialismus verstellt, während der ,Muselmann' sich als Sozialfigur der Gegenwart verstehen lässt. Andererseits ist Natalität ebenso Grund beziehungsweise Garant von Welt, wie sie deren Verhängnis werden kann.

A Giorgio Caproni ensaista, resenhista, jornalista é dedicado este volume, que reúne 41 prosas críticas selecionadas entre as mais de 2000 páginas da edição italiana das Prose critiche (1934-1989): uma seleção temática, utílissima para auxiliar o leitor a se orientar no vasto campo dos interesses do poeta. As prosas escolhidas para a presente edição, divididas em diferentes seções, traçam a história da formação e das razões da poesia de Caproni, adentrando diretamente seu laboratório poético e enfrentando alguns dos temas que alimentaram sua poesia, como as intensas relações com as cidades da sua vida e com os poetas por ele mais lidos e amados (Ungaretti, Pasolini, Montale, Sereni, Sbarbaro, Antonio Machado e outros). Fecha o volume
uma seção, especialmente importante por salientar a preciosa atividade de Caproni tradutor de poesia e de prosa, que apresenta suas “divagações” (assim diz modestamente o poeta) sobre o que significa traduzir. São todos textos capazes de mobilizar o leitor e os críticos de hoje, mas que também já entraram em contato com e produziram efeitos na história da poesia e na crítica: pensemos, por exemplo, naquela generosa tese de Caproni, que apontava para a existência de uma linha ligústica da poesia italiana, constituindo-se como uma ocasião para chamar a atenção sobre o forte vínculo da sua poesia com a natureza e o caráter lígure, mas também para apresentar seu atento, afetuoso exame dos poetas lígures, maiores e menores, do Novecento, que considera seus conterrâneos. O leitor encontrará neste livro, além de um pequeno aparato de notas, duas excelentes guias de leitura para situar Caproni no seu tempo: um ensaio de Enrico Testa, sobre a dimensão europeia da poesia de Giorgio Caproni, e a introdução de Patricia Peterle, que traça um amplo e minucioso retrato de poeta, a partir de suas prosas críticas. As prosas capronianas, caracterizadas por um tom coloquial, suave, simples, repletas de profunda humanidade, de afeto e relações (segundo uma boa fórmula de Patricia Peterle), são de leitura sempre agradável e estimulante, por si e para entender o poeta e seu mundo pessoal e intelectual. Após as primeiras traduções da poesia de Caproni, realizadas por Aurora Bernardini em 2011, a
publicação da presente seleção brasileira das prosas é mais um importante passo de um caminho de traduções e crítica capronianas que esperamos será ainda longo e fecundo.

Lucia Wataghin
Universidade de São Paulo – USP

Worldwide, the use of digital communication networks has been a key strategy in activist events involving demonstrations. Its use was evident in the media’s repeated publication of pictures taken on demonstrators’ mobile phones during actions
that have overthrown heads of state during the Arab Spring in 2011. In countries such as Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, social network websites and mobile communication devices (phones and notebooks) were used widely for organizing participants and for recording events.
This work intends to analyze not only how communication technologies have contributed to the emergence of such events but also how image production can be interpreted in such environments. Since the use of social media in protests
caught the attention of broadcasting media in 2009 during demonstrations in Iran, a strong connection can be noticed between the content circulating through digital
communication technologies and the body. For images produced during the Arab Spring, the same is observed with a series of strategies connecting body image and social mobilization.
Our intention is to contribute to the debate of political images, considering the way they have been produced in contemporary society, which deals with a complex environment composed of communication technologies, social organization, and the body itself.