Proto-Basque

This book surveys earlier attempts to demonstrate a genetic relationship between the Basque language and various languages in the Caucasus, and analyzes their shortcomings in methods and focus, while acknowledging a residue of valid evidence, assembled over the course of more than a century. The author has added to the earlier evidence: the current book proposes more than 600 Euskaro-Caucasian etymologies. The focus is placed on the comparison of Basque with North Caucasian. (In this model, “South Caucasian” [Kartvelian] is “unrelated” to the other two families.)
The book also includes a comprehensive comparative/historical system of Euskaro-Caucasian phonology, which analyzes regular correspondences of vowels (including a postulated Euskaro-Caucasian ablaut system), vowel umlaut, unit consonants and consonant clusters, and “irregular” phonetic developments (metathesis, haplology, assimilation, dissimilation, expressive forms, contamination and blending).
There is an overall emphasis on lexicon (etymology) and phonology; morphology occupies a comparatively smaller place, though there are discussions of productive and submerged morphology (chapter V), pronouns,  (pp. 406-412), and verbs (pp. 413-443).
Finally, the book includes the proposal of a holistic anthropological scenario for the Euskaro-Caucasian hypothesis, in which results from genetic linguistics, archaeology, and human genetics are synthesized, concluding that a population speaking a Euskaro-Caucasian language arrived on the coast of Spain ca. 7.5 – 8 millennia ago, bearing a Neolithic culture that included cultivation and processing of grain and pulse crops, husbandry of small and large cattle and swine, and dairying practices. Recent genetic results indicate that the transmission of this language and culture to the present-day Basque Country was primarily by demic diffusion, with some secondary admixture with local hunter-gatherers. The evidence shows that the modern Basque language is not a lineal descendant of the unknown language(s) spoken by European Paleolithic hunter-gatherers, but rather the descendant of a colonial language that arrived in Iberia no more than eight thousand years ago.

Main (genealogical) part of the Basque language is North(east) Caucasian. Proto-Basque migration from Caucasus might continue (in several waves?) during the Neolithic period, from the Cardium Pottery/Impresso. The Basques spread in Northwest Europe with the Bell Beakers and R1b male haplogroup. Kura-Araxes/Khirbet-Kerak influence is not excluded

""""This article provides phonetic, lexical and grammatical
evidence that Basque is an Indo-European language. It
provides a brief history of previous research into the
origins of Basque; a short description of the genesis of this
article; a description of the methodology adopted for the
present research; an overview of Michelena’s internal
reconstruction of Pre-Basque; 23 sets of chronologically
arranged sound laws linking Proto-Indo-European to Pre-
Basque; Indo-European etymologies for 75% of the Basque
native basic lexicon, with systematic cross-references to
regular sound laws; Indo-European etymologies of some
Basque bound morphemes, including case markers; a
discussion of the findings; and Indo-European etymologies
of 40 additional, non-basic lexical items.""""

This paper is intended for scholars who would like to evaluate the theory that Basque ultimately derives from Indo-European, but find published evidence on this subject either too complex (my JIES paper) or too terse (my self-published dictionary).
This paper therefore provides a linear, step-by-step introduction to this theory, in four stages:
1. an overview of Pre-Basque, as reconstructed by Michelena and Trask;
2. a gradual illustration of the most secure Indo-European etymologies of Pre-Basque basic lexicon (with intermediate lists of corresponding sound laws);
3. a list of less obvious etymologies;
4. a summary of sound laws.
This linear organization of the subject matter should enable scholars to evaluate the theory in a matter of hours, without going through the painstaking details, cross-references and revisions in the JIES paper.

In 2013, a detailed research paper by Gianfranco Forni appeared in The Journal of Indo-European Studies, describing a breakthrough finding: the Basque language, whose origins had so far remained obscure, actually is an Indo-European language. The main reason why this fact had escaped previous researchers is that Basque underwent a long chain of phonetic changes, which obscured its ultimate origin.
This dictionary is designed to make the origin of Basque easy to understand for a wider audience. The main sound laws linking Proto-Indo-European to Basque are explained in a simple, terse way. Each etymology of Basque basic, native lexicon is accompanied by intermediate reconstructions, an extensive list of cognates, and detailed references to sources. Several indices make this dictionary easy to use as a reference tool.
If you are eager to understand how the mystery of the origins of Basque can now be unraveled, this dictionary will guide you through this exciting discovery.

This paper presents the hypothesis that identifies three texts as Iberian nondual abecedaries on the basis of a statistical irregularity. They consist of one considerable long segment, but almost all of the signs are different. The texts identified as abecedaries are a rock inscription from L’Esquirol and the two texts from the spindle whorl from Can Rodon. Two of the texts begin with the same sequence, kutukiŕbitatiko, a fact that also identifies other texts that begin with the same sequence as non-dual abecedaries: these are an unpublished text on rock in Latour de Carol and probably a short text on a dolium from Val de Alegre. The sequence kutu can also be reconstructed at the Ger abecedary and at the new dual one from Latour de Carol making plausible the hypothesis that the familiar element kutur / kutun was related to it and therefore the meaning of the kutu root was originally in the semantic field of writing.


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"En aquest treball es presenta la hipòtesi que identifica tres textos com a abecedaris ibèrics no-duals pel fet de presentar la irregularitat estadística de constar d’un sol segment prou llarg que no presenta cap, o quasi cap, signe repetit. Els textos identificats com a abecedaris són una inscripció rupestre de L’Esquirol (Osona, Barcelona) i els dos textos de la tortera de Can Rodon (Cabrera de Mar, Maresme, Barcelona). Dos dels textos comencen per la seqüència kutukiѓbitatiko, fet que permet identificar també com a abecedaris no-duals altres textos que comencen per la mateixa seqüència: un text rupestre inèdit de la Tor de Querol (Cerdanya, Pirineus Orientals) i probablement un text d’un doli de Val de Alegre (Azaila, Terol). La seqüència inicial kutu també es pot reconstruir a l’abecedari dual rupestre de Ger (Cerdanya, Girona) i a l’abecedari dual inèdit de La Tor de Querol (Cerdanya, Pirineus Orientals), cosa que fa plausible plantejar la hipòtesi que el freqüent element kutur / kutun hi estigués relacionat i que per tant el significat de l’arrel kutu es trobés originalment en el camp semàntic de l’escriptura.

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En este trabajo se presenta la hipótesis que identifica tres textos como abecedarios ibéricos no-duales por el hecho de presentar la irregularidad estadística de constar de un solo segmento suficientemente largo que no presenta ningún, o casi ningún signo repetido. Los textos identificados como abecedarios son una inscripción rupestre de L’Esquirol (Osona, Barcelona), y los dos textos de la fusayola de Can Rodon (Cabrera de Mar, Maresme, Barcelona). Dos de los textos empiezan por la secuencia kutukiѓbitatiko, hecho que permite identificar también como abecedarios no-duales otros textos que empiezan por la misma secuencia: un texto rupestre inédito de Latour-de-Carol (Cerdagne, Pyrénées-Orientales) y probablemente un texto de un dolium de Val de Alegre (Azaila, Teruel). La secuencia kutu también se puede reconstruir en el abecedario rupestre de Ger (Cerdanya, Girona)  y en el abecedario dual inédito de Latour-de-Carol, lo que hace plausible plantear la hipótesis de que el frecuente elemento kutur / kutun tuviera relación con ella y que por tanto el significado de la raíz kutu se encontrara originalmente en el campo semántico de la escritura.

Resumen: En este trabajo se propone que los sufijos ibéricos -ka y -a serían alomorfos de un único sufijo con valor destinativo, del que -kate sería una variante más, de manera que podría esperarse una cuarta variante, -ate, que puede aislarse en el ilunate recientemente identificado en la inscripción del bloque de Cruzy, donde habría que identificar un teónimo ilun. En aquitano, el mismo sufijo -at(e) se identifica en los teónimos aquitanos Idiatte,] erennate, y en la variante -lat en Horolati, Edelati. Tanto -at(e) como -lat se relacionarían con las variantes del adlativo vasco -(r)at, -alat.

Palabras clave: lengua ibérica, epigrafía ibérica, lengua aquitana, proto-
vasco, teonimia.

Issues of Noun Morphology related to the Iberian and Aquitanian Votive Epigraphy

Abstract: In this article we propose that the Iberian suffixes -ka and -a would be allomorphs of a single suffix with destinative value. -kate would be another variant of this suffix, so that a fourth variant, -ate, could be expected. This variant can be isolated in the recently identified ilunate, in the inscription of the Cruzy stone, where a theonym ilun should be identified. In Aquitanian, the same suffix -at(e) is identified in the Aquitanian theonyms Idiatte, ]erennate, and in the form -lat in Horolati, Edelati. Both -at(e) and -lat would be related with the variants of the Basque allative suffix -(r)at, -alat.

Keywords: Iberian language, Iberian epigraphy, Aquitanian language,
Proto-basque, theonymy.

The lead sheet that is analysed in this work has recently been donated to the Archaeological Museum of Llíria and supposedly comes from an archaeological site of the Casinos environment. The presence of two metrological expressions that belong to the a-o-ki system, one on each side, clearly indicates that this is a lead sheet with an administrative function that records an accounting or business operation. It has to be pointed out that this lead sheet adds new positive contextual arguments to consider lexical numerals sisbi (7), śei (6), bi / bin (2), perhaps also abaŕ (10), since they all appear unequivocally in a metrological context and in one case combining between them to form a complex numeral: sisbibeiabin, probably the fraction 2/7. Unfortunately, these text do not provide any data that confirm the assumed value of these elements that come from their formal similarities with Basque numerals.


La lámina de plomo que se analiza en este trabajo ha sido donada recientemente al Museo Arqueológico de Llíria por un particular y supuestamente procede de un yacimiento del entorno de Casinos. La presencia de una expresión metrológica del sistema a-o-ki en cada cara, indica con claridad que se trata de un plomo con función administrativa que está registrando algún tipo de operación contable o comercial. Cabe destacar que este texto añade nuevos argumentos contextuales favorables a considerar como numerales léxicos los elementos sisbi (7), śei (6), bi / bin (2), quizás también para abaŕ (10), ya que todos ellos aparecen en un contexto inequívocamente metrológico.

This chapter has two main purposes. First (Section §2.2), I will briefly describe the intelligibility between contemporary Basque dialects, which ones these are -or at least the main dialectal areas-, and how many Basque dialects there are and have been in the historical period. The latter question is rather complex, and although it has been discussed for decades and even centuries, here it will be addressed only along very general lines. Secondly (Section §2.3), I will discuss how and when Basque dialects may have arisen out of a common language, which dialects were the earliest to branch off from the common trunk, and which dialects are historically closer -in other words, which dialectal nets have been denser or more sparse-as a result of that branching process. This issue has attracted less attention over most of the history of Bascology, but, in recent years, the questions posed by Michelena (1987Michelena ( [1981a) have given rise to an unprecedented interest in it.

Resumen: En este trabajo se examinan las implicaciones de la existencia
de una gran coincidencia entre los numerales léxicos ibéricos y vascos,
aplicando la propuesta a un texto concreto, el plomo de Ensérune, donde se observa que las posibles coincidencias léxicas y morfológicas entre ambas lenguas no se limitan al sistema numeral. Además, se proponen algunos posibles préstamos del griego al ibérico y se replantean algunos aspectos de la
estructura del sistema numeral ibérico.

Abstract: In this work we examine the implications of the existence of
a great coincidence between the Iberian lexical numerals and the Basque ones, thus applying this proposal to the Iberian led of Ensérune, where we can observe that the possible lexical and morphological coincidences between both languages are not limited to the numeral system. Besides, some possible loan words from Greek to Iberian are proposed, and some aspects of the structure of the Iberian numeral system are revised.

Although our linguistic commentaries extend over wider limits, we continue to focus our main attention on Iberian personal names. Much of what is written below results from the reading of the doctoral thesis carried out by Ignacio Simón Cornago that was recently published in co-edition by the Universities of Seville and Zaragoza.

Regarded as marginal varieties, Eastern Basque dialects —in particular the Roncalo Souletin branch— show a strong tendency to archaism, which makes diachronic research on these dialects most necessary. Souletin is undoubtedly the main dialect among the Eastern varieties of Basque with old written documents; due to their relatively early nature and temporal continuity, the centrality of Souletin in the diachronic study of the Eastern Basque is uncontroversial. This dissertation focuses on the evolution of Souletin on the basis of the diachronic analysis of a wide array of linguistic features, mostly —but not only— morphosyntactic ones. In other words, it targets the internal history of the language, and so does not aim to establish its evolution according to its speakers or the political and socio-economic events which could have influenced it (external history). In the search for solid basis/foundations, this dissertation is based on a corpus composed of more than forty texts (1616-1899), which covers the majority of the printed production, in addition to a representative sample of documents from popular tradition. We have carried out this research in two phases: 1) the definition and constitution of the corpus, which has implied exhaustive philological work; and 2) the analysis of more than fifty linguistic features. Regarding the explanation of the data, we have used the main tools of historical linguistics, and more specifically those which help us understand the past of an isolated language: a) internal comparison; b) grammaticalisation; and c) typology. Moreover, we have taken into consideration language contact phenomena and the approach of historical sociolinguistics. After having analysed the historical development of every linguistic feature under consideration, we are able to offer a complete picture of the evolution of Souletin Basque, as well as the direction of the changes that it underwent. We have shown that Souletin Basque is essentially conservative: in fact, it has maintained a number of archaisms dating from the Old Common Basque (c. 7th century; cf. Mitxelena 1981), as well as ancient innovations shared with other eastern varieties. Furthermore, we have demonstrated that the main Souletin innovations of the last centuries are due to intensive contact with Gascon Occitan.

En este trabajo se plantean algunas hipótesis sobre la formación del verbo sintético vasco. Se explica la ergatividad morfológica en el verbo a partir de una antigua construcción de dativo posesivo, de manera que formas como *da-(d)u-t > dut serían originariamente formas bivalentes de izan intransitivo con dativo posesivo, en las que -(d)u- no sería más que la marca de dativo, conservada aún con su valor original en en formas orientales bivalentes como zaut. Por otro lado, se propone que el prefijo -n- de pasado surgió como un simple caso de inserción nasal, como en intzaur. En último extremo, es posible que ninguno de los morfemas que aparecen entre los prefijos personales y la raíz existiera como tal en protovasco.

La Lista Swadesh de voces vascas estables resistente a la donación lingüística y lo que revela su comparación con las restantes familias de lenguas del mundo. Aún hallamos en los libros de textos universitarios y en las enciclopedias más autorizadas el viejo paradigma de que el vasco ­como aún es denominado a nivel internacional y por los mismos vascólogos­ es un idioma aislado sin pariente alguno y que por ello mismo no sabemos nada sobre su origen. ¿Es realmente cierto que la lengua vasca no tiene parientes ni siquiera en otros lugares de Eurasia? ¿Surgió espontáneamente de la nada? ¿Acaso fue inventado por una persona que vivía en una de las cuevas paleolíticas del País Vasco y desde entonces se mantuvo el idioma aislado sin apenas evolución? Vamos a intentar dar respuesta a estas preguntas desde las herramientas que nos ofrecen la Lingüística Histórica y la Léxicoestadística comparadas.

Enlace a tabla comparativa en http://atlantisng.com/blog/genealogia-de-la-lengua-vasca-y-las-lenguas-altaicas-uralicas-y-sino-caucasianas/

Chapter 6 (by Santazilia) is a study of the Basque noun morphology, which sets out the noun paradigm of historical Basque and the structure of its NP, and then goes on to list the explanations proposed so far for every aspect concerning the formation of that paradigm: first the number/definiteness axis, and then the individual cases, classifying these into primary cases (grammatical and local), secondary cases (those built upon the allative and the genitive), and pseudo-flectional morphemes or non-cases.

En este trabajo se propone la identificación del signo T de las  leyendas monetales vasconas  uTanbaate y  oTtikes  con una africada dental,  de manera que el  uTanbaate  podría corresponder a * Utzama Ate, es decir, el  topónimo celtibérico  Uxama  adaptado a la fonética vasca, y con un determ i- nante  vasco  referido  a  un  p uerto  de  montaña,  tal  vez  el  Puerto  de  Velate,  próximo a Ulzama (Navarra). Con menos seguridad,  oTtikez podría identif i- carse con la próxima localidad de Ostiz. Se analiza los posibles origenes del  signo  T, entre ellas el  tau gallicum, y posible papel del c omercio etrusco en  el Languedoc en su adopción.

Abstract:
In this work we propose the identification of the  T sign of the  Vasconic coin  legends  uTanbaate and  oTtikez with  a  dental  af f ricate,  so  that  uTanbaate could  correspond  to  * Utzama Ate,  i.e.,  the  Celtiberian  city  name  Uxama adapted to the Basque phonetics, followed by a Basque dete r- minant meaning a mountain pass, perhaps the Puerto de Velate, near Ulzama  (Navarra).  With  less  certainty,  oTtikez could  be  identified  with  the  nearby  village  Ostiz.  The  possible  sources  of  the  sig n  T, the  tau  gallicum  among  them, are analysed, together with the possible role of the E truscan commerce  in Languedoc in its adoption.

António Marques de Faria* Damos continuidade aos comentários sobre onomástica hispânica pré-romana publicados em anteriores volumes desta mesma revista. We go on commenting on Paleohispanic onomastics. All the other comments were published in previous volumes of this same journal.

The following pages are intended primarily to claim the authorship of
certain ideas, contrary to repeated, and more or less diffuse, attempts to
attribute them to others. In any case, by giving priority to a “micro-historiographic
review” (Ballester, 2008, p. 197), this does not mean that the reinterpretation
of epigraphic novelties published in recent years has been
neglected by us.

Nesta crónica, revisitamos diversos NNL e NNP atestados nas fontes antigas, que, com a exclusão de quatro casos — saico, siCounin, śeCena e  / TAMVSIENSI —, já foram alvo de comentários nossos em textos anteriores.
In this review, we analyse several personal and place names attested in ancient sources, which, with the exception of four cases — saico, siCounin, śeCena and  / TAMVSIENSI — have already been the subject of our comments in previous texts.

This is the third addendum to my manifesto "Rapid Progress in the Genetic Classification of the World’s Languages". It outlines the progress I’ve made so far in this research program and describes how I plan to improve upon my current findings.

Universidad del País Vasco/Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea. Cátedra Luis Michelena. Congreso (3.º 2012.Vitoria-Gasteiz) Koldo Mitxelena Katedraren III. Biltzarra = III Congreso de la Cátedra Luis Michelena = 3rd Conference of the Luis Michelena Chair / Ricardo Gómez … [et al.](eds. = arg.). -Vitoria-Gasteiz: Universidad del País Vasco / Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, Argitalpen Zerbitzua = Servicio Editorial, 2013. -XXII, 770 p. : il., map. ; 24 cm. -(Publicaciones de la Cátedra "Luis Michelena" = "Koldo Mitxelena" Katedraren Argitalpenak ; 5)

Basque speakers can use verbs in two different ways: synthetic conjugation, consisting of a single word (e.g. dakart ‘I am bringing it’), and analytic conjuga- tion, also called periphrastic (e.g. mintzatzen naiz ‘I speak’, ikusiko ditugu ‘we will see them’). Virtually, all verbs can be analytically conjugated, but only a limited number of them accept synthetic inflection. In fact, this number has been decreasing throughout historical Basque: from 68 verbs in the 16th century (Mounole 2011) to nearly a dozen in current Standard Basque, or even fewer in some varieties. However, it should not be inferred from this recessive evolution that synthetic conjugation is of greater antiquity.
Since Lafon’s essential work (1980 [1944]) and the more recent contribu- tions of Trask, this field has benefited in recent years from research into verbal grammaticalization (Aldai 2003), Proto-Basque reconstruction (Lakarra 1995 and subsequent works, Martínez-Areta 2006), the history of the gerund (Urgell 2006) and the general history of the verbal system (Mounole 2011). Such studies have greatly improved our knowledge of non-finite verbal forms. In this chapter we shall focus our attention on the history of Basque analytic verbs, their differ- ent parts and how they are combined. Each section will take present-day data as a starting point to describe the historical evolution of the elements studied and also, where possible, their prehistory.

Two monosyllabic roots of the Proto-Basque language are the core of this paper: *din ‘come’ and *don ‘put’; precisely, I analyse the words (word-families) derived from those roots, suggesting new etymologies and comparing them with the ones that the researcher Joseba Lakarra has already reconstructed, in order to clarify their formal and semantic relationships. Broadly speaking, I wanted to underline that in such works as this one it is important to use carefully and accurately both the dialectal forms and the phonetic change processes, without excluding any variant a priori, and also that a meaning analysis can help us to prove, or at least to support, the possible relationships between words.

Once again, Iberian onomastics continue to merit special attention. The commentaries that follow in this article are the result of divergences, unfortunately not always on linguistic grounds, in the various studies of place and personal names published mainly in the last two years. We take advantage of this opportunity to correct some interpretations that we defended in earlier works.

Proto-Basques might appear in Spain in Early Neolithic with the first R1b carriers of Impresso, via the Northern Africa or/and the Mediterranean Sea, but copper and wheel might be brought later, about 3500–2800 BCE. The spread of proto-Basques in the West Europe occurred with R1b of Bell Beakers

This paper deals entirely with the texts that the linguist Jesús Rodríguez Ramos has been publishing on Iberian onomastics. We pay special attention to the numerous readings and interpretations of Iberian personal names that Jesús Rodríguez Ramos, by omitting the pertinent bibliography, improperly allows to be perceived as his own.

Paper in English, aiming to contribute to the debate on the alleged link between present Basques and Palaeolithic hunters-gatherers of the Franco-Cantabrian area. It gathers data from different fields such as Archaeology, Genetics, Linguistics or Kinship’s Anthropology, some of them quite recent and therefore still not very well  known.

A recente publicação das Actas do V Coloquio sobre lenguas y culturasprerromanas de la Penfnsula Ibérica. organizadas pelos professores JÜfgenUntermann e Francisco Villar, numa edição da Universidade de Salamanca, não podia deixar de ser assinalada. Tendo os col6quios ant~riores sido sucessivamente realizados em ), Tübingen(1976), Lisboa (1980) e em Vitoria (1985, coube a vez à cidade de Col6nia de, em Novembro de 1989, acolher alguns dos mais reputados especialistas nas matérias que têm servido de'tema a estes encontros. À semelhança das actas dos col6quios anteriores, também as que acabam de ser publicadas, e que passaremos a comentar, constituem uma obra de grande qualidade, traduzindo a situaçãoactualdos estudosrespeitantesàs culturase às línguasda Hispâniapré-romana.

2 Handia da, bestalde, Lizarragaren idaz kien garrantzia, hegoaldeko goi nafarrera euskalkiaren ordezkari nagusia eta iaia bakarra delako. Gaur egun desagerturik dagoen euskalki honi buruz gogoratze koa da Bonaparte printzearen testigantza esanez hizkera hau zela hedatuena, beste guztien artean, XIX. mendean oraindik. JAIOTZA Nekazari familia kristau baten altzoan jaio zen Lizarraga Nafarroako Elkano herrian, Egues ibarrean, 1748ko irailaren hama zazpian. Egues ibarra honako hemeretzi herrixka hauek osatzen zuten orduan:

1.1. Hamazazpi urte badu gaurgero 1987an Nafarroa Behereko euskara deskribatu edo genuenetik. Ordukotik egungora aldatu da gure ikuspegia, uler daitekeenez. Hego Euskal Herritik so egin genion gaiari or-duko hartan, ez Nafarroa Beherearen barrenetik; ikuspegi horren eragina aise sumatzen da orduko gure saioan. Oraingo honetan alderantziz ekin diogu, barrenetik begiratuz, ibarrik ibar, bazterrik bazter, batetik bestera zein des-berdintasun dagoen jakiteko; hain zuzen ere, hortik abiatuko dugu saio hau, aldeak zertan eta nondik nora diren adieraztetik. Hizkeren arteko lotura her-tsia ere aztertu dugu, handia baita Nafarroa Behere gehieneko ibarretan ageri diren hizkuntza-ezaugarri berdin edo berdintsuen kopurua. Pertsonen arteko eta gizataldeen arteko harremanen nahiz hartu-emanik ezaren arabera moldatzen dira historikoki hizkerak: orografia, hidrografia, la-na non ematen duten edo non egin daitekeen, salerosgo hartu-emanak non gauzatzen diren... Hizkerak bilakarazten dituen oldar historikoaren sorburua gizarteko eta naturako eragile horien guztien araberakoa da. 1.2. Nafarroa Beherean aise ikus daiteke erdiguneko multzo orokorrene-tik edo nagusienetik zein hizkera bereizten diren. Lapurdin gaindi Euskal He-rriko erdigunetikako hizkuntza-eragina eta espezifikoki Lapurdikoa mende-baletik biltzen dute Bidarrai batek edo Arberoako mendebaleko herriek. On-doan Zuberoa izanik Pettarrara joateko orografia-arazorik ez duten amikuz-tarrek ere, Nafarroa Behereko ezaugarrien multzo orokorretik saihesten diren hizkuntza-aldaera batzuk darabiltzate. Goiti galdurik bezala Lapurdiko ba-rrutian kokaturik dagoen Bardozeko hizkuntza-ezaugarriei dagokienez, bar-doztarrek amikuztarrekiko duten hizkuntza-lotura hertsia Aturri ibaiari ere zor zaiola esan liteke. [1] 445 * Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea / EHHA – Euskaltzaindia Beren ohar guztiak aintzat hartu ezin izan baditut ere, zinez eskertzen ditut Irantzu Epelde, Ivan Igartua, Edu Zelaieta eta Koldo Zuazo.

Esta obra contiene las flexiones del modo indicativo de los verbos auxiliares, intransitivo y transitivo, empleadas en las variedades de Egüés, Oláibar, Arce, Erro, Burguete, Puente la Reina, Olza y Gulina, establecidas por el Príncipe 'Bonaparte, a mediados del siglo pasado. De la variedad de Cizur, también señalada por Bonaparte, no hay desgraciadamente ni un solo dato. De las ocho antes citadas, se publican en este volumen, todas las formas verbales, tanto las anotadas por Bonaparte y las que se han obtenido de documentos antiguos, como las que hemos recogido recientemente sobre el terreno.

Hace ya bastantes años que guardo en mi archivo algo más de medio centenar de sermones y otros documentos vascos, procedentes del legado particular de don Nicolás Polit, que fue primero párroco de Valcarlos y, más tarde, Prior de Roncesvalles (1887-1906. Esta documentación se ha conservado, con otros objetos de uso personal, en el trastero de la propia Colegiata, y me fue entregada al realizar los trabajos de limpieza del local. Junto a los originales del antiguo Prior, inconfundibles por la preciosa y cuidada caligrafía, figuraban varios manuscritos de época anterior, entre los que pude reconocer un sermón de Joaquín Lizarraga (1748-1835), que no se incluye en el catálogo conocido del laborioso párroco de Elcano l .