Verbal Morphology

GLOW 40, March 15 th 2017 1 The abbreviations and conventions used in this paper are the following. x>y = portmanteaux morpheme where x is the agent and y is the patient, x.y = fused element where multiple features (other than only person) are expressed in one morpheme, 1 = first person, 2= second person, 3 = third person, 12 = first person inclusive, 13 = first person exclusive (excluding addressee), π = person, # = number, abs = absolutive, acc = accusative, ap = antipassive, appl = applicative, asp/ a = aspect, caus = causative, dat = dative ea = external argument, erg = ergative, f = feminine, hab = habitual, ia = internal argument, imm.pst = immediate past imperf = imperfective, inv = inverse, loc = locative, m = mood, masc = masculine, neg = negation, npast = non past, nom = nominative, obj/O = object, pfv = perfective, pl = plural, pres = present tense, pst = past tense, sg = singular, sub/S = subject, t = tense, tv = theme vowel, v = verb 2 Language families and languages: Algonquian: Maniwaki (Oxford 2015); Carib:

The script ‚Moroccan Arabic‘ is intended as a comprehensive exposition of the structures of the language as it is documented in a large corpus of recordings (most of them spontaneous conversations), recorded between 1990 and 2011, most of them recorded by field assistants, thus without the presence of a foreign person (the corpus is accessible at the Website https://zentrum.virtuos.uni-osnabrueck.de/utz.maas/Main/Dateien). The script includes an historical and societal overview of Moroccan Arabic, practiced in regional and social varieties, but marked by a process of koneization which motivates the title ‘language in emergence’ (Sprache im Werden) – ch. 1; a comprehensive exposition of phonology, including prosodic structures – ch. 3 – 4; lexical structures, especially word formation – ch. 5; morphology: nominal morphology – ch. 6, verbal morphology – ch. 7 – 8; syntax – ch. 9 – 10. Methodological aspects are discussed in ch. 2. A detailed table of content can be used as register.

The frontispiece highlights the status of the script as work in progress (a picture of traditional construction work with ʁis "mud" [see the stamper in the picture], taken in 1995 in the Middle Atlas region).

This paper aims to analyse irregular verbs in Maltese and compares the examples to their counterparts in four Tunisian dialects, mainly the dialect of Sousse, Tunis, Judeo Tunisian Arabic, Tunisian Arabic as described by Stumme and Moroccan. Maltese as any other Arabic dialect has continued to evolve and grow further away from Classical Arabic; the close affinities Maltese shares with the Tunisian dialects are quite obvious as are the several isoglosses attested which distinguish the Maghrebi dialects as a group. It is for this reason that Maltese here is being compared to four Tunisian dialects, with the examples given from Moroccan to often serve as contrast. This paper is partly based on the questionnaire by Dominique Caubet, 'Questionnaire du Dialectologie du Maghreb', as well as another unpublished paper by the same author entitled: 'Towards a dialectological atlas of Maltese; questions to be raised' (2007), the aims of which was to draw a linguistic atlas of the Maghrebi dialects and Maltese.

L'analisi storico-linguistica delle varietà dialettali cadorine dimostra indubbiamente che le condizioni linguistiche originarie presentano sostanziali analogie (fonologiche, morfologiche, sintattiche e lessicali) sia con le varietà ladine sellane a ovest, sia con le varietà friulane a est, e ne testimoniano appieno la 'ladinità' (Pellegrini 1979: 264). Le caratteristiche non ladine, in genere d'influsso veneto, vanno considerate come fatti di ristrutturazione seriore, che non cancellano però la struttura preesistente (Zamboni 1984: 71). La dipendenza dal municipio di Iulium Carnicum (Zuglio) e poi dal Patriarcato di Aquileia si riflette chiaramente in una serie di tratti linguistici che collegano il Cadore con il confinante Friuli, in particolare con le sue sezioni occidentale e carnica. Nondimeno sono individuabili significativi collegamenti e solidarietà linguistiche anche sul versante del ladino sellano o atesino. La complessa vicenda storica e linguistica di quest'area si può cogliere anche nella morfologia delle sue varietà dialettali. L'analisi esposta in queste pagine si è concentrata sulla flessione verbale, in particolare l'attenzione è stata richiamata da alcune desinenze personali della coniugazione regolare del presente indicativo (forma attiva dichiarativa). Lo studio e il confronto dei paradigmi verbali permette di tracciare qualche importante isoglossa morfologica e contribuisce a ricostruire condizioni originarie, a individuare correnti linguistiche e riconoscere le ristrutturazioni del sistema. Il confronto è stato condotto (seguendo qui la classificazione di Pellegrini 1979: 265) tra le varietà ladine atesine (Gardena, Badia, Fassa, Livinallongo, Rocca Pietore), le varietà ladine cadorine (compresi il Comelico, l'Oltrechiusa e Cortina), le varietà ladino-venete (zoldano, agordino), le varietà friulane occidentali (soprattutto quelle prealpine e pedemontane), ma è stato esteso anche ad alcune varietà venete settentrionali e orientali (feltrinobellunese, liventino). Per motivi di spazio i dati sono presentati in forma schematizzata e sono limitati solamente alle desinenze verbali del presente indicativo.

The periodisation of the history of the Japanese language 1.2. Abbreviations, symbols, notational conventions 2. Selected bibliography and sources 2.1. Grammars, textbooks and grammatical compendia (G-) 2.2. Dictionaries of pre-modern Japanese (D-) 2.3. Other relevant titles (O-) 2.4. Utilised editions of Classical Japanese texts (E-) 2.5. Consulted translations of Classical Japanese works (T-) 2.6. Sources of textual examples 3. Orthography and phonology 3.1. Orthography 3.2. Vocalic phonemes and their later development 3.3. Consonantal phonemes and their later development 3.4. Customary reading of Classical Japanese texts 4. The morphology of verbs and adjectives 4.1. Basic morphonological changes 4.2. Conjugational groups of verbs and adjectives 4.3. Suffixes as synthetic markers of grammatical categories 4.4. General rules for the selection of allomorphs 5.

The publication of a book devoted to the history of verb morphology in the so-called Altaic (now relabelled 'Transeurasian') languages, i.e., Turkic, Mongolic, Tungusic and optionally Korean and Japanese, constitutes an exciting prospect, especially for those who are interested in the debate about the ultimate nature (genealogical or areal) of the relationship of these languages. Discussions in the Altaic debate usually revolve around a couple of salient phonological features and a very restricted set of lexical items, and these are repeated over and over again, most often without advancing new arguments or ideas. Grammar-related issues are rarely tackled. In view of these circumstances, verb morphology might provide an ideal battlefield to bring into the picture innovative, original proposals. Moreover, due to some of the complexities involved, general linguists and typologists may find new areas of interest. Martine Robbeets's book (the author henceforth MR) is divided into nine chapters. The first two chapters lay out the main goals of the study (in a nutshell, to analyse shared etymologies and reconstructed grammaticalizations, 1 which might be used as evidence to build a case in favour of the genealogical relatedness of the Altaic languages) and methodology. There is a brief but well-balanced presentation of the languages involved and their history, geographic distribution and internal taxonomy (pp. 4–33). Description of basic concepts in historical linguistics follows (pp. 45–88). Special attention is paid to the opposition of inherited vs. borrowed (via code-copying), the pitfalls in which the researcher may fall while trying to identify one or the other and the procedures to avoid them. MR illustrates her explanations with examples from various languages of the world with reference to current literature on general and descriptive linguistics, historical linguistics and typology. MR's remarks on common misunderstandings about the comparative method (pp. 80–88) are generally correct. For instance, she is right when she dismisses claims that the comparative method is not universally applicable. Some authors consider evidence for the relatedness of the Altaic languages so elusive because, perhaps, it should not, or cannot, be addressed from a traditional viewpoint. Bisang (1998: 220) comments that for the Altaic languages " … the Indo-European concept of genetic relatedness may not be adequate ". The theoretical implications of such an assertion are enormous. The reality, however, is far simpler: languages are either related or unrelated. After the data has been analyzed, the linguist must confront both options and admit which one of the two possible scenarios (common inheritance or contact) explains the data best. For now, shared material between Transeurasian languages is undoubtedly better explained as the result of 1 The summary on p. 497 includes the development of negative participles and affixes from formerly independent verbs, a loan verb marker from a denominal verbalizer, the transference of actional markers from nominal to adjectival to verbal base, grammaticalizations of valence and voice (such as causative to passive, reflexive to anticausative or fientive to passive), direct insubordination and the development of temporal from aspectual distinctions and converbialization.

L’entrebanc més gran en la coordinació lingüística dels balears, els valencians i els catalans és la flexió verbal, que el català oriental ha alterat fortament. La Renaixença havia intentat recuperar les formes clàssiques, camí que possibilitava la unificació (§6.1.1). En canvi, el Noucentisme va canviar les formes clàssiques (preferesc, que jo preferesca, nasc) per les formes regulars vives del català oriental (prefereixo, que jo prefereixi, neixo), opció que espentava els gramàtics valencians a seguir el mateix camí (§6.1.1). Per a confluir amb Catalunya, Fuster demana en 1947 que els valencians recuperem les formes clàssiques (preferesc, prefereixes); però no fa la mateixa petició a Catalunya, fet que impossibilitava la confluència (§6.1.2). La llengua pública no assimilà la proposta, ja que l’esforç que comportava (passar de les formes regulars vives a les irregulars) no anava acompanyat d’un benefici social (unificar la flexió verbal, §6.1.3). Això explica que les formes que en 1993 l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans proposà per als valencians (preferisc, prefereixes) havien de tindre el mateix efecte: es podien escriure, però no dir (§6.1.4). La resta del treball explica per què l’evolució valenciana (preferesc > prefereixc > preferixc) és una regularització flexiva (§6.2) i per quines raons la proposta preferisc, prefereixes afavorix l’aparició de deformacions (ella preferís, que jo prefereixca…, §6.3). El treball acaba mostrant documents que havien indicat la inadequació de preferisc, prefereixes des del principi (1993, 1997, §6.5-§6.7).

Работа посвящена пассивным конструкциям в уральских языках.
Две основные цели работы: установить инвентарь пассивных показателей в уральских языках и обобщить их основные свойства и функции, а также предложить пути исторического развития конструкций с пассивными дериватами в тех языках, где они наиболее частотны.

The verbal particle BE in Middle Persian can be linked to three Old
Iranian inputs: an adverb and an emphatic particle, both inherited from
Proto-Indo-European, and an Old Iranian adverbial compound. After a
short overview of previous studies, the use of various forms of BE in
Middle Persian will be exemplified and the semantic and functional
development will be discussed.

Ainu is a typical polysynthetic language in the sense that a single complex verb can express what takes a whole sentence in most other languages. A single verb form may include more than one heavy element: up to two applicative prefixes (out of three), two causative suffixes (out of five), two incorporated objects, one lexical prefix (out of two originating in nouns ‘head’ and ‘bottom’), one verbalizing suffix (originating in the verb ‘make’), as well as reciprocal, reflexive and general object (=antipassive) prefixes and agreement affixes for the first/second person subject and object. The degree of combinability of various voice markers and noun incorporation is spectacular. Nevertheless, it has been claimed that Ainu deviates from more typical polysynthetic languages such as Mohawk in that it has less freedom of word order, interrogative phrases in situ, and unrestricted morphological causatives (Baker 1996). The present paper aims to distinguish what Ainu shares with other polysynthetic languages from what is truly unique to Ainu.

The dissertation is devoted to the study of the vowel system of an Arabic variety spoken in the major urban centers in northern Egypt, known under the generic term “Egyptian Arabic.” The first common thread that runs through all chapters of the dissertation is to establish descriptive generalizations on issues that have not yet received the proper attention, descriptions that constitute true linguistic generalizations of a type likely to feed theoretical elaboration. New relevant information will be cited and a detailed analysis of a comprehensive fragment of fresh data using analytical tools different from those previously used by my predecessors will be offered. The main argument of the dissertation is that the key to the interpretation of the most prominent vowel-related events in this language lies in the interdependence of vowel quality and vowel quantity. I establish a transparent relationship between these two, only phonologically long vowels in Egyptian Arabic can maintain their quality on the phonetic level, otherwise they become incapable of surfacing. They are, in this case, phonetically replaced either by an epenthetic vowel or by nothing at all. I thus construe vowel length in strictly phonological terms. The establishment of the new construal of vowel length in Egyptian Arabic was also made possible through comparison with other varieties of Arabic whose diachrony and parameters are relatively well understood, namely Classical Arabic and the Arabic spoken in the Maghreb. With the proliferation of valuable research on contemporary varieties of spoken Arabic, the prospect of defining the parameters responsible for the identification and stabilization of each language or dialect, appears to be within reach. This is the other common thread running through the dissertation. The dissertation in this respect contributes to the enhancement of the study of Arabic dialectology. But, my ultimate goal is to give a deductive structure to my results and to draw conclusions that can go beyond the case of Egyptian Arabic or Arabic dialectology, indeed to contribute to the elaboration of Linguistic Theory.

3.1 Consonant inventory: Labiovelar stop, Prenasalized consonants, Dental stop
3.2 Vowel inventory: Vowel length, Tone, Vowel harmony
3.3 Tense mood aspect: Stative/Non-Stative distinction,  unmarked predicates, and TMA
3.4 Verbal extensions: Resultative Stative/Accompaniment  /-V[+high]l/, Causative/Pluractional /-i/, Telic /-V[+low]/, Comitative /-ma/, Instrumental /-ka/, Reflexive/Reciprocal /-ni/

Wék w os, revue d'études indo-européennes, sous la direction de Romain Garnier et Xavier Delamarre. Éditions Errance (Arles, France). [Les numéros de pages de la version imprimée sont indiqués en rouge, entre crochets droits] __________________________________________________________________________ [Page 249] Christian TOURATIER, La fibule de Préneste, 2013, Aix-en-Provence, Presses Universitaires de Provence, 274 p.

In Kiranti languages, the presence of rich alternations in verbal paradigms make internal reconstruction possible, and allow a better understanding of the vowels and codas of the proto-language than is possible for other parts of speech. This paper, using data from four representative languages (Wambule, Khaling, Bantawa, Limbu), proposes a new approach to Proto-Kiranti historical linguistics combining the comparative method and internal reconstruction, and taking morphological alternations and analogy into account. It presents a comprehensive account of the sound correspondences between the four target languages and reconstructs more than 280 proto-Kiranti verb roots.

Sede ammistrativa: via Is Mirrionis, 1 -09123, Cagliari LINGUISTICS AND PHILOLOGY 8.1 CONTENTS 5 «L'acqua correva con tanto impeto». La rappresentazione linguistica delle esondazioni nel XVI secolo: primi rilievi RITA FRESU 22 L'enigma del hronaes ban nel Franks Casket: una proposta interpretativa NICOLETTA GHESSA 54 Nuovi anglicismi nel discorso politico su Twitter ELEONORA MAMUSA 77 La morfologia verbale nel Breve Portus Kallaretani (ASP, Archivio Roncioni, ms. 322) GIULIA MURGIA 111 Il clitico [ŋkɛ] in sardo orgolese: dalla deissi all'aspetto CARMINU PINTORE 138 Agnizioni indomediterranee. Contesti culturali, riflessi linguistici, evidenze testuali DOMENICO SILVESTRI 176 Un recente contributo su Marziale e l'epigramma longum SABRINA SINIS 5 Abstract

A typical finite clause in English has a single constituent that serves as subject.  This constituent precedes the finite verb in non-inverted clauses like simple declarative clauses, follows the finite verb in inverted clauses like polar questions, agrees in person and number with the finite verb and with a tag subject when a tag is present, undergoes subject raising, and so on (Postal 2004).  Five constructions violate these generalizations and in the literature have called into question the identity of the subject constituent. In each of these five constructions the finite verb agrees with a following constituent in a declarative clause despite the fact, among others, that the constituent preceding the verb exhibits subject behaviors of the kind identified by Keenan (1976). To the authors’ knowledge, despite intensive analysis of several of these patterns, the group as a whole has not been subject to prior study. The constructions are: Presentational Inversion (e.g., On the porch stood marble pillars), Presentational there (e.g., The earth was now dry, and there grew a tree in the middle of the earth, Deictic there (e.g., Here comes the bus), Existential there (e.g., There’s a big problem here) and Reversed Equative be (e.g., The only thing we’ve taken back recently are plants). The approach of Sign-Based Construction Grammar (Sag 2012) enables us to establish precisely what all five patterns have in common and what is particular to each, revealing that a constructional, constraint-based approach can extract the correct grammatical generalizations, not only in ‘core’ areas of a grammar, but also in the hard cases, where concepts such as subject, which readily handle the more tractable facts, fail to fit the facts at hand.  We see further that the five split-subject patterns, sometimes identified as clausal, yield to a strictly lexical analysis.

This study is the very first detailed description of the (finite) verb morphology in
Azamgarhi, a unique Awadhic Indo-Aryan language spoken exclusively by a significant
number of Muslims of the Azamgarh region of Uttar Pradesh, India. It is a part of a
broader goal of holistic and comprehensive documentation of the Azamgarhi language,
filling a gap in the descriptive literature, beginning with a detailed discussion on the
social and linguistic background of the language in question and then moving to discuss
the morphology of verb stems and their uses. The data presented here is based on
analysis of elicited and textual materials from mainly the Southern dialect. Azamgarhi
verbal morphology constitutes derivation and inflection.
All the derivation in the language occurs at the verb root itself, which is optionally
followed by stem increment or, more appropriately, theme formation, in certain instances
before the suffixes encoding inflectional information attach to the derived stem.
This research is also the first-ever comprehensive structural and functional account of
the theme formation phenomenon in any Eastern Hindi language. Inflectional morphology
constitutes of portmanteau suffixes encoding information for TAM and PNG
subject agreement. Inflection markings in context give rise to a range of interpretations,
explored in this dissertation primarily through the theory-neutral basic linguistic
description.
In addition, this work illustrates Azamgarhi being typical of Eastern Hindi
languages—though having nominative-accusative alignment throughout, the transitive
verbal conjugations pattern differently from their intransitive counterpart in the perfective
constructions along with different perfective participles, thereby making the verbal
conjugation system much unpredictive and complex. Finally, it investigates the realis–
irrealis modal concepts in Azamgarhi.

In this paper, we present a historical account for the tonal alternations observed in the Khaling verbal system. We show that most of these alternations can be explained by two series of sound change. First, level and falling tones appeared in closed syllables with sonorant and obstruents codas respectively. Second, the loss of vowels in specific contexts lead to the development of additional falling tones. A residue of falling tones remain unaccounted for by the present reconstruction, but several hypotheses are proposed to explain their origin.

Evolution of aorist and imperfect endings from Indo-European to Classical Armenian.
Based on a talk held May 14, 2015 in Saint Petersburg.
Автор: Реми Вирда
Full volume here: https://alp.iling.spb.ru/en/xiv1.html
French and Russian abstracts : see end of paper.
English abstract: Armenian aorist and imperfect endings
Armenian aorists go back to PIE aorists (elik‘), imperfects (eharc‘), or even durative imperfects (ekeac‘).
Armenian imperfects, as in Slavic, all go back to *ēs- ‘was/were’, either by itself (běxъ, ei), or in periphrastic constructions (nesěaxъ, berei), whose first element has perhaps been identified (Jasanoff 1978, 2003).
Endings show numerous innovations:
– 1 sg. *-m̥ → *-om, as in Slavic: *ēsm̥ ‘I was’ → *ēsom (cf. Bonfante 1942; hence the loss of the final nasal in Armenian). – Motive: probably the personal pronoun *eg1om.
– 1 sg. athematic *-m (after vowels) and *-om (after consonants) → * som, again as in Slavic: *(e)dōm ‘I gave’ → *(e)dōsom, hence daxъ, etu (Bonfante 1942). – Motive: presumably an opposite substitution 3 sg. *-s-t > *-s → *-t in sigmatic aorists and the imperfect *ēst.
– In the plural, Armenian did not share in the reshaping to *dō-s- seen in Slavic daxomъ, witness edak‘ ‘we put’ ← *(e)dhames. This means that etun ‘they gave’ is not identical to Slavic dašę ← *dōsn̥t, but rather a late reshaping of *etn < *(e)dont.
– After the loss of final consonants in 2 sg. *(e)bheres, *(e)dōs and 3 sg. *(e)bheret, *(e)dōt, the personal pronoun was added to restore the distinction: 3 sg. *(e)bere, *(e)tō > eber, et, but 2 sg. *(e)bere-du, *(e)tō-du > berer, etur (Pedersen 1905, Viredaz 2005).
– After 1 sg. aorist *ebéro > *ebér had merged with 3 sg. *ebére > ebér, the former was replaced by berí, presumably the then imperfect form (Viredaz 2002a). In its imperfect function, *berí was reshaped to bereí.
– The y in keray ‘I ate’ possibly arose when *(e-)gwera-som ‘I swallowed’ > *ekéro ‘I ate’ was remade to *kerá-yo after *eí(y)o ‘I was’, *edí(y)o ‘I put’.
– In the imperfect ei, êr ‘I was, he was’, the stem e- was added to the inherited forms *ío, *í < *ēsom, *ēt ← *ēsm̥, *ēst ; 3 sg. -r might reflect an old demonstrative (Pedersen 1905).
The medio-passive endings are more briefly treated. Klingenschmitt’s (1982) views on the origin of present i and aorist a are endorsed.

Universidad del País Vasco/Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea. Cátedra Luis Michelena. Congreso (3.º 2012.Vitoria-Gasteiz) Koldo Mitxelena Katedraren III. Biltzarra = III Congreso de la Cátedra Luis Michelena = 3rd Conference of the Luis Michelena Chair / Ricardo Gómez … [et al.](eds. = arg.). -Vitoria-Gasteiz: Universidad del País Vasco / Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, Argitalpen Zerbitzua = Servicio Editorial, 2013. -XXII, 770 p. : il., map. ; 24 cm. -(Publicaciones de la Cátedra "Luis Michelena" = "Koldo Mitxelena" Katedraren Argitalpenak ; 5)

STUF (Language Universals and Typology) 70,1: 195-213 (2017).
The concept of pluractionality is less common in Bantu languages than in other language families, such as Chadic (Afro-Asiatic) and various Nilo-Saharan languages. Yet many Bantu languages reveal patterns of habituals, combinations of verbal extensions and reduplication patterns that can function in pluractional-like ways in order to mark " plurality or multiplicity of the verb's action " (Nurse 2008, Tense and aspect in Bantu. Oxford: Oxford University Press: 314). Bunia Swahili, an un(der)documented variety of Swahili spoken in Eastern DR Congo, has undergone contact-induced change that can be traced back to Central Sudanic languages, and has developed fluid registers of socially motivated realization. It contains different habitual markers expressing deviating semantic concepts, while habitual markers can also be combined in order to express evidentiality. Reduplication patterns as markers for pluractionality and their co-occurrence with habituals as gradual semantic continua are both taken into account in this preliminary overview. It is therefore proposed that 'semantic aspect' plays a predominant role in pluractional constructions in Bunia Swahili.

A complete glossary of Hittite, Palaic and Luwian verb forms and their derivative nominal stems which are attested in published Old Script texts.
The structure of the Glossary is identical with the well-known W. D. Whitney’s “The Roots, Verb-forms and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language”.
The Glossary does not include uninformative forms like e.g. ta-a-ya-az-z)]i or a-da-an-ta-a]n. Broken (but interesting for graphics, phonetics or morphology) forms like t[(a-a-ya-az-zi or a-d[a-an-ta-an are, however, cited.

The Glossary is somewhat outdated and must be augmented by forms from newly published texts. Some datings must be corrected acc. to S. Košak’s “Konkordanz”.

В статията се разглеждат българските модални конструкции, образувани чрез съчетаване на частиците "де" и "да" с презенсна форма на спрегаемия глагол (в т. ч. относителна или/и резултативна) – срв.: де да мога, де да бях мълчал, де да имаше и др. под. Потърсен е отговор на въпроса за статута на тези образувания в езиковата система (синтактични конструкции или аналитични форми на глагола), за техните семантико-функционални особености.

This study extends the evidence for implicit second language (L2) learning, which comes largely from (semi-)artificial language research, to German. Upper-intermediate L2 German learners were flooded with spoken exemplars of a difficult morphological structure, namely strong, vowel-changing verbs. Toward the end of exposure, the mandatory vowel change was omitted, yielding ungrammatical verb forms (compare Leung & Williams, 2012 ). Two pre- and posttests—word monitoring and controlled oral production—gauged the development of learners’ implicit and explicit knowledge, respectively.
Interviews revealed 33 out of 38 L2 learners remained unaware of the ungrammatical verbs in the input flood; however, they showed significant sensitivity during listening as evidenced by a reaction time slowdown on ungrammatical trials. The unaware learners also improved significantly from pretest to posttest on the word-monitoring task, but not the oral production measure, unless the verbs’ salience in the input flood had resonated with them. Thus, implicit instruction affected
implicit knowledge primarily, although prior knowledge and memory could potentially account for interactions between implicit processing, implicit knowledge, and explicit knowledge.