Migration, Emigration and Immigration

The paper examines the best-selling satirical book How to Be an Alien (1946) by the Hungarian émigré journalist and prominent British humorist George Mikes (1912–1987). I argue that tackling the issues of emigration, integration and belonging, Mikes employs a mock-anthropological approach: ironically reworking the notions of observation and imitation as survival strategies, HTBA grasps the absurdities underlying both British life and the newcomer's struggle to blend in. The two sequels Mikes wrote to HTBA decades later demonstrate that once the " alien " has been successfully integrated, the sense of acquired Britishness only produces further absurdities. Examining HTBA and a selection of his other works, I also claim that Mikes's satire is an unacknowledged contribution to the modern philosophical tradition of " strangeness " (exemplified by authors ranging from G. Simmel to H. Arendt, Th. Adorno and Z. Bauman). Today, Mikes's legacy continues to inspire expatriates living in London and elsewhere. However, his emblematic work has also inspired a stream of books with diametrically opposite intentions: these encourage their native readers to regain their allegedly fading socio-cultural heritage. In the transformation of Mikes's satire about aliens adapting to new environments into an encouragement of natives to embrace their own, one can witness both the disintegration of traditional cultural belonging and a new appeal of indigeneity.

"The Criminalization of Immigration: Contexts and Consequences explores these competing narratives and the consequences of criminalizing immigration in the United States and abroad. It examines the impact of national, state, and local legislation on the psychosocial well being of immigrants. The book explores key ways in which immigration is criminalized, and examines how the problematization of immigration becomes a political tool. The first chapters of the book explore the criminalization of immigration through the lens of pacification and the theater of cruelty. In both chapters, the authors seek to understand the process of “othering” members of the immigrant population to exact social control and to mollify the public. These front chapters set the tone for remainder of the book. They provide the impetus for why states have enacted, or have attempted to enact state level immigration laws that make it nearly impossible for the undocumented to live within the boundaries of these states. In section two, three U.S. states are highlighted: Arizona, Alabama, and Indiana. While the chapters on Arizona and Alabama summarize key aspects of state laws, author Sujey Vega highlights the life of one undocumented immigrant as she navigates life in the Heartland.

The book then turns its focus to the criminalization of immigration in a socio-political context. Here, four chapters provide explorations of the criminalization of immigration on labor standards enforcement, immigrant detention, the right wing perspective in the United States and in Europe, and white supremacy. Labor standards impact the rate by which undocumented immigrants are paid, which in turn impacts their health and safety within and outside the workplace, protections from workplace discrimination, and collective activity protections. The criminalization of immigration erodes many of the workplace and labor protections that we have come to view as essential. Similarly, the privatization of corrections has influenced the incarceration and detention of many undocumented immigrants and has even influenced the very laws described in section two of this book. If not for the possibility of profiting off of the detention of the undocumented, many of immigration related laws would not have come to fruition.

The next section of the book provides a transnational and international context to the criminalization of immigration. With chapters focusing on human rights violations, the transnational dimensions of Mexican migration, the making of the Maras, and the criminalization of immigration in the United Kingdom, these chapters ask the reader to examine the criminalization of immigration from a broader perspective. The reader learns how national issues become international and, likewise how international immigration issues influence national policy.

The final chapters of the book put the human face on the criminalization of immigration. Each chapter represents a case study of a specific aspect of the criminalization of immigration. They approach the issue from the viewpoint of a day laborer, an undocumented woman who has become a victim of domestic violence, a child whose parents are undocumented, and a detention officer who wrestles with his decisions to continue his job. Regardless of which chapters one reads, the raw emotion felt by placing oneself in each context is overwhelming.

Overall, The Criminalization of Immigration: Contexts and Consequences provides a complete examination of an issue that cuts through emotional value conflicts. It provides the facts and knowledge essential for a fair and balanced debate"

Rosa spinosissima (also known as R. pimpinellifolia), the wild Scots Rose, has the widest natural geographical distribution of any rose species, extending from the coastal fringes of western Europe to Siberia. It has also become naturalised in North America and parts of the Southern Hemisphere. Its many vernacular names include 'Scots Rose' or 'Scotch Rose' (because of its association with Scotland), 'Burnet Rose' (because its leaves resemble those of the Burnets Sanguisorba) and 'Dune Rose' (because coastal sand-dunes provide one of its main habitats). Most of the common names used in mainland Europe also reflect these concepts and include translations of 'Scots Rose'. 'Scots Rose' is the preferred name in English. The adjective 'Scotch' is not favoured in Scotland -it should only be applied to whisky! Rosa spinosissima itself was cultivated in British gardens from at least the 16 th century and illustrated in the printed 16 th and 17 th century European Herbals. The flowers of British wild forms are normally white or cream and sweetly scented. Its fruits are such a dark purple that they appear black. The first form of the species with coloured flowers was found and described in Scotland in the 17 th century by Sir Robert Sibbald -one of the Founders of the Royal Botanic Garden Edinburgh. Robert Brown raised the first coloured Scots Roses with 'double' flowers near Perth, Scotland in the late 18 th century. However, by 1830, hundreds of single, semi-double and double flowered coloured 'Scotch Roses' had been raised by Robert Brown, Robert Austin of Glasgow, Scotland and other nurserymen. The colours available included white, cream, yellow, pink, red, mauve and purple with combinations in veined, striped, marbled and tinged flowers. Some varieties were bicoloured in the same sense as Rosa foetida 'Bicolor' with the front of the petals being one colour and the back of the petals being a different colour.

In recent decades, the criminalization of immigration and the use of private prisons have increased in popularity. The criminalization of immigration and the privatization of prisons work hand in hand in shaping the American criminal justice response to immigration. Privatization creates a powerful opportunity for the social construction of the undocumented immigrant into a powerful potential source of revenue for for-profit corporations. Private prison corporations, such as Corrections Corporation of American and The GEO Group, stand to profit significantly from the private immigration detention center. Several investigative reports have focused on how these companies stand to profit, but little attention has been given to the psychosocial consequences that impact immigrant detainees and their families.

Upper Silesia in People’s Poland, Volume 3; Displacements-emigration-arrivals
This is the third volume of the conference and publishing project issued jointly by the Institute of National Remembrance, Katowice division, and by the Silesian Institute in Opole. It presents selected areas of political, social and cultural changes in the post-war Upper Silesia.
The third part of the project focuses on migration to and from the region – the phenomenon which is fundamental to its social character and intergroup relations. As in the case of other elements of Upper Silesian history, here as well, on the one hand, we can distinguish movements typical of human species (seeking better living conditions) and typical of People’s Poland (creation of a new Pole / New socialist man). On the other hand, an important role here was played by population movements specific to this part of post-war Poland, which resulted from the effects of World War II and attempts to build a (one) nation state. It is worth to mention that the scale of these migrations was exceptional, especially for the industrialized, eastern part of Upper Silesia.
These three basic types of migration: forced post-war relocations, arrivals in search of better living conditions and politically forced departures influenced the structure of the volume and the selection of given topics. It should be noted, however, that a division proposed here cannot be treated as a clear-cut one, as the genesis of some movements could be rooted in national, political and economic motives (e.g. the socalled 2nd repatriation, the so-called family reunification).

This paper is a cross-linguistic corpus-assisted discourse study of the representation of migrants in the Italian and UK press and it adopts a two-stage methodological approach. In the first phase, the number of references to nationalities which collocate with refugees, asylum seekers, immigrants, migrants (and Italian equivalents) are calculated and this information is subsequently used to identify any ‘mismatch’ between the amount of attention that migrants from a given country receive in the media and the official population estimates. In the second, and most extensive stage, the representations of the foregrounded nationalities are analysed through the moral panic framework. Results show an extensive negative representation of some groups, but there is no evidence of a fully iterated moral panic relating to any of the nationalities investigated.

The idea of deporting the Jewish population of Europe was part of a modern anti-Semitism. Poland was no exception in this regard. Under the influence of other countries implementing anti-Jewish laws, also Polish anti-Semitism became more radical. After 1935, such postulates were openly expressed as the policy of the Polish government has changed its character – from state to national. Additionally, due to the global economic crisis the idea began to be taken far more seriously not just in national Catholic circles. The resettlement of Jews was seen as the way to reduce unemployment and to ‘Polonise’ Polish cities, as masses of poor peasants could replaced the Jewish workers as far as trade and craftsmanship were concerned. The authors of immigration plans for European Jews suggested evacuating them most willingly to uncivilised countries – including Madagascar (a French colony) – due to the fact that their lands were either not used at all or only used to an insufficient and inadequate extent. In Poland, the idea
was first adopted in 1926 as a solution to the problem of overpopulation in rural areas. However, the conditions on the island did not allow settlement and soon the idea fell through. Yet it came back a decade later as a proposal of deporting exclusively Polish Jews. At the time, the project was taken much more seriously and in 1937 the Polish government commissioned a task force to examine the possibility of settling in Madagascar and to evaluate the island’s potential, in particular its climate and labour conditions. But the reports of the commission members were full of contradictions and the French were showing growing caution on the matter.

РУССКАЯ ЭМИГРАЦИЯ В БОЛГАРИИ СОГЛАСНО ПЕРЕПИСЕЙ НАСЕЛЕНИЯ 1920 И 1926 ГОДОВ

Пенка Пейковска, Нина Киселкова

РЕЗЮМЕ


По своей численности и исторической значимости российская эмиграция в Болгарии в межвоенный период сопоставима с „российским зарубежьем” в Париже, Праге, Белграде, при этом российские эмигранты в нашей стране, как и те в Белграде, имеют значительный вклад в развитие науки и культуры принимающей страны.
За последние два десятка лет, тема о российской эмиграции в Болгарии находится активно в полезрении болгарских историков по разным причинам: переосмысление написанного по этим проблемам в эпоху социализма, потребность в очистке идеологического взгляда на них, и создании углубленных исследований, основанных на болгарских архивных материалах.
Настоящая разработка ставит своей целью представление некоторых демографических аспектов вопроса о российской эмиграции в Болгарии, таких как: динамика российского эмиграционного потока в нашу страну, его отправные точки и этнический состав, религиозная принадлежность и внутренняя миграция российского населения в нашей стране, его половая структура. Упомянутые демографические процессы и явления были исследованы посредством количественного анализа данных с переписей населения в Болгарии, осуществленных в 1920 и 1926 годах. Перепись населения в качестве специфического исторического источника привлекла наше внимание главным образом потому что до сих пор не представляла интересом для исследователей, изучающих проблемы российской эмиграции.
Проанализированые переписи населения, проведенные в 1920 и 1926 годах в Болгарии дают детальное и углубленное (и в некоторых случаях и абсолютно новое) представление о демографических характеристиках российской диасппоры в нашей стране в 20-е годы ХХ столетия, которое в других статистических источниках затрагивалось только поверхностно, или полностью отсутствует, особенно по отношению к динамике, начальным точкам, этническому и конфессиональному составу миграционного потока из России в Болгарию, а также и относительно внутренней миграции российского населения в Болгарии, и его структуры по полу.
Кроме того, эти две переписи характеризуются использованием единой методики для сбора данных по интересующим нас демографическим показателям (пол, гражданство, национальность, вероисповедание, родной язык, место рождения), что делает их сопоставимыми и позволяет проследить некоторые демографические процессы в диаспоре.
Различия в количественных показателях о родном языке, гражданстве и национальности для 1920 и 1926 „описывают” основные тенденции в движении российской эмиграции в Болгарии. Основной эмиграционный поток приезжает из европейской части России, следуемый потоком из Украины (который представлен отдельно в переписях), и из Румынии (в основном Северной Добруджы и Бессарабии). Относительно этнического и национального состава в нем преобладают русские, но присутствуют и другие более малочисленные этнические группы (болгары, евреи, татары, армяне, кальмыки). В отличие от других стран в конфессиональной структуре российской эмиграции в Болгарии, преобладают восточноправославные, а другие вероисповедания (католики, протестанты, армяно-грегориане, мусульманы, израельтяне) - представлены минимальными относительными долями. Внутренняя мобильность российской эмиграции в Болгарии направлена с побережья Черного моря в глубь страны (с основным центром притяжения - София и Софийская область, однако также и районы Пловдива, Старой Загоры, Великого Тырнова, Шумена, Плевни) и, в частности, крупные городские центры, хотя только треть эмигрантов направляется в деревни. Половая структура старой довоенной российской диаспоры характеризуется балансом между двумя полами, что характерно для оседлых общин. В новой российской эмиграции число мужчин значительно превышает число женщин.

Russian Emigration to Bulgaria according to the 1920 and 1920 Population Census in Bulgaria. Demographic Profile.

Penka Peykovska (IHS-BAS), Niana Kisselkova (NSI)

Summary

According to its size and historical significance the White Russian emigration to Bulgaria in the interwar period is comparable to the "Rossiiskoe zarubezhie" in Paris, Prague, Belgrade, bearing in mind that Russian immigrants in Bulgaria, as well as those in Belgrade, had a significant contribution to the development of culture and science of the host country. Over the past two decades the subject of the Russian emigration to Bulgaria has been actively in the sight of Bulgarian historians for various reasons: rethinking written on this topic during the socialist era, the need for clearing the ideological perspective on it, and the creation of in-depth studies based on Bulgarian archive materials. This paper aims at presenting some demographic aspects of the Russian emigration in Bulgaria, i.e. the dynamics of the Russian emigration flow to Bulgaria, its starting points and ethnic composition, religious affiliation and internal migration of the Russian population within the country, its sex structure. The envisioned demographic processes and phenomena are investigated by quantitative analysis of the data coming from the population censuses conducted in Bulgaria in 1920 and 1926. Population census as a special kind of historical source has attracted our attention mainly because it has not been of interest to researchers studying the problems of White Russian emigration. The analyzed 1920 and 1926 population census in Bulgaria provide detailed and thorough (and in some cases brand new) picture of the demographic outlook of the Russian community in the country in the 1920s, which in other statistical sources is reflected only superficially, or is entirely lacking, especially in terms of dynamics, exit points, ethnic, confessional and gender structure of the migration flow from Russia to Bulgaria, internal migration of the Russian population in Bulgaria. Moreover in the two censuses a similar methodology was used for collecting data on the demographic indicators we are interested in (i.e. sex, citizenship, nationality, confession, mother tongue, place of birth), which makes them comparable and allows us to trace some demographic processes within the diaspora.
      The differences in the quantitative indicators of mother tongue, citizenship and nationality for 1920 and 1926 "describe" the main trends in the mobility of the Russian emigration in Bulgaria. Its main migration flow came from European Russia, followed by Ukraine (which is given separately in the censuses) and Romania (mainly Northern Dobrudja and Bessarabia).
      In terms of ethnic and national composition within it dominated the Russians, but there are other smaller in number ethnic groups (such as Bulgarians, Jews, Tatars, Armenians, Kalmyks).
      Unlike other countries Russians in Bulgaria were overwhelmingly Orthodox; other confessions of the Russian emigration to Bulgaria (Catholic, Protestant, Armenian Gregory, Muslims, Judaism) were presented with an insignificant share.
      The internal mobility of the Russian immigration within Bulgaria was in the direction of the Black Sea coast to the interior of the country (with main point of attraction Sofia and Sofia region, but also Plovdiv, Stara Zagora, Veliko Tarnovo, Shumen, Pleven) and in particular into the large urban centers, although about a third of them went to the villages.
      The gender structure of the old pre-war Russian community in Bulgaria was characterized by a balance between the sexes, which is typical of the settled communities. Within the new Russian immigration flow men significantly outnumbered women.

Впервые в полном виде публикуются мемуары Розы Георгиевны Винавер (урожд. Хишина; 1872–1951), жены Максима Моисеевича Винавера (1862–1926), видного адвоката, политического и общественного деятеля, депутата I Государственной думы, члена ЦК партии кадетов, редактора и издателя в предреволюционной России и в эмиграции.

"Autorka w swoich badaniach podjęła się ukazania wieloaspektowej historii tej placówki, która oficjalnie rozpoczęła działalność 30 X 1919 r. Do 1921 r. funkcjonowała
jako konsulat, potem w latach 1921–1923 Konsulat Honorowy RP, w latach 1923–1939 konsulat, a w 1939 r. Konsulat Generalny RP. Tak więc cezury czasowe publikacji
nie są przypadkowe, obejmują okres ponad 20 lat pracy i istnienia konsulatu, aż do zamknięcia 23 IX 1940 r. (...) Publikacja zawiera również aneksy, które obejmują cztery wybrane dokumenty: Kwestionariusz zagadnień do opracowania dla praktykantów MSZ; Organizacje/Stowarzyszenia/ Towarzystwa; Wymiana towarowa Polski z koloniami francuskimi (Algieria, Tunis, Maroko) z uwzględnieniem obrotów portu marsylskiego, natomiast ostatni: Podstawowy księgozbiór placówki konsularnej. Uzupełnieniem całości publikacji są wykaz skrótów, spis ilustracji, indeks osób, streszczenie. Autorka dobrze poradziła sobie z zasadniczym celem swojej pracy – ukazaniem zagadnień politycznych, administracyjnych, socjalnych, gospodarczych Konsulatu RP w Marsylii. Odniosła się do wszystkich spraw, jakimi zajmował się personel tej placówki. Książka Anny Ambrochowicz-Gajownik, która trafiła do czytelnika, zasługuje na wysoką ocenę. Warto ją przeczytać, gdyż niewątpliwie uzupełnia dotychczasową lukę w historiografii i stanowi cenny wkład w badania nad dziejami tej placówki". Z recenzji dr hab. Anny Pachowicz, "Dzieje Najnowsze" 2020, nr 3, s. 340-344.
"Książkę A. Ambrochowicz-Gajownik zdecydowanie warto przeczytać. Tak jak warto podkreślić wielki trud autorki związany z jej przygotowaniem. Monografia ta będzie przydatna zarówno dla specjalistów, jak i dla miłośników historii. Jeśli „czytanie to najlepszy sposób uczenia się” (Aleksander Puszkin),czytelnik po lekturze tej pracy lepiej zrozumie meandry funkcjonowania przedwojennego MSZ, specyfikę relacji polsko-francuskich w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym, ponadto pozna nieco mentalność urzędników ówczesnej epoki. Nie mam wątpliwości, że niniejsza praca to pozycja, bez której nie obejdzie się żaden badacz zainteresowany dziejami dyplomacji". z rec. dr. hab. Marcina Kruszyńskiego, "Komunizm-system-ludzie-dokumentacja" 2020, nr. 9, s. 361-366.

«Una vita proletaria» fu scritta nel 1921 dall’emigrante anarchico Bartolomeo Vanzetti in un carcere degli Stati Uniti d’America prima di essere ucciso - innocente - sulla sedia elettrica nel penitenziario di Charlestown la notte tra il 22 e il 23 agosto del 1927. L’opera ebbe un grande successo e venne pubblicata immediatamente su venti giornali americani. In Italia fu edita, per la prima volta, dal quotidiano anarchico «Umanità Nova» del 9 ottobre 1921.
È la vita di un grande Uomo, onore e vanto dell’umanità che lotta - con abnegazione e disinteresse personale - per la libertà, per la giustizia, la verità e la tolleranza. È uno straordinario e toccante documento umano e politico, nel quale un uomo, con la prospettiva di una morte per condanna, ripercorre le tappe della propria vita senza trovarvi nulla che giustifichi l’ingiustizia che, insieme a Nicola Sacco, sta patendo: non ha mai rubato, non ha mai ucciso, anzi, ha speso la propria esistenza lottando per condizioni migliori di vita per tutta l’umanità.
Ma Sacco e Vanzetti erano due emigranti, per di più anarchici e italiani.
Solo per questa «colpa» furono condannati a morte e la «civile» America restò sorda a tutti gli appelli che arrivavano da ogni parte del mondo (tranne dall’Italia fascista) per chiedere la revisione del processo e per provare l’estraneità al delitto del quale erano stati accusati e il riconoscimento dell’innocenza dei due lavoratori italiani.
Con cinquant’anni di ritardo, nel 1977, gli Stati Uniti d’America hanno riconosciuto ufficialmente l’errore giudiziario, riabilitando i due anarchici, ritenuti innocenti già all’indomani del processo dai lavoratori di tutto il mondo, che si batterono con passione, rabbia e invincibile speranza per strapparli alle mani assassine del boia.
Una vita proletaria è la vita di un onesto lavoratore che sfida gli Stati Uniti d’America e li mette in ginocchio, anche se alla fine, dopo lunghi anni di lotta e di resistenza, viene ucciso.
Con la loro vicenda, Sacco e Vanzetti hanno segnato una pagina indelebile nella storia degli uomini liberi e - ancora oggi - sono, in tutto il mondo, simboli imperituri della libertà e della giustizia calpestata e negata.
Con l’autobiografia di Vanzetti viene pubblicato anche un raro, inedito e appassionante resoconto dello stesso Vanzetti sui retroscena del processo di Plymouth, tradotto dall’inglese in italiano per la prima volta, insieme alla coraggiosa e avvincente arringa difensiva che lo trasforma da accusato in accusatore.  Sono dei documenti di cultura politica, proletaria e rivoluzionaria, della quale Vanzetti non si pente, ma accusa il potere e la giustizia dell’infame persecuzione che lui e il suo compagno di sventura hanno patito solo perché anarchici e italiani. Queste, le loro uniche colpe!
Nel libro, oltre all’arringa difensiva di Nicola Sacco, sono presenti alcune delle ultime e struggenti lettere che i due martiri scrissero dal carcere ai loro compagni e ai loro familiari, nelle quali - come in tutte le azioni della loro vita - continuano a parlare il linguaggio dell’amore, della speranza, dell’anarchia e della libertà.
Volume a cura di Luigi Botta, con la prefazione di Giuseppe Galzerano. La copertina è di Antonio Zuccarello.

La partecipazione dell'Italia al primo conflitto bellico mondiale impone sin da subito agli emigrati stabilitisi in altre nazioni di rientrare in patria per rispondere alla chiamata di leva. L'amministrazione statale paga il viaggio in bastimento e promette il ricongiungimento alle famiglie. Assicura che la guerra altro non è che una passeggiata. Ma tempo due giorni dal rientro, gli emigrati vengono spediti in trincea e ben pochi fanno infine ritorno a casa. In conseguenza a ciò cresce e si sviluppa, in patria ma anche e soprattutto tra gli italiani all'estero, un movimento antimilitarista che nello specifico, negli Stati Uniti, si pone l'obiettivo di convincere i più a non far ritorno in Italia.
Nel Nord America il nucleo che con maggiore attivismo si oppone al richiamo militare ruota intorno al giornale anarchico «Cronaca Sovversiva», un ebdomadario settimanale che si pubblica, prima in Vermont e poi in Massachusetts, a partire dal 1903. Ne è animatore Luigi Galleani, un attivista sovversivo la cui battaglia a tuttotondo contro il potere si esplica nei modi della contesa politica e sociale e con mezzi, se necessari, anche violenti. Il giornale è un riferimento per gli operai italiani ed uno strumento che, attraverso i Circoli di Studi Sociali diffusi sul territorio, entra in contatto con le realtà più umili di tutte quelle città che ospitano i connazionali.
È un veicolo importante che può raggiungere lo scopo. Così allo scoppio della guerra un appello firmato dalle madri di Palermo e pubblicato col titolo «Figli, non tornate!» si trasforma nell'inizio di una battaglia contro la guerra e contro la chiamata alla leva, italiana prima e statunitense poi. Trasformato in manifesto, diffuso ovunque in circa centomila copie, l'appello sollecita alla renitenza e promuove indirettamente la pubblicazione di lettere che, inviate dall'Italia da madri, mogli, sorelle ed amici, trovano spazio sulla «Cronaca Sovversiva», la maggior parte in apposita rubrica titolata «Dalle trincee e dai focolari».
Sono lettere inviate ai familiari oltre Oceano, con molti riferimenti personali e tante notizie sugli sviluppi bellici in Italia. Accomunate quasi tutte da un accorato appello, «costi quel che costi», a rifiutare le subdole lusinghe, a non ritornare in Italia e tenersi lontani dal massacro del fronte orientale. Il libro le raccoglie tutte (sono 233), le ordina, le commenta, indagando, quando possibile, le persone che le hanno spedite, quelle che le hanno ricevute e quelle che le hanno inoltrate al settimanale per la loro pubblicazione.
L'operazione del giornale anarchico dà i suoi frutti. I dati ufficiali indicano in 470.000 (anche se il numero reale viene ovunque indicato come decisamente superiore) le persone che hanno scelto la renitenza, la maggior parte delle quali domiciliate all'estero ed in particolare nell'America del Nord. Di questo atto di disubbidienza ed irriverenza vengono accusati, in particolare, i sovversivi e gli anarchici (che ne sono, di fatto, i responsabili) e, con essi, il loro ebdomadario settimanale «Cronaca Sovversiva». L'«Espionage Act» prima, il «Sedition Act» e l'«Anarchist Exclusion Act» poi, impongono drastiche misure repressive che portano alla chiusura del giornale di Luigi Galleani nel 1918 ed alla sua espulsione dagli Stati Uniti con destinazione Italia, insieme ad altri 36 anarchici, nel 1919, ed alla successiva deportazione, nel 1920, di altri 314 sovversivi e, nel 1921, di ulteriori 446 indesiderati politici, la maggior parte dei quali finiti poi, in patria, al confino forzato.

Следвоенната двумилионна руска "бяла" емиграция се нарежда сред наймасовите миграции през ХХ в. и представлява най-многочислената политическа емиграция, превъзхождаща дори най-големите трудови миграции в Европа 1 . Тя е едно от най-значимите демографски явления и в България през междувоенния период, което при това се свързва с опита за модернизацията на страната в началото на 20-те години 2 . През 1920 г. руските поданици представляват 23% от чуженците в България, а през 1926 г. поради нарастващия имиграционен поток от Русия те са вече 36%. Количествените ѝ измерения в брой са 8646 души с руско поданство през 1920 г. и 19698 души през 1926 г., 9080 души с руска народност през 1920 г. и 19706 души през 1926 г. Съществени изследователски проблеми са какъв трудов ресурс представляват руските емигранти за следвоенна България, в кои браншове на българската икономика се вписват те, каква е социалната им адаптация (и мобилност) с оглед на обществени прослойки и професионални групи. Те са важни и затова, защото са пряко свързани със самия миграционен процес на русите, а и от устройването им на работа зависи до голяма степен тяхната интеграция в българското общество: подходящата трудова заетост, отговаряща на образованието им и на предишната им трудова реализация в родината-майка, наличието на възможности за кариерен растеж са предпоставка за трайното им заселване в България, и съответно липсата на такава -за по-нататъшната им миграция. Според сръбския изследовател М. Йованович приемните за русите страни биват два вида -страни, стремящи се да използват трудовия и интелектуалния потенциал на имигрантите, което в известна степен намалява тяхната низходяща социална мобилност (Югославия, България, Чехословакия, САЩ), и други, които ръководейки се от собствени съображения, не се стараят особено да го използват 3 . Подробности за трудовата реализация на отделни руски имигранти или руски имигрантски групи (каквито са, например, занаятчийте, работещи в "руските мастерски") откриваме в богатата (специализирана и неспециализирана) литература за руското присъствие в България през междувоенния период, особено що се отнася до творческите изяви на изтъкнати личности из средите на руската бежанска интелигенция. Забравени са обаче масите -представители на ниските и средните обществени прослойки -хора, които (както образно се изразява А. Лунин) "пристигат в страната като пяна, изнесена от бурята на гражданската война", на възраст между 40 и 60 години, незнаещи езика, без семейства, без средства, без специалност, с която да намерят приложение в българския икономически живот" 4 .

Making decision in order to set off for international destinations is hardly independent of potential economic benefit that spawns in the form of remittances. The primary motivations for migration from developing countries are generally linked to economic opportunities overseas and sharing part of this newly acquired economic opportunity with family members remained behind (Skeldon, 1997; Faist, 2000; Oda, 2004; Piper 2007; de Haas, 2010b; Ullah, 2010; Sirkeci et al., 2012; Rajan, 2012; Adams et al., 2012). Remittance __ one of the direct outcomes of international migration __ is the most beneficial private transactions in the global economy. This often stems from relatively developed economies and goes to the migrant households located in the developing economies. The South Asian region draws nearly one-fourth of global remittance volume that contributes on average to over ten percent of GDP of South Asian countries. This remarkable amount and its potential for development to South Asia justify this volume. By focusing on the manners and means by which the South Asian migrant communities remit back to their countries and the implications of remittances for recipient families and communities, the chapters of this volume seek to contribute to expanding scholarship in the field of remittance.  This volume advances research on migrant remittance in South Asia by shedding light on three key areas: (i) theoretical and conceptual developments, (ii) remittance transfers, and (iii) the implications of migrant remittances for development in South Asia. Some questions that this volume particularly attempts to address are as follows: What remittances exactly refer to? Is the understanding of remittances limited to the fact that transfers of money from migrants to their family members at home? What are the determinants of remittances? What are the channels used and in place to transfer remittances? Why do a considerable number of migrants resort to remit through informal channels in South Asia, despite risks involved? A central element in nearly all discussions of remittances is the question of what their impact is --socially, economically and politically. Are they simply used for consumption? Are they used for productive investment and, if so, how is productive investement perceived? What role does gender play in the remittance use? What is the role of remittances in the SME development in South Asia? How are remittances of deceased migrant recovered and made available to their family members in South Asia? How do remittances affect fertility behavior in South Asia? Who are the family members who receive them, and what are their expectations and how different are the migrants’ expectations from the users)? These questions weave through the chapters of this volume.

All'indomani dell'uccisione di Sacco e Vanzetti il governo statunitense tentò di cancellare il ricordo della vicenda distruggendo una gran mole di documenti e dando alle fiamme tutte le pellicole riguardanti il caso. Anche il filmato del corteo funebre dei due anarchici, che pure era stato oggetto di diverse riprese lungo le strade di Boston, scomparirà per decenni e poco chiara andrà delineandosi la vicenda legata al rientro in Italia delle loro ceneri. Questo libro e il dvd allegato ricostruiscono alcuni passaggi oscuri dell'atto finale di una tragedia collettiva, restituendoci in presa diretta la cronaca di quei giorni. Introduzione di Giovanni Vanzetti, contributi di Robert D'Attilio e Jerry Kaplan. Il dvd allegato -a cura di Fabiana Antonioli con musiche di Sergio Bertani- contiene il filmato «The March of Sorrow» e un'intervista a Luigi Botta.

Выпускавшийся русскими эмигрантами в Нью-Йорке журнал «Опыты» был одним из центров послевоенной литературной жизни русского зарубежья. Приводится библиографическая аннотированная роспись содержания всех девяти номеров в хронологической последовательности выхода и со сплошной нумерацией.

Weltweit gibt es mehr als 100 deutschsprachige evangelische Kirchengemeinden, die mit der Evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland (EKD) vertraglich verbunden sind. Viele dieser sogenannten Auslandsgemeinden bestehen schon seit Jahrzehnten, einige sogar seit Jahrhunderten, während andere erst in letzter Zeit gegründet wurden. Unter ihnen gibt es sowohl klassische Migranten- als auch Minderheitengemeinden. Was bewegt evangelische Christen solche Gemeinden aufzubauen oder ihnen beizutreten? Was sind die Herausforderungen für deutschsprachige evangelische Gemeinden außerhalb Deutschlands? Welche Chancen haben sie? Welche Modelle von Auslandsgemeinden gibt es? Und wie sind solche Gemeindeformen aus biblischer Sicht zu beurteilen? Um diese Fragen soll es in diesem Buch gehen.

Nicola Guerra’s essay deals with the recent Italian migration to Finland. The author examines why a growing number of young people has moved to Finland in the last ten years and many young Italians look to the Scandinavian country with a desire to settle there soon. The investigation of the driving forces behind
the flow is accomplished through the semantic analysis of the migrants’ narratives. The study places the reasons for the exodus within the social and economic settings that characterize the two European nations. Guerra identifies the quality of life, rather than the opportunity to get a job matching one’s
educational qualification, as the reason for the decision to migrate.

In one of the first volumes to address social work practice with this emergent and often marginalized population, practitioners and scholars specializing in transnational issues develop a framework for transnational social work practice. They begin with the historical and environmental context of transnational practice and explore the psychosocial, economic, environmental, and political factors that affect at-risk and vulnerable transnational groups. They then detail practical strategies, supplemented with case examples, for working with transnational populations utilizing this population's existing strengths. They conclude with recommendations for incorporating transnational social work into the curriculum.

presented at People and Things on the Move conference, Thursday, 2015 May 14 - Saturday, May 16, Neubauer Collegium, The Chicago University. http://neubauercollegium.uchicago.edu/events/uc/people_and_things/

This paper seeks to contribute to defining what an “imaginary museum” of the experience of exile might be. The choice of the term “exile” to define the major form of contemporary displacement is paradigmatic: it aims to decenter gazes and interpretations and to rethink its presentation through two principal parameters: the extension of the museographic perimeter and the establishment of relations, described here through different examples, material and fictional.

This article examines the material culture of migration, focusing on migrants’ house-making projects in their countries of birth. In particular, it examines the houses built or refurbished by Albanians in their home-country, which is no longer their place of permanent residence. This is a widespread phenomenon in Albania, but it is also a frequently appearing practice amongst other international migrants. Why do migrants living outside their home-countries build houses there even though they do not plan to return? I seek to answer this question in the case of Albania by focusing empirically on the process of constructing these houses, rather than merely on the material entity of the house
as such. I propose that such ‘house-making’ by Albanian migrants is not only a simple house-building process; it also ensures a constant dwelling and dynamic ‘proxy’ presence for
migrants in their community of origin. These ethnographic observations have further significance for the anthropological study of both houses and international migration.

In 1944, Lvov was liberated from the German occupation by the Soviet Army. The Lem family moved then from Zielona Street to Sykstuska Street, as the apartment on Brajerowska Street was then taken by someone else. Stanisław Lem resumed then his interrupted studies at the Lvov Medical Institute, where he was admitted for the second year of studies. He worked scientifically as a junior assistant (volunteer) at the Chair of Normal Physiology of the Lvov Medical Institute under the supervision of Professor Anatol Markovitch Vorobiov, former assistant of the Nobel Prize winner Ivan Pavlov. At that time, he was working on the issue of infrared radiation as an indicator of the functioning of the central nervous system, and he also began experimental research on the topic “Possibilities of creating a galvanic conditioned reflex in a frog” . He also received from the Soviet authorities a scholarship of 150 roubles per month for his excellent results in study and research.

J OSÉ C. MIGRATED from Portugal to Argentina in 1950. In his native Malcata, in the county of Sabugal, located between the Serra de Estrela and the Spanish border, José worked in the family mill, making flour with rye, wheat, and corn he collected in nearby towns. His family also owned several plots of land where José and his siblings worked. They could live on what they produced, but money was scarce. To supplement their economies, it was common for village men to buy a daily permit to make charcoal in a large estate located on the Spanish side of the border. After a day's work, however, the pay left barely enough to buy another permit. Looking for economic alternatives, José decided to leave behind his wife and small son to work in a highway construction team near Lisbon. Much of his earnings were used on food he had to cook himself and on rent for a space in a large shed where he slept with the other workers. After almost three months, José was back in the village with little to show for his efforts. Having exhausted the local options, emigration seemed the best alternative, for it had been a common labor strategy for village men for at least two generations. By the early 1950s, most migrants in continental Portugal were leaving for Brazil, and a new destination was emerging beyond the Pyrenees for those willing to risk the uncertainty of clandestine migration known as the salto or jump. But the most familiar destination in Malcata was Argentina, where José's father-like many other men in the village in the early twentieth century-had migrated several times. José favored the security of a well-known destination and followed in his father's footsteps. The place of settlement in Argentina was also clear: it was the rural town of Salliqueló, in the western pampas, where his father had worked and where he had relatives who could assist him in arranging the necessary documentation, and in finding a job and accommodations for his family.

Projekty przymusowej emigracji Żydów z Europy stanowiły składnik nowoczesnego antysemityzmu, Polska nie była w tej kwestii wyjątkiem. Pod wpływem przykładu państw wprowadzających ustawodawstwo antyżydowskie radykalizował się również polski antysemityzm. Po 1935 roku, wraz ze zmianą polityki rządu polskiego z państwowej na narodową, takie postulaty zaczęto głosić otwarcie.
Kategoryczne żądania, aby Żydzi wyjechali z Polski, pojawiły się w drugiej połowie lat trzydziestych. Co prawda, wiele środowisk już od dawna stawiało sobie za cel Polskę wolną od Żydów, a dojście nazistów do władzy w Niemczech tylko je w nim umocniło. Na łamach prasy narodowej pojawiały się artykuły – od 1930 roku coraz liczniejsze – pozytywnie oceniające antyżydowskie posunięcia hitlerowskiej polityki i stawiające je za wzór dla Polski. Nie bez wpływu na postulaty emigracji żydowskiej pozostawała narastająca liczba uciekinierów z Niemiec, którzy po 1933 roku szukali schronienia również w Polsce.
Światowy kryzys gospodarczy spowodował natomiast, że pomysł ten zaczęto traktować poważniej nie tylko w kręgach narodowo-katolickich. W emigracji żydowskiej zaczęto widzieć sposób na zmniejszenie bezrobocia i „spolszczenie” polskich miast przez rzesze biednych chłopów, którzy wówczas mogliby zająć ich miejsce w handlu i rzemiośle.
Początkowo najbardziej oczywistym kierunkiem emigracji Żydów wydawała się Palestyna. Z czasem, z powodu ograniczeń wprowadzonych przez rząd brytyjski, a także ze względu na rzekome zagrożenie czy profanację miejsc kultu religijnego, zaczęto zdawać sobie sprawę z konieczności znalezienia nowych terenów, które byłyby w stanie pomieścić tak dużą liczbę Żydów. Emigrantom żydowskim najchętniej proponowano kraje niecywilizowane – wśród nich słynny Madagaskar (francuską kolonię) – ze względu na to, że ich teren był albo w ogóle niewykorzystany, albo tylko w stopniu niedostatecznym czy też niewystarczającym.
W swojej książce autorka stara się odpowiedzieć na ważne pytania dotyczące stosunków polsko-żydowskich, nie szukając łatwych odpowiedzi. Jakie inne kierunki emigracji żydowskiej były brane pod uwagę? Jakie było stanowisko środowisk opiniotwórczych – politycznych liderów i polskiego duchowieństwa – wobec tych koncepcji? Co myśleli sami Żydzi o polskich planach?

Moya-Maleno, P.R. (2018): “Del Tío Honorio al Tío de la Vara: la estigmatización del Folklore como fuente (pre)histórica a través del ‘catetismo” mediático’”, en F.J. Moya Maleno y P.R. Moya Maleno (eds.): Pedro Echevarría Bravo. Músicas y etnomusicología en La Mancha. RECM Extra 2. Centro de Estudios del Campo de Montiel. Almedina. pp. 345-404. ISBN: 978-84-09-05183-0. DOI: https://doi.org/10.30823/recm.0201896.

En 2006, la American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) a émis une résolution appelant à une plus grande collaboration entre syndicats et centres d'appui aux travailleurs. Dans cet article, nous nous appuyons sur l'expérience de la fédération pour illustrer la convergence de plus en plus importante des syndicats et des centres d'appui aux travailleurs et travailleuses vers des changements structurels économiques et politiques au cours des dernières décennies. Nous soutenons que les centres d'appui aux travailleurs et travailleuses, en tant que stratégie de mouvement social en faveur d'une nouvelle économie, et les syndicats, en tant qu'institutions conçues pour obtenir des gains en négociation, ont chacun des impératifs organisationnels potentiellement générateurs de conflits. Par une collaboration fructueuse, cependant, ces deux tendances du mouvement ouvrier ont le potentiel de redéfinir les stratégies d'organisation du 21e siècle et d'accroître ainsi l'influence des travailleuses et travailleurs. À partir de la résolution de 2006, nous présentons cinq études de cas de partenariat syndicat-communauté et soulignons les progrès encourageants qui en sont le produit. Abstract In 2006, the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) issued a resolution calling for increased collaboration between organized labour and worker centres. Drawing from the federation's experience, this article traces the growing convergence of organized labour and worker centres to structural economic and political shifts in the past decades. It holds that worker centres, as a movement-based strategy for a new economy, and labour unions, as institutions built to secure bargaining victories, could potentially conflict in their organizational imperatives. However, through successful collaboration, these two trends in the labour movement could reshape organizing strategies in the 21 st century to better leverage worker power. From the 2006 resolution, we present five case studies of labour-community partnerships to highlight encouraging developments.

This article presents the passport policy of communist Poland, from the late 1940s to 1980. In the late 1940s, the policy and the institutions that implemented it were given objectives and forms similar to those in the USSR. This Soviet-type policy was in principle a non-exit policy; issuing a passport was an exception that required a solid justification. However, after 1953, following the Soviet Thaw, Polish leaders gradually relaxed the restrictions on exit, which allowed for massive outflows, mainly to Germany and Israel, and for development of temporary mobility, mainly within the Soviet bloc. In late 1950s, the Polish party restricted the emigration but it did not return to the Stalin-era non-exit model. The party developed a new, complex passport policy, which favorably viewed mobility within the bloc and was selective toward travel to the West. This allowed international mobility to expand to a mass scale and become part of the lived experience of millions of Poles. The police apparatus that implemented the policy also expanded and evolved into a complex bureaucratic machinery, but to its end it combined the features of a Weberian bureaucracy with the characteristics of a revolutionary, extralegal “secular arm of the party.”

This is penultimate version of the paper published in East European Politics & Societies vol. 29 n. 1, 2015, ss. 96-119

This article draws on life history interviews of undocumented Mexican high school and university students from rural communities in central and eastern Washington. Although these youngsters face similar impediments to those of their
metropolitan counterparts, we find that they face a constellation of rural disadvantage. We highlight three important, interrelated, aspects: negative exposure to immigration enforcement activities, limited opportunities for educational assistance and poor community infrastructures to promote educational success. As undocumented young people
across the country navigate the day-to-day challenges of their legal limitations, scholars, policymakers and educators would be well served to take into consideration the ways in which local contexts differently shape pathways of incorporation.

At the beginning of the 20th century, lots of young and promising Russian architects travelled to Italy, interpreting gained experience in projects and buildings (V.F. Shuko, I.A. Fomin), and some of them even had building practices there (A. Schusev). After the October Revolution of 1917 many actors of creative professions leaved Russia, but the architects were in the minority among immigrants and only a few of them settled (A.Y. Beloborodov, L.M. Brailovsky) or constantly worked (G.K. Lukomsky) in Italy. The paper tries to analyze the careers of the mentioned and other architects, to describe the particular circumstances of their work in the conditions of emigration, to determine their place in the Italian and international professional culture of that time.