Elites and Society

Cette thèse parle d’Hommes, d’art et de société. Elle traite de l’histoire d’un banquier Juif ashkénaze né à Bonn en 1804 et de ses descendants. À travers l’étude de douze demeures et de leurs collections, elle raconte l’histoire d’une dynastie d’entrepreneurs qui, de l’ancien Ghetto de Bonn – 821 rue des Juifs – rejoignit le sommet de la haute société européenne. Portraiturés par Léon Bonnat, Carolus-Duran et Renoir, Meyer Joseph Cahen d’Anvers et ses enfants Édouard, Emma, Louis, Raphaël et Albert vécurent les conséquences de l’Affaire Dreyfus, s’efforçant d’exprimer la plénitude de leurs droits civils à travers la sociabilité et le mécénat. Dans leurs salons, en ville et à la campagne, les lecteurs croiseront les pas de Guy de Maupassant, Paul Bourget, Marcel Proust et César Franck, ou encore de Gabriele D’Annunzio et Matilde Serao. Au château de Champs-sur-Marne, à Torre Alfina et dans les autres demeures de la famille les architectes Destailleur et Giuseppe Partini, ou encore les paysagistes Henri et Achille Duchêne, surent plier la « grammaire » du Moyen Âge, de la Renaissance et du XVIIIe siècle au goût et aux ambitions de leurs commanditaires.

https://www.lgdj.fr/les-cahen-d-anvers-en-france-et-en-italie-9782370323743.html

These poems, composed in Somali and in English, provide a poetic reflection of the recently emerged debate on the theme of Caddaan Studies which means "White Studies". The criticism and counter-criticism contained in the debate dug so deep into life nerve of Somali Studies that over a thousand people participated. The poems, under the title "Inaugurating Caddaan Studies" were composed with a critical observation of the debate.

The role of higher education systems in the formation and reproduction of governing elites, and their countervailing potential for the creation of a more egalitarian, or meritocratic, society, has been an enduring subject of concern, debate and research. Many of these debates are made all the more difficult by our inability to directly compare elite formation systems within and between countries and over time. To resolve these problems, this paper employs elite formation quantitative indices to directly and transparently compare elite formation systems, namely the role of higher education systems in political elite formation over three quarters of a century in two countries. Specifically, the paper compares the influence, exclusiveness and eliteness of the Irish and British higher education systems in the production of their respective governing political elites in the 75 years between 1937 and 2012.

This chapter summarizes the findings of the book Cordero, Guillermo and Xavier Coller, (eds)(2018), Democratizing Candidates Selection. New Methods, Old Receipts?, London: Palgrave.ISBN: 978-3-319-76550-1.

This is a book about the effects of candidate selection when considering Intra-Party Democracy (IPD) practices. The book initiates with a discussion of primaries and its extension to semi-presidential democracies, and it soon deals with four usually uncovered and relevant topics on the effects of implementing inclusive methods on candidate selection—the use of internet and its potential to foster oligarchic tensions in parties; the study of MPs discourses about how they were selected and how it should be changed; the effects of different methods of candidate selection on the social profile of MPs; and the impact of candidate selection on discipline in parliamentary behavior. Taken together, all these chapters touch upon several corners of Michels’ Iron Law of Oligarchy qualifying or reinforcing it.

The Tweed Ring spawned a vibrant financial sector that was integral to its brief success but has never been previously examined. William “Boss” Tweed and his allies employed banks controlled or comanaged by Tammany politicians to embezzle funds, build political alliances, and invest in a wide array of business ventures. The capital of these savings and commercial banks—city money, deposits from Catholic charities, and the savings of immigrant laborers—was accumulated through political channels. During their operation between 1867 and 1871, politician-bankers engaged in a mix of patronage deals and profit-driven financial speculation. In effect, Tammany banks were ground zero for the Ring's conversion of political hegemony into a windfall of economic capital that fueled party activities and buoyed personal fortunes. Importantly, the anti-Ring mobilization by upper-class reformers was more than a revolt of wealthy taxpayers concerned with abstract goals of good government or rescuing city credit; it was also a reaction by old-line bankers in direct competition with Tammany upstarts. A dramatic bank run catalyzed by reformers in November 1871 drove them into bankruptcy, bringing this novel experiment in political capitalism to an end.

Title:
A long march through cultural institutions. Politics of the United Right and the exchange of elites in the state’s new cultural order after 2015

Abstract

This text aims to analyse the project of elite change implemented by the United Right in Poland in the  eld of cultural production. The authors argue that culture is recognized by right-wing politicians and intellectuals as a particularly important way of legitimizing its domination also in other  fields. The special role of culture can be interpreted by the nature of the public sphere in Poland and the importance of the intelligentsia, who converted cultural capital into other types of capital (the political, the social, and especially the symbolic capital). The authors argue that the replacement of cultural elites serves the revision of history and assertion of power. Although, the elite change project is conducted not only within the cultural  field, however, the latter is seen as a particularly important for the right-wing intelligentsia. We argue, that this exchange is based on the long-formulated announcements and is justified by the right-wing intellectuals and politicians who argue for a traditional, Polish model of culture. However, it also conceals political goals. The main goals of the replacement are to change the old elites with people favouring new order and, in the long run, to form right-wing elites, who, referring to the one-dimensional model of culture, will play a hegemonic role in the social life.

Focusing exclusively on external forces risks producing an over-generalized account of a ubiquitous neoliberalism, which insufficiently accounts for the profusion of local variegations that currently comprise the neoliberal project as a series of articulations with existing political economic circumstances. Although neoliberal economics were initially promoted in the global south through the auspices of structural adjustment programs designed by the International Financial Institutions, powerful global south elites were only too happy to oblige. Neoliberalism frequently reveals opportunities for well-connected government officials to informally control market and material rewards, allowing them to easily line their own pockets. It is in this sense of the local appropriation of neoliberal ideas that scholars must go beyond conceiving of ‘neoliberalism-in-general’ as a singular and fully realized policy regime, ideological form, or regulatory framework, and work towards conceiving a plurality of ‘actually existing neoliberalisms’ with particular characteristics arising from mutable geohistorical outcomes that are embedded within national, regional, and local process of market-driven socio-spatial transformation. What constitutes ‘actually existing’ neoliberalism in Cambodia as distinctly Cambodian is the ways in which the patronage system has allowed local elites to co-opt, transform, and (re)articulate neoliberal reforms through a framework that ‘asset strips’ public resources, thereby increasing peoples’ exposure to corruption, coercion, and violence. It is to such an 'articulation agenda' that this article attends, as in seeking to provide a more nuanced reading to recent work on neoliberalism in Cambodia by outlining some of its salient characteristics, I reveal a more empirical basis to theorizations of ‘articulated neoliberalism’.

Ο όρος πολιτικές ελίτ, μολονότι κυρίαρχος στον σύγχρονο πολιτικό λόγο, στερείται μιας ξεκάθαρης ερμηνείας. Οι θεωρίες για τις ελίτ για ένα μεγάλο χρονικό
διάστημα δεν έτυχαν της δέουσας προσοχής ως αποτέλεσμα μιας σειράς ιστορικών, κοινωνικών και πολιτικών παραγόντων.

Τι εννοούμε με τον όρο ελίτ; Σε ποιους τομείς της κοινωνίας εντοπίζονται και πώς επηρεάζουν τις πολιτικές αποφάσεις; Πώς αναδεικνύονται και πώς αναπαράγονται; Και, τέλος, τι υποδηλώνει η ύπαρξή τους για τη λειτουργία των σύγχρονων αντιπροσωπευτικών δημοκρατιών;

Σκοπός του βιβλίου είναι να παρουσιάσει τις κυριότερες θεωρίες για τις πολιτικές ελίτ, έτσι όπως διαμορφώνονται από τα τέλη του 19ου αιώνα έως τις μέρες μας. O αναγνώστης θα έρθει σε επαφή με το έργο θεωρητικών στοχαστών όπως ο Mosca, o Pareto, ο Michels, o Lasswell, o Mills, η Keller κ.ά.

Αυτό το σύγγραμμα επιδιώκει να καλύψει ένα κενό που υπάρχει στην ελληνική βιβλιογραφία αναφορικά με τις θεωρίες για τις πολιτικές ελίτ και παράλληλα να συμβάλει στην επιστημονική συζήτηση για τον ρόλο που διαδραματίζουν οι σύγχρονες πολιτικές ηγεσίες στη διαμόρφωση του πολιτικού φαινομένου.

La nobleza austriaca (Österreichischer Adel) presenta en su formación similitudes con la nobleza germánica del Sacro Romano Imperio, al que Austria perteneció durante largos siglos (1273/1806). Sin embargo, se diferencia esencialmente de ella en que en Austria solo hubo un ente soberano, el Duque y después Archiduque, en el que durante siglos recayó también la corona imperial. El Archiduque era la máxima autoridad y a él debía lealtad toda la nobleza austriaca, ya que no existieron nunca dentro de sus tierras entes dotados de soberanía propia, como era frecuente en otras partes del Imperio.La antigua nobleza de cuño feudal dependía de él por un pacto de vasallaje, mientras que él tenía la exclusividad de crear nuevos nobles mediante una Adelsbrief (Carta de Nobleza). Así se sucedieron los ennoblecimientos desde 1453 a 1918

Dos pinturas del Perú virreinal se encuentran en los fondos del MUBAM (Museo de Bellas Artes de Murcia, España), los retratos de José Antonio de Lavalle y Cortés, conde de Premio Real, y su esposa Mariana Zuasti Ortiz de Foronda. Estos fueron destacados personajes de la sociedad limeña de fines del siglo XVIII, quienes dada su fortuna y favores a la Corona española lograron situarse en la más alta esfera del poder. En este trabajo vinculamos estas obras al pintor peruano José Joaquín Bermejo, mulato y maestro mayor del arte de la pintura, quien supo reflejar a través de la postura e indumentaria el poder social alcanzado por este matrimonio.
http://hdl.handle.net/10433/7766

Les élites arabes et leur rôles dans le développement-Large contribution d'un chef de file de la pensée arabe moderne : AEK ABID Préambule J'ai sélectionné ce travail d'équipe parce qu'il porte les empreintes de Aek Abid dont la continuité apparait dans son ouvrage publié récemment sur le site culturel mlfcham, le lien est : Voici les mots-clés dans ce document très précieux que vous trouverez dans ce travail d'équipe et qui démontrent continuité et convergence dans l'esprit de Aek Abid : Recadrage, relations interpersonnelles, institutions politiques et démocratie ; Cela nous ramène à cette conclusion : « « La disponibilité soudaine d'un savoir largement supérieur en propulsant notre pensée en avant sans le bénéfice d'une assimilation cohérente et progressive de toutes les étapes intermédiaires ayant amené ce résultat peut avoir des conséquences véritablement malheureuses (école de Palo Alto)». Le danger pour les pays arabes est de ne pas pouvoir s'intégrer dans une phase de transition entre la société actuelle et la société future, par manque de contribution de leurs élites dont le travail préparatoire est souligné dans ce document : il suffit de le lire puis de l'appliquer avant que ce soit trop tard. Amin Elsaleh – 17/06/2018 CRASC Centre national de recherche en anthropologie sociale et culturelle Division de recherche « socio anthropologie de l'éducation et des systèmes de formation » Projet de recherche N°132/P.E/CRASC/11 du 01/07/11 au 30/06/2014

The Illuminati (plural of Latin illuminatus, 'enlightened') is a name given to several groups, both real and fictitious.
Historically, the name usually refers to the Bavarian Illuminati, an Enlightenment-era secret society founded on 1 May 1776 in Bavaria, today part of Germany.
The society's goals were to oppose superstition, obscurantism, religious influence over public life, and abuses of state power. "The order of the day," they wrote in their general statutes, "is to put an end to the machinations of the purveyors of injustice, to control them without dominating them." The Illuminati—along with Freemasonry and other secret societies—were outlawed through edict by Charles Theodore, Elector of Bavaria with the encouragement of the Catholic Church, in 1784, 1785, 1787, and 1790.
In the following several years, the group was vilified by conservative and religious critics who claimed that they continued underground and were responsible for the French Revolution.

Many influential intellectuals and progressive politicians counted themselves as members, including Ferdinand of Brunswick and the diplomat Franz Xaver von Zwackh [de], who was the Order's second-in-command. It attracted literary men such as Johann Wolfgang von Goethe and Johann Gottfried Herder and the reigning Duke of Gotha and of Weimar.

In subsequent use, "Illuminati" has referred to various organisations which have claimed or have been claimed to be connected to the original Bavarian Illuminati or similar secret societies, though these links have been unsubstantiated. These organisations have often been alleged to conspire to control world affairs, by masterminding events and planting agents in government and corporations, in order to gain political power and influence and to establish a New World Order. Central to some of the more widely known and elaborate conspiracy theories, the Illuminati have been depicted as lurking in the shadows and pulling the strings and levers of power in dozens of novels, films, television shows, comics, video games, and music videos.

Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, 2021. Prólogo a la segunda edición.
Más información: https://ediciones.unq.edu.ar/639-la-alta-sociedad-en-la-buenos-aires-de-la-belle-epoque.html?goal=0_bf8ce23af5-e2710922b2-1366559489&mc_cid=e2710922b2&mc_eid=6d8b840c7e

A lo largo de nuestra Historia, el concepto de Nobleza en España ha ido evolucionando y adaptándose a las circunstancias de cada periodo; Es por ello que, si analizamos la formación y evolución histórica de la nobleza española, podemos distinguir cuatro fases:
1ª) Fase Heroica: Es el período que transcurre entre el comienzo de la Reconquista con la Batalla de Covadonga (722) y el fin de la misma con la toma por los Reyes Católicos del reino nazarita de Granada (1492).
2ª)  Fase Aristocrática: Es el período que comienza con la entrada de los Habsburgo y termina con las Cortes de Cádiz de 1812 en las que se declara formalmente que todos los españoles son iguales ante la ley, desapareciendo los señoríos jurisdiccionales y el dictado de Señor y vasallo.
3ª) Fase Honorífica: Surge como resultado del principio de igualdad ante la ley, impuesto en 1812 por las Cortes de Cádiz que conducirá a la Confusión de Estados y la supresión de las últimas instancias reservadas a la Nobleza, tanto en la Milicia, como en la Administración Pública o en la Enseñanza.
4º) fase Testimonial: En la actualidad la condición nobiliaria se ha retirado de la vida pública y se ha convertido en algo reservado a la intimidad de cada persona, como una preciosa tradición de servicio al reino. Manifestándose a través de una Nobleza Titulada y una Nobleza Corporativa.

Anthropology tends not to be associated with the study of elites, notwithstanding that investigating elites ethnographically has much to contribute to our understanding of power. To facilitate this pursuit, however, a good understanding of who can be defi ned as members of an elite is helpful. A narrow group of only those persons directly in command, or a wider group including, for example, the elite's family members? By means of investigating the Franco-Mauritians, the white elite of the island of Mauritius, this article aims to explain why it matters to pay attention to the diff erences between narrower and broader defi nitions.

Durante los tiempos medievales España se caracterizó por tener una nobleza guerrera que debe su posición a la fuerza de su espada. Tras culminada la Reconquista con la derrota del Islam invasor se instaura una monarquía cada vez más autoritaria que trata de domeñar el poder de la nobleza. Ésta se vuelve cortesana y se divide en diferentes categorías con muy diferente poder y riqueza, aunque controladas todas ellas por la Corona.

The book tells the story of the Athenian elite between 600 and 400 BCE on the basis of the imagery on the luxury pottery from which the wealthy drank at their banquets. The statistical evaluation of more than 6,000 representations lend insight into the lives of the elite as horse owners, athletes, and revellers. The image analysis is prefaced by a cultural historical section that describes the history and socio-economics of the elite.

Das Buch erzählt die Geschichte der Elite Athens zwischen 600 und 400 v. Chr. anhand der Bilder auf der Luxuskeramik, aus der die Reichen bei ihren Festen tranken. Über 6000 ausgewertete Darstellungen liefern Erkenntnisse über das Leben der Elite als Pferdehalter, Athleten und Bankettgesellschaft. Der Bildanalyse ist ein kulturgeschichtlicher Teil vorangestellt ist, der die Elite über die Historie und sozioökonomische Aspekte definiert.

The 20th Century revolved politically around competing interpretations of Capitalism, Communism, Socialism and Fascism. These are all ways to organize the lives of people on a large scale. Are real alternatives or new interpretations likely to emerge in the challenging years ahead? What might they look like?

In order to develop and use sample surveys to collect quantitative data on human, organizational and community behavior, Lazarsfeld needed a research staff and funding not normally provided by universities in the early 20th century. He devised research centers connected  to university departments  which could raise outside support from business, government departments, and social organizations, and train students in carrying out and analyzing surveys. He went beyond simple descriptive surveys to include longitudinal studies and studies of the interpersonal and organizational contexts of individuals. He also developed latent structure analysis of attitudes and behaviors to measure underlying variables.

In this introductory essay to our special issue on elites, we outline some of the major challenges to research in this area and propose a series of theoretical and methodological pathways to address them. Theoretically we make four recommendations: (a) greater attentiveness to and specificity about the relationship between elites and power; (b) a clearer articulation of the relationships between elites and the varieties of capitalism; (c) far more attention to diversity within elites and the use of elites to understand forms of domination like white supremacy and masculine domination and (d) expanding beyond the orthodox form of Bourdieusian theoretical frameworks. Methodologically we outline how research using survey instruments, social network analysis (SNA) (and multiple correspondence analysis), interviews, ethnographic observation, experiments, archival research, administrative data and content analysis can each be deployed, built upon or redirected to help bring elites into greater focus.

Corrupt exchanges are often brokered by a third party, but this phenomenon has not been satisfactorily explored by researchers of corruption. Literature on brokerage in general provides interesting models but they have not previously been applied to corrupt exchanges. Based on in-depth qualitative interviews with respondents who participated in actual corrupt transactions, this paper identifies several distinct brokerage types in low-level corruption in contemporary Hungary. The paper also provides explanation of variation in corruption brokerage in terms of actors' group affiliations, forms of the corrupt exchanges, brokerage mechanisms, as well as neutrality, benefit and motivation, risk distribution, and stability of the brokerage structure. Finally, we discuss some policy implications of corruption brokerage.

Manin se pregunta en su texto sobre la “Metamorfosis de la Representación”,  cuál es el lazo representativo entre los representantes y los representados, o en otras palabras, entre gobernantes y gobernados. A su vez, el politólogo francés se pregunta si estos lazos son sólidos, y si pueden dar cuenta de un vínculo entre estas dos partes. En una primera aproximación, Manin dirá que no.

El autor realiza su aporte a través del estudio de tres casos de gobierno(s) representativo(s): Inglaterra, Francia y los Estados Unidos. Sobre estos campos de estudio, Manin analizará sus experiencias políticas, para dar cuenta de los problemas de la representación política y de la actual crisis de la representatividad, que para el autor, es una característica de nuestro tiempo.

Forging connections between family philanthropy, new philanthropy, economic elites, inequalities and education, Pipinis addresses the performance of family philanthropy in education within the Brazilian
context. She argues analysing the philanthropy done by wealthy families is a means to understanding elite's behaviour, especially in education, and identifies three implications: a shift on what is citizenship, a proliferation of private services in education, and an unbalancing of the political arena.

Elites can be understood as a group of people in possession of the highest levels of economic, social, cultural, and political capital. For this reason, these groups are considered key actors in understanding social inequality, the configuration of social structures, and the distribution of power within societies.

In the field of education, elites tend to concentrate in a small, select group of schools and universities, forming a social context that is key to understanding processes of (social)mobility and the reproduction of social positions.

The indisputable relevance of education in both the formation and consecration of elites make it almost impossible not to focus in the educational system when one is called to problematize the power of elites.

Through a literature review surveying the available literature within the field as well as examples of previous research, principle epistemological, conceptual, and empirical frameworks necessary to address interviews with elites in the educational sphere can be observed. The chapter review three critical dimensions of the interview process: (a) design,
analyzing aspects such as the potentialities and limitations of the different types of interviews, the issue of validity and, the question about the distance between interviewer and interviewee (b) contact and consent to participate, studding the identification, contact and pre-meeting stage and (c) the interview process, analyzing aspects such as the place of the interview, the cultural aspects involved in any interview, the objective and purpose of the interview, the knowledge and skills that the interviewer must display, and the dispute over the power and status that is displayed in this type of interaction.

Researchers who study education and/or elite social classes and who want to deepen their understanding of a group of people might refer to this qualitative research process of studying elites in the educational field.

El Imperio del Brasil, durante los 68 años que duró (1822/1889) , organizó su propia nobleza con unas características muy diferentes a las existentes en otras monarquías. Pues los ´titulos nobiliarios no generaban nobleza al modo europeo, ni eran transmisibles a sus herederos.
También generó un sistema heráldico, muy distinto del portugués, con unas características propias. Ya que ambos, títulos y blasones recuerdan al sistema instituido por Napoleón.

Los Validos nunca fueron bien considerados por los historiadores, esta animadversión se debe en gran parte a la trascendental inquina que contra ellos tuvieron sus propios coetáneos, por considerar que por sus malas artes habían ascendido a una situación de deslumbrante prepotencia, sin otro título para ello que su habilidad para ganarse y conservar el favor real.
Hoy en día existe una corriente historiográfica que trata de reconocer la labor desempeñada por privados y validos, en las diversas monarquías europeas, facilitando el transito desde una monarquía personalista de cuño medieval a un estado moderno.

Mesa 7: Grupos sociales (siglos XIX-XX): prácticas, representaciones, identidades y conflictos Autor: Mateo García Haymes Inserción institucional: UNQ / UdeSA / CONICET Dirección particular: [email protected] Situación de revista: Becario doctoral de Tipo II-CONICET Título:

تتناول هذه الورقة البحثية العلاقة بين النخبة السياسية والثقافة السياسية فى ضوء الجدل القائم بين فريقين؛ أحدهما يرى أن هناك اتجاه واحد للتأثير بين هذين المتغيرين وهو من النخبة صوب الثقافة، وآخر يرى أن هناك علاقة متبادلة بينهما، كما تستطرد الدراسة إلى تكوين ما أسماه الباحث بالأنماط المتفاعلة فى محاولة منه للجمع بين أنماط النخبة والثقافة ومدلولات كل نمط متفاعل منهم. هذا بالإضافة إلى رؤية حول وضع النخبة والثقافة السياسية فى العالم العربى.

Resumo: Este artigo se propõe a explicar as razões que motivaram a ampla difusão de sociedades náuticas em Havana, principalmente a análise dos «yacht clubs» enquanto forma associativa mais importante da náutica entre 1886 e 1958. Ao mesmo tempo, serão observadas as formas de interação entre a cultura das "elites" e a das camadas populares, assim como se poderá apontar brevemente o impacto destas entidades no traçado urbanístico do Norte da Capital de Cuba e suas contribuições em matéria esportiva.

In recent times, the identity of the Habsburg military has been the subject of numerous studies aiming to explain the behavior of this social-professional category. However, in Romanian historiography, research on this subject is almost completely lacking. The present work aims, first of all, to open the historiographical discussion on the identity choices of Romanian soldiers and officers in the Habsburg army. Alongside national identity and dynastic loyalty, frequently addressed in historiography, special attention should be paid to other types of loyalties or identities, developed within the military environment and related to the appropriation of a welldefined code of honor. It was in this context that the officer's honor, transformed into a military identity, took shape, as well as other types of attachments, such as that to the state, which is different from dynastic loyalty, or that to the territory. Last but not least, this paper also focuses on how all these different identities are harmonized into multiple identities, defining the behavior and actions of the soldiers of the multinational Habsburg army.

Vida y obra del gran prócer sangermeño y puertorriqueño. Miembro de la élite criolla terrateniente de San Germán, Puerto Rico, maestro, masón, político, y funcionario municipal, entre otras facetas, fue personaje de gran impacto en su pueblo, Puerto Rico y España. Fue diputado a las Cortes de Madrid, entre muchos otros cargos locales y regionales. Fue uno de los fundadores del Círculo de Recreo de San Germán, sociedad elitista, rebelde y desafecta a España, con mucho impacto en la región y en Puerto Rico.

This paper is intended as a preliminary guide to the energy elites of the three main oil and gas exporting countries in Central Asia, and as a practical tool for foreign actors seeking to understand who is who, who makes decisions and who their interlocutors are in those countries.

Appendix 1 provides extensive tables listing identified members of the elites in the three countries and some of their main attributes. These listings are meant to be used as a reference work.

In addition to functioning as a reference work, the paper attempts to extract some comparative points about the energy elites of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. First of all, it is clear that they share some important features. They are largely technocratic, in the sense that a majority in all three countries have higher technical education that is directly relevant for the petroleum sector. Most have studied in their own home country, Russia or other post-Soviet countries, and are more than 45 years of age.

There are however also important differences among the countries. For instance, Kazakhstan’s energy elite is younger than that of the other two, and more of them have studied in Western Europe or the USA.

Business and politics are closely linked in all three countries, but this is expressed in different ways. In Turkmenistan, it is difficult to identify a domestic business elite distinct from politics, because of the rigid state control over business development. The Turkmen energy elite is also closely associated with the ruling party, the Democratic Party. Similarly close links between the ruling party and the energy elite are evident in Kazakhstan, where most members of the energy elite are affiliated with the Nur Otan party. The energy elite in Kazakhstan was previously more independent, but this has changed with the establishment of a dominant political party. The Kazakh business elite, however, is not affiliated with the ruling party to the same degree as in Turkmenistan. This can be explained by the dominant role of the energy sector in the national economy, which provides impetus for political control over energy resources. In both Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, the state still controls the energy resources and related companies, directly and in detail. The importance of family connections within and between the different elites is evident in all three countries, with several cases of close relatives of political figures controlling key businesses or energy positions.

In contemporary society education systems have 'politicized' and 'hyper-commercialized' role, following the 'business model' footprints, a model that serves only narrow interests and has questionable and uneven returns for its investors. Education's use by governments as a social engineering tool is an issue connected with the evolving social structure and thus with social discontinuity, and of course potential social upheavals.

1. É conhecida a afirmação de Antero de Quental, registada em carta endereçada ao amigo Oliveira Martins e datada de 26 de Junho de 1874, segundo a qual, nos Açores, existia um provérbio que rezava: "São Miguel, burgueses ricos; Terceira, fidalgos arruinados; Faial, contrabandistas espertos." Repetida inúmeras vezes, a representação do que seria uma dada realidade social com os correspondentes tipos sociológicos, obteve relativa longevidade. A questão que se coloca é a da sua efectiva adequação ao universo social açoriano. Se é já problemática para o século xix -basta recordar a continuidade das famílias nobres que, no Antigo Regime, dominavam os senados das câmaras e que viram o seu poder perpetuado pelo regime liberal -, não encontra validação documental quando consideramos o arco cronológico que abarca os séculos xvi a xviii. Se tomarmos como referência os "mapas" produzidos em 1800-1801 relativos à estrutura de ocupações dos vários corpos sociais das ilhas, tal como foi elaborada no final de Setecentos em resposta a solicitação do capitão-general dos Açores, a imagem partilhada é de uma sociedade ancorada na posse e exploração da terra, encimada por um reduzido número de indivíduos e casas nobres, que dominavam os senados das câmaras, distantes em termos de honra, prestígio e riqueza dos artesãos, de um vasto número de agricultores e jornaleiros -que compunham a maior parte dos activos -e dos homens do mar, estes compondo um grupo com pouca expressão, pois a pesca, de um modo geral, era um sector periférico e complementar da agricultura, mantendo-se numa dimensão artesanal 1 .