Economic Diplomacy

In a growing number of countries diplomatic systems are being overhauled so that the commercial activities of diplomatic services have been centralised, the commercial activities of diplomats have been extended, and business interests have been formally integrated within diplomatic systems. These changes result directly from the tendency of governments to reorganise, and in many cases merge, their trade and foreign ministries, as well as the strategy of building formal business–government links within diplomatic institutions. While none of these features is unfamiliar to previous diplomatic systems, what is exceptional is the relative neglect of the commercial aspects of diplomacy within diplomatic studies. This lack of attention to the commercial and business elements of diplomacy in traditional theories of diplomacy means that we find ourselves trying to analyse contemporary changes to diplomatic organisation and practice without a suitable conceptual and analytical framework. Highlighting the significance of a political economy approach to diplomacy, and also engaging with orthodox approaches to diplomacy, this article begins to develop some analytical and conceptual tools to better identify, explain and understand changes in diplomatic systems as well as the increased influence of private interests in diplomatic practice now under way.

Saudi Arabia's geostrategic location and role as a Middle East regional power, combined with its ambitious Saudi Vision 2030 development plan, make it an important Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) partner for China, which has become Saudi Arabia's largest trading partner. Despite mutual interests, the role of the United States as the dominant power in the Persian Gulf region means that the Sino‐Saudi Arabia relationship must be managed in such a way that it does not directly challenge Washington. This article argues that China has followed a strategic hedging approach in developing its relations with Saudi Arabia, focusing on the economic and developmental goals of the BRI and Saudi Vision 2030 to avoid antagonizing the United States (US) while taking advantage of US regional security commitments.

Drawing on the literature on strategic hedging and adapting it to China's use of economic diplomacy in the service of comprehensive national security goals within the regionalised foreign policy approach of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), we examine China's approach to securing and expanding its interests in the Persian Gulf. To implement the trade and infrastructure connectivity goals of the BRI and to secure the continued flow of diversified energy supplies, China needs to boost relations with both regional powerhouses, Iran and Saudi Arabia, without alienating either of them or the regional hegemon, the United States. The resulting strategy of strategic hedging is based in the Chinese approach to economic diplomacy, which utilises Chinese commercial actors in the service of national strategic objectives. Relations require careful and ongoing management if China is to achieve outcomes which benefit all sides while avoiding becoming entangled in the region's intractable geopolitical problems.

What led to the boom of Chinese development cooperation in Latin America? This article provides a systematic analysis of China's foreign behavior, motives, and policies regarding development cooperation toward the region between 2000 and 2014. I propose a comparative framework that defines Chinese development cooperation as a tool of economic diplomacy. Drawing on empirical evidence from AidData's Global Chinese Official Finance Dataset and Chinese white papers on foreign aid, the findings evidence that China was motivated by multiple and conjunctural factors in providing development cooperation. In the realm of theory, the article contributes to the literature on economic statecraft-filling in gaps in understanding the relationship between economics and politics. Empirically, it provides a set of tools for understanding the important role that development cooperation plays in a nation's statecraft. Regarding Chinese foreign policy studies, it offers insight into the financial dimension of China's international economic relations.

Economic relations of the Second Polish Republic with the French Third Republic were derived directly from political relations between the two states. Because of its position in the international arena, France set the terms of trade exchange which the Polish side was supposed to comply with. It stemmed from the economic hardship Poland was experiencing at that specific time. One possible solution was acquiring considerable French funds. The flow of goods in both directions took place, primarily, by sea, and control over the import of French products was exercised by the Polish consulates in France. Despite the increasing circulation of goods, facilitated by the newly-signed treaties and economic agreements, the overall trade balance was negative. The great economic crisis in the thirties intensified in France the use of quota policy elements, which negatively affected the bilateral relations. In these circumstances, Poland began to seek other methods of selling its domestic products, especially, to distant continents - Africa, the Middle and Far East.

There have been few comparative analyses of non-Western intelligence communities. Those that exist have tended to always involve the United States as a comparative baseline. Most of the non-American investigations on intelligence, whether comparative or single case studies, tend to be anecdotal and historical. Almost nothing exists that tries to examine the operational/philosophical ‘cultures’ of foreign intelligence communities from their own perspectives and priorities. This article will examine China, India, and Russia utilizing the latter approach and calls into question whether the term ‘culture’ should be the exclusively dominant explanatory framework for analysis. The dominance of Western, more specifically Anglo-American, concepts of intelligence will be argued a hindrance to properly understanding the motivations, positions, and prospects of non-Western states. A new formula for understanding intelligence ‘conditions’ will be proposed and elaborated using the Indian, Chinese, and Russian cases. As a result, an argument is created that seeks to break some of the current definitional rigidity and perceptional inflexibility that dominates contemporary intelligence analysis, especially when considering states not necessarily beholden to Western concepts of power and influence, and hopefully producing a more lively debate on how intelligence communities around the world are examined.

China’s impressive inroads into Africa’s resources sectors over the past decade are largely due to the timely match between cash-loaded China in search for raw materials and a continent with a vast pool of underdeveloped mineral deposits, whose exploration has been hindered for decades by under-investment and  infrastructure bottlenecks. Chinese ‘infrastructure-for-resources’ loans are ultimately a product of the convergence of Chinese and African interests at the dawn of the 21st century. This loan formula, swapping infrastructure for resources, came into being largely as a default strategy, inspired by China’s own domestic experience, its competitive advantages and the African receptiveness to these kinds of barter deals. The paper explores how China has consistently used this approach over the past decade as a positive economic statecraft tool to pursue mineral resources security goals in Africa; and how the need to adjust its approach to challenges and new opportunities on the ground has led to noticeable shifts in recent years. It argues that, although infrastructure for resources remains an important tool to meet
Beijing’s supply concerns, China’s strategies to access resource assets have become more diversified and market oriented, with its state-owned enterprises taking the lead and increasingly engaging in mergers and acquisitions.

This paper investigates how China appeals to other countries by utilizing soft power in ensuring their participation in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which seeks to revive ancient Silk Road through infrastructure, trade, finance and other linkages. By employing a behavioral and contextualized explanation for soft power, this investigation reveals that Chinese state actively pursues a soft power-oriented economic diplomacy for BRI and relies on hard power resources for its effectiveness. Furthermore, China takes advantage of the power vacuum in the global economy and embraces a liberal economic vision for the international system in its diplomatic activities emphasizing the importance of globalization, free trade, infrastructure investment, and win-win cooperation in achieving high levels of economic development. While China frames BRI mainly in terms of economic development purposes, China’s soft power appeal to other countries is likely to have important political and security implications for the international system.

Of all the major activities and initiatives by the fifth-generation Chinese leadership, formally inaugurated in 2012, those relating to the Asia-Pacific region are the most noteworthy. The past two years witnessed the Chinese leadership enunciating a "Chinese Dream" vision for the nation and offering to share the prospects of prosperity and stability with the entire Asia-Pacific region and beyond. The leadership also adopted a "new normal" mode, aimed at stabilizing domestic economic growth and improving its quality. By way of establishing and expanding free trade zones, China demonstrates its commitment to liberalization. The spate of free trade agreements concluded with U.S. security allies, in addition to a commitment to expedite conclusion of a bilateral investment treaty with the U.S., points to China's separation of rules-based trade/investment management from concerns about geostrategic denial.

Diplomatic representation, both as a concept and in terms of its structures and processes, does not receive the attention that it deserves. This is surprising given that it forms a central concern for both analysts and practitioners of diplomacy, with the latter confronting multiple challenges in adapting modes of representation to changes in their international and domestic political environments. One facet of this can be identified in responses to factors that have assumed a significant place in the development of diplomacy — namely distance and proximity. To the growth of proximity in both spatial and issue-oriented terms, the challenge of the 'special relationship' is added in specific contexts. Both factors come together in the case of Canada's attempts to manage its policies towards the United States. Here, strategies have moved through distinct phases responding to domestic and international changes. The latest phase, which is associated with substantial rethinking of the role and structure of Foreign Affairs Canada, assumes the form of what has been labelled the Enhanced Representation Initiative (ERI). The ERI is interesting not only in the Canadian-US context, but because it reveals more general problems for governments seeking to manage the pressures of proximity and a growing number of relationships that assume aspects of 'specialness'.

The resilience of China's investments in African infrastructure has been called into question in the light of its own economic slowdown. The substantial reduction in Chinese demand for African commodities has resulted in a significant drop in commodity prices, causing an adverse economic outlook in many commodity-dependent African economies and potentially decoupling the African growth story from China's influence and economic engagement. This policy insights paper argues that China's infrastructure-based economic statecraft in Africa has shown and will continue to show resilience in the face of new economic realities in the China–Africa relationship, as these projects fit into China's broader goals of reshaping global norms.

COMMERCIAL DIPLOMACY AND ITS ROLE IN THE 21ST CENTURY.  As a result of stability in the field of international relations and the absence of acute security threats in many countries and regions of the world (this applies to the EU as well), and as a consequence of the influence of globalization in articular, the importance of the economic dimension of foreign policy is more accentuated at the beginning of the 21st century. Therefore, commercial diplomacy is more important as well, and at the same time, the character of its functions changes, which is the main object of research in this study. In the first part, a brief historical survey of functions of commercial diplomacy, from their very beginnings to their present shape, is drafted. In the second chapter, the term commercial diplomacy is defined, and related terms are described as well. In the third part, the following basic functions of commercial diplomacy (as implemented in contemporary practice) are analyzed: trade promotion and development, investment promotion, economic-information functions, political-legislative functions, development aid assistance and state promotion. The fourth part of this work is focused on the issue of transnational companies (TNCs), whose number rose dramatically in the last few decades, and at present, this subject is considered to be one of the most important factors
influencing the character of commercial diplomacy both  currently and in the future. The author concludes that commercial diplomacy will be focused particularly on small and medium sized enterprises in the future. At the same time, the complexity of functions of commercial diplomacy will rise, particularly as a result of a diffusion of the economic and political dimensions of foreign policy.

The Asian style of regional integration may be seen as a “quasi-common economy” that eschews a formal linkup in political
or monetary terms, but manages to generate similar results by strong physical integration and distributed chains of production
and service delivery. This note proposes the Asian quasi-common economy as a benchmark for South America’s regional
integration efforts because it is a better fit than the politically driven, broad-based, European style integrative process

This paper introduces the concept of investment promotion, a form of marketing used by national governments to attract foreign investments into their country. While it is not a new concept, it barely makes it to academic literature. The paper brings investment promotion to the forefront for the purpose of creating a research interest in this topic and also contributes to the development of literature. It attempts to integrate investment promotion activities into already established marketing models and frameworks and set a marketing research agenda on the topic. Since attracting foreign investment is a policy and country situation issue, this paper will support and serve as a reference for governments as they design foreign investment policies and improve the attractiveness of their country as an investment destination using marketing tools. The paper first discusses the influence of marketing on investment promotion and how investors should be viewed as consumers who have needs to be satisfied. Various frameworks and concepts like the consumer decision-making process, market segmentation and marketing communications mix are discussed to show how they can be applied in investment promotion. The application of marketing concepts and theories has been beneficial in the business world, and this paper argues that there are potential benefits for countries who decide to apply the same concept and theories to attract investors.

ABSTRACT This article explores the role of international development cooperation — or aid — in foreign policy and diplomacy. Based on his experience as a practitioner, Arjan de Haan makes the observation that the development debate, and in particular the search for effective aid, has neglected the political role of aid. Moreover, the high political symbolism that aid has obtained, particularly in the last decade, has received relatively little attention. A political perspective on aid is now rapidly becoming more important, especially because of the enhanced importance of global security in setting an aid agenda, and because the old ways of working are — or seem to be — challenged by the rise of China and other countries that were recently (and still are) recipients of aid. An understanding of the diverse political motives behind aid should inform the way that aid effectiveness is measured. The changing politics in which aid is embedded are illustrated with reference to the Netherlands, which used to have one of the most respected aid programmes because of its multilateral emphasis and `untying' of aid, and because Dutch strategic interests have now been made one of the cornerstones of the Netherlands' new policy. The article hypothesizes that reinforcing progressive principles around international development can be a supportive element of a strengthened diplomacy in the globalized world beyond 2010.

This article analyses public-private partnerships in Belgium's economic diplomacy from the perspective of multinational companies (MNCs). The concept of corporate political activity (CPA) is therefore introduced. CPA is seen as a part of business diplomacy (BD), which companies use in order to defend their interests. Eight stock-listed Belgian multinationals (BMNCs) were interviewed using single, semi-structured interviews. This exploratory study focused on whether or not companies contact public officials, which strategies they use and how these strategies are organized in order to defend their interests abroad. The empirical data revealed that BMNCs enter into relationships with national and supranational actors. Information-sharing is the central aim of these relationships, because of the mutual realization that these contacts are important. This was less so, however, at the international level. In short, BMNCs will, depending on the subject and/or the institutional context, rely on the services offered by Belgian economic diplomacy. They will initially, however, also include diplomatic functions of their own.

In this book, Arturo Santa-Cruz advances an understanding of power as a social relationship and applies it consistently to the economic realm in United States relations with other countries of the Western Hemisphere. Following the academic and popular debate on the ebb and flow of US hegemony, this work centers the analysis in a critical case for the exercise of US power through its economic statecraft: the Americas-its historical zone of influence. The rationale for the regional focus is methodological: if it can be shown that Washington's sway has decreased in the area since the early 1970s, when the discussion about this matter started, it can be safely assumed that the same has occurred in other latitudes. The analysis focuses on three regions: North America, Central America and South America. Since each region contains countries that have at times maintained very different relationships with the United States, the findings contribute to a better understanding of the practice of US power in the sub-region in question, adding greater variability to the overall results.

Praktek diplomasi komersial merupakan bagian integral dari diplomasi ekonomi. Diplomasi komersial sendiri bisa melibatkan berbagai aktor pada berbagai tingkatan, baik di tingkat nasional maupun daerah. Selaku salah satu aktor dalam praktek diplomasi, pemerintah daerah biasanya melakukan diplomasi komersial berupa aktivitas promosi dagang, promosi investasi dan promosi pariwisata. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi dan menganalisis aktivitas diplomasi komersial yang telah dijalankan oleh pemerintah daerah, dengan menggunakan pemerintah provinsi Jawa Timur sebagai studi kasus. Dengan menggunakan kerangka diplomasi komersial dan efektivitas diplomasi komersial, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa dari ketiga pilar diplomasi komersial, aktivitas promosi pariwisata merupakan yang paling efektif jika dilihat dari tujuan jangka pendek dan jangka panjang. Selain itu dari segi koordinasi, koordinasi vertikal antara ketiga instansi pelaksana diplomasi komersial sudah cukup baik yang ditandai dengan adanya Tim Terpadu Pameran (TTP) dan kelompok Trade, Tourism and Investment (TTI) di bawah koordinasi Gubernur. Yang masih memerlukan perbaikan adalah koordinasi vertikal dengan perwakilan Indonesia di luar negeri untuk membantu aktivitas promosi serta perlu adanya aktivitas diplomasi yang lebih berorientasi pada perluasan akses pasar bagi IKM/UKM dan berfokus pada pengentasan kemiskinan di wilayah Jawa Timur. Kata Kunci : Diplomasi ekonomi, diplomasi komersial, pemerintah daerah, Jawa Timur Pendahuluan Tahun 2011 menandai perubahan penting dalam praktek diplomasi Indonesia. Pada tahun ini, Kementerian Luar Negeri memutuskan untuk menjadikan diplomasi ekonomi sebagai salah satu tulang punggung utama dalam diplomasi dikarenakan fungsi pentingnya dalam rencana pembangunan nasional. Diplomasi ekonomi sangat penting dalam relasi antar negara karena menjadi titik penentu untuk terjadinya ataupun tidak terjadinya sebuah sebuah kerjasama 1 This paper was modified from its earlier version presented in

On the occasion of the 50 th anniversary of the academic journal Mezinárodní vztahy, the developments of International Relations as a scientific discipline in former Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic that took place so far are subjected to critical reflection. In this context, the article analyzes research papers focused on international economic relations that were published in the periods 1966-1969 and 1992-2015, i.e., the key periods of the journal. It puts the papers into the context of International Political Economy and highlights the differences between the outcomes of the research in former Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic, and the international trends and standards for such research. At the same time, the paper captures the initial coherence of the research with the political needs of the state, at first the socialist Czechoslovakia and later the Czech Republic in transition, and its gradual overcoming of this coherence. It also examines the institutional framework for the research. Due to the diversity of the set of texts in focus, the analysis leans on simple general criteria-the prevailing perspectives used for the analysis of the international economic relations, correspondence with the main branches of International Political Economy, qualitative vs. quantitative methodology and the basic typology of institutions involved in international relations research.

This article explores the contested public uses of the phrase “Asian
Australian” and the relationship between Asia and Australia through
the lens of local community associations, their objectives,
publications and activities. It examines the historical context in
which these associations were established, according to three
distinctive postwar historical periods; it examines the cultural
milieu in which the phrase Asian Australian has assembled
meaning; and it locates the role of the term as both an identity
marker and as a basis for intra-ethnic mobilisation. The article
finds that iterations of the combination of Asia and Australia—as
either adjectives or nouns—have consistently delineated between
identity and nation, nation and belonging, belonging and
territoriality. Through the embodied passions and politics of
associational life, this article investigates the figurative
boundary between Asia and Australia and shows how the paired
use of these terms has often reflected profoundly if not
epistemologically divergent worldviews.

This study examines the factors that influence the performance of bilateral trade between Indonesia and Yemen. In conducting the study, the authors use the conventional bilateral trade model is modified gravity model of international trade approach by using multiple regression analysis with Ordinary Least Square method. The analysis finds that the three independent variables that significantly affect the value of bilateral trade between Indonesia –Yemen is the GDP of Yemen, political uncertainty and security in Indonesia, as well as the presence of Indonesian Representative in the Republic of Yemen. While other independent variables namely Indonesia's GDP and political uncertainty and security in Yemen, based on the conclusions statistically, the two independent variables do not yet have enough evidence to say that the GDP of Indonesia and political uncertainty and security in Yemen significantly affect bilateral trade between Indonesia-Yemen. This trade gravity model previously passed testing assumptions multiple regression analysis with hypothesis testing and the accuracy of the model.

This book analyses the role of emerging powers as a development assistance providers and the nature of their development cooperation, their behaviour, motives and markedly their changing identities in international relations. With their growing economic and political clout, emerging powers are using economic instruments like foreign aid to ensure their position in the international system that is going through power shifts. By comparing three major emerging economies of the Global South- Brazil, India and China- this book would explore how emerging powers are changing the international aid architecture that is created and dominated by the traditional donors.  https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-51537-9#toc

With the rise of digital technologies and innovation disrupting the economy, the global phenomenon challenged the current concept and strategies of "conventional" economic diplomacy that have increasingly gained importance in contemporary foreign policy, including Indonesia. In the meantime, the digital economy had been significantly growing as a potential driver of growth and an inclusive economy which becomes central in the Indonesian development agenda. A new or innovation-based economy such as the digital economy did not only become one of the priorities in national policies but also emerge to be an essential variable to the foreign policy of Indonesia amid diplomatic deficit. This research examines Indonesia's economic diplomacy in optimizing the potential of digital and new economic activities in facing the challenges of digital disruption. By employing integrative diplomacy concept, this research argues that Indonesia's government should pursue intermestic, comprehensive and integrative strategies in its economic diplomacy by integrating new economy through the construction of "innovation diplomacy." This research finds that the existing economic diplomacy is strongly directed to "conventional" commercial diplomacy, while it gives insufficient space for a new economy to develop significantly, due to the absence of concept supporting the operation of innovation-focused economic diplomacy. Consequently, it is suggested that Jakarta urgently has to reconceptualize its economic diplomacy more strategically in order to achieve "diplomatic sophistication," by way of constructing "innovation diplomacy" as a subset of economic diplomacy.

This study addresses the institutional dimension of economic diplomacy in the European Union. European Union institutions carry out economic diplomacy activities both in order to consolidate their political effectiveness in the regional sense and to strengthen their economic competitiveness globally. Member countries also carry out economic diplomacy activities individually in the context of their national policies. In the study, firstly, the definition of economic diplomacy was explained, and then the institutional dimension of the economic diplomacy activities carried out by the European Union institutions was discussed. The study concludes that a more coordinated economic diplomacy management is required between the European Union countries and institutions.

Despite Australia’s regional security interests being intimately
involved in the Pacific War, scholarship often portrays the nation
as uninvolved in preparations for the imminent regional conflict.
Rather, Australia ‘suffered from a chronic lack of self-reliance’,
looking instinctively to the British Empire and the security it
afforded. This article proposes that in the years 1937–41, the
Australian government – first under Joseph Lyons and then
Robert Menzies – recognised both the immediacy of the Japanese
threat and the limitations of imperial defence plans and accordingly
responded with a concerted policy for the coming regional
conflict. The principal focus of this article is Australia’s position
towards Japan and the implied pragmatic appraisal by Australia
of the strategic value of diplomacy in maintaining regional stability.
In the context of this growing assertiveness, this article also
considers broader tensions in the Australian–British relationship,
tensions centred on each nation’s respective and divergent position
towards Japan. In this way, this article is more than just an
examination of strategic appraisals, rearmament and diplomacy. It
seeks to comment on Australian geopolitics, its relations with
great powers, and the challenge of balancing national interests.

The International History Review, 41/5 (2019), p. 981-1002.
DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2018.1482940

This article explores the multiple circles of diplomatic agents and their social belonging in the context of the international crisis in late eighteenth-century Istanbul, drawing upon the private papers of the imperial internuncio at Pera between 1779 and 1802. The son of an Irish Jacobite supporter who became a Jesuit and then a radical reformer in Vienna, Peter Herbert von Rathkeal was also a member of the Pera society in which he was born and raised. An agent of one of the most influential trans-imperial households established in Friuli, and a member of the Austrian and British nobilities, Herbert sought to become an eminent actor of the Ottoman diplomatic scene while remaining the patron of a cosmopolitan commercial-cum-political clientele. To study Herbert’s actions is to question the model of diplomatie de type ancien in a cross-cultural and fast-changing context of crisis. Despite the collapse of the old diplomatic order with the breakdown of the French Revolution, and despite rising tensions generated by the increasingly sensitive
‘Eastern Question’, this article reveals how Herbert von Rathkeal managed to maintain a certain stability in Istanbul due to the economic and social resources, which his different circles of belonging opened up for him.

The absence of a clear legal status and the scarcity of first-hand testimonies has traditionally made difficult the study of the recognition and settling down of Italian communities within the Kingdom of Granada. Based on Italian sources, even unpublished, and the discussion of historiographic models, this article reexamines recognition and identification formulae of foreign nations in Nasrid soil, their number and the settling conditions of Genoese, Venetians and Florentines.

Tequila exports to China have seen an important increase over the last few years. This is due to the efforts of public and private actors. The aim of this paper is to analyze the efforts for increasing tequila exports in China from the perspectives of Economic and Corporate Diplomacy. The methodology consisted of semi-structured interviews made to agents from that have participated directly in the promotion of the tequila exports into China. The data collected from the interviews shows that the presence of tequila in China is due to the combined strategies of different Mexican actors. It is suggested that further lines of investigation could focus on the impact of private-public cooperation and legitimacy building.

1. Western Balkan states should reinforce the regulatory and institutional framework and empower independent authorities so as to mitigate political bargaining and interventions. 2. Western Balkan states should establish appropriate environmental standards for business activity in line with the EU's acquis communautaire in order to attract 'green' Foreign Direct Investments. 3. The EU should focus on the genuine compliance of Western Balkan states with EU standards and on the comprehensive application of adopted legislation.

This study focused on role of Ethiopian economic diplomacy in the implementation of integrated housing development program and real estate development. Besides, the paper explores the contribution of housing on the economic, political and social life of the society. Then it assessed the challenges of housing development in Addis Ababa. Thus, qualitative research method and semi structured in-depth interview was conducted. Addis Ababa is selected as a case study because the housing crisis is acute. The thesis found colossal number of houses are constructed and transferred to the society which has direct economic, political and social effect to the beneficiaries, contractures, consultants, MSE's, suppliers and others. The paper uncovers Addis Ababa housing sector had shortcomings of not utilizing technology, financial scarcity and maladministration. Moreover, Ethiopian economic diplomacy had a strategic advantage for affordable housing in getting the specified amount of materials and quality at reasonable cost directly from producers. The study concluded that the prospects and challenges of Addis Ababa housing exude from the socialist oriented government decrees, policy and procedures. Ethiopian economic diplomacy is imperative motor for housing development in Addis Ababa. The recommendation for Addis Ababa City Administration was to curb its internal maladministration problem and prepare pragmatic policies that proliferate formal housing. Finally, Ethiopian economic diplomats and joint task force shall vigorously pursuit options for housing development by breaking bureaucratic red tapes, showing gaps of housing, attraction of mega manufacturing firms, tycoon housing developers, soliciting technical and financial aid.

This article argues that Indonesian economic diplomacy should consider Mexico and Chile as member of Pacific Alliance in Latin American region as the prospective markets for Indonesia in the future. As emerging economies, these two countries have positive economic projection, population growth and their demand for import products from other region. Based on economic diplomacy concept, Indonesian efforts to negotiate bilateral trade agreements (free trade agreement) or Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with Mexico and Chile will be part of longterm strategy to build these countries as two of Indonesian non traditional markets. Keywords : Economic Diplomacy, Pacific Alliance, Mexico, Chile Abstrak Artikel ini berargumen bahwa diplomasi ekonomi Indonesia perlu mempertimbangkan Meksiko dan Chile yang merupakan negara anggota Aliansi Pasifik di kawasan Amerika Latin sebagai pasar prospektif bagi Indonesia pada masa yang akan datang. Sebagai emerging economies, kedua neg...

Unlike other areas of law, where rules have either been borrowed from Western regimes or only apply to certain segments of society, Saudi family law touches every member of Saudi society, from ordinary citizens to royalty, and originates in an Islamic legal tradition that predates most modern legal systems by several hundred years.  Nonetheless, most writers on Saudi Arabia (the Kingdom) have largely neglected the role of Saudi family law in influencing the Kingdom’s royal family and policymaking, despite the dominance of family businesses, tribes, and family offices in the Saudi economy and state.  This Article outlines how Saudi family law produces economic incentives that, without reform, make the maintenance of political stability in the Kingdom unlikely past three generations.

Accordingly, this Article can be understood as an alternative and supplement to the dominant political science theory for understanding Saudi policymaking, Rentier State Theory (RST).  Specifically, this Article demonstrates how the incentives produced by Saudi family law can more accurately predict Saudi policymaking and disruptive political events than RST, including, but not limited to, the Kingdom’s Ritz-Carlton purge and building of largescale commercial real estate projects, which might otherwise appear irrational to outside observers.  The Article begins with a discussion on the mathematics of polygamy in the Kingdom and ends with a discussion of how the incentives produced by Saudi’s family law system produce far-ranging implications for both the Kingdom’s neighbors and its current allies, including, but not limited to, the United States and Israel.  The Article concludes with legal reforms that the current Saudi state may wish to undertake, should it wish to avoid a similar fate to the previous two Saudi states, both of which collapsed in under three generations (1744–1814; 1824–1891).  Additionally, reforms suggested over fifty years ago by Saudi prince Talal bin Abdulaziz Al Saud are analyzed, as well as various legal customs found within Jordan, which Saudi policymakers may wish to borrow from and modify to provide the Kingdom increased political stability in the longer term.

International isolation is the main concern of Taiwan's foreign politics. The proximity with mainland China urged Taiwan to rely on several different strategies to maintain the coveted geopolitical survival from Beijing's sovereignty claims. Recently, among the various strategies adopted across the years, Taipei has used hydro-diplomacy to expand its presence in Southeast Asia. The main sponsor of such peculiar form of diplomacy has been President Tsai Ing-wen, in charge since May 2016. In January 2019, her inclusive policies towards ASEAN nations, particularly towards Indonesia, led to the signing of a historic agreement for the construction of a water purification plant in East Java.

The considerations in this article are an attempt to grasp and deeply analyze the relationship between wine and politics in the contemporary world. The importance of wine on the international stage is a multi-threaded topic, but the work focuses primarily on the special role of wine in the crosscountry dimension. The author uses the method of case study analysis to present the activities of Russia's economic diplomacy and France's cultural diplomacy. Their example allows us to understand the role of wine in the implementation of individual foreign policy goals, including strengthening the power and prestige of the state in the international arena.

Küreselleşen dünyada değişik bilimsel alanların birbirleriyle etkileşimine bağımlı olarak uluslararası kamu hukukunda değişim ve gelişim kaçınılmaz olmaktadır. Bu itibarla, son zamanlardaki gelişmeler uyarınca sağlık uluslararası kamu hukuku alanında yeni bir alt dal olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. Türlerin devamının bağlı olduğu sağlık, uygarlığın doğuşundan beri insan hayatı için temel bir etken olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Bu minvalde, devletler sözde küresel sağlık diplomasisini etkileyebilecek
sağlık politikalarını küresel olarak geliştirmektedirler. Bu bağlamda, tıbbî ataşeler, hem bireysel olarak devletlerin sağlık politikalarında, hem de küresel olarak küresel sağlık diplomasisinde en etkili araçlardan birisi olarak nitelendirilebileceklerdir. Dolayısıyla, bu makalenin amacı bir devlet misyonunun üyesi olarak tıbbî ataşenin statüsünü kısaca araştırmak olacaktır.
Anahtar Kelimeler Diplomasi, Küresel Sağlık Diplomasisi, Ataşe, Tıbbî Ataşe, 1961 tarihli Diplomatik İlişkilere Dair Viyana Sözleşmesi

Alors que les tensions commerciales et pressions protectionnistes se propagent sur la scène internationale, l’Afrique en prend le contre-pied en établissant la plus grande zone de libre-échange du monde par le nombre de ses membres, la Zone de libre-échange continentale africaine (ZLECA). Une fois mise en œuvre, la ZLECA pourrait remodeler les relations économiques en Afrique et entre l'Afrique et ses principaux partenaires commerciaux. Pour les cinq États membres de l'Union du Maghreb arabe (UMA) - Algérie, Libye, Mauritanie, Maroc et Tunisie – la ZLECA offre des possibilités de renforcer leur commerce extérieur avec l'Afrique. A moyen et long terme, la création de la ZLECA pourrait également avoir un impact sur ses relations commerciales et d'investissement avec l'Union européenne (UE), de loin le principal partenaire commercial des pays du Maghreb. Mais même à court terme, et avant sa mise en place effective, la ZLECA offre déjà à l'UE de nouvelles possibilités de s'engager avec le Maghreb (et l’Afrique subsaharienne) sur des questions liées au commerce et à l’investissement.

The expansion of European small and medium enterprises beyond EU borders will not only be important for competitiveness, economic growth and innovation, but also for the promotion of EU values and interests, including environmental sustainability and social inclusion. This is even more important in light of the COVID-19 pandemic, as it hits the economy hard and European economic isolation is unlikely to help turn the economic tide. Initiatives to promote business, trade and investment such as the Enterprise Europe Network (EEN) can contribute to making better use of trade policies and agreements to achieve concrete results for consumers, workers and businesses – all while respecting the planet and people. The network’s role in the EU’s sustainable trade agenda has become increasingly significant in recent years, but its potential remains largely untapped. Three ways to make better use of the EEN are: (1) extend its geographical scope, including in Africa; (2) strengthen its social and environmental criteria and support, to serve both EU values and economic interests, in line with the European Green Deal; and (3) reinforce the network to use trade opportunities more effectively, better identify trade challenges and collect feedback from businesses when it comes to formulate trade policies. There is also a need to better connect initiatives that promote business, trade and investment and development cooperation activities with low-income countries outside of Europe. Development cooperation funding could help local business support organisations to join EEN and empower their work. The driver behind all this should be EU institutional coordination. This joined-up thinking and working for sustainable trade is fully in line with the priorities and directions taken by the incumbent European Commission led by Ursula von der Leyen.

https://ecdpm.org/bn115

While the EU weeps over the slow progress in the preparation of the EU-Africa Summit in October – partly slowed down by the COVID-19 pandemic – China and African leaders held an ‘Extraordinary China-Africa Summit on Solidarity Against COVID-19’ last week. Thirteen African leaders took part in this virtual event, including South Africa’s President and African Union Chairperson, Cyril Ramaphosa, and Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chair of the African Union Commission. The Summit focused on addressing the health and economic impact of COVID-19 through the China-Africa partnership. Nothing groundbreaking was announced on these two topics. Yet it is noteworthy that the leaders at the Summit laid out political alignments between China and Africa, with reciprocal support and commitment, and sent implicit geopolitical messages to outside listeners, namely the US.

https://ecdpm.org/talking-points/china-africa-summit-covid-19-geopolitical-economic-considerations/

Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis berbagai perjanjian perdagangan bebas (FTA) yang telah diikuti Indonesia selama 15 tahun terakhir dengan melihat tiga elemen utama diplomasi dagang, yakni: aktor, proses, dan tujuan diplomasi. Berdasarkan kerangka ini, ditemukan bahwa kepentingan politik luar negeri cenderung mendominasi dalam diplomasi dagang Indonesia dibandingkan kepentingan ekonomi. Hal ini bisa dilihat dari tiga hal, yakni pertama, aktor diplomasi FTA Indonesia cenderung didominasi oleh aktor negara, khususnya aktor politik luar negeri dengan partisipasi yang sangat terbatas dari pelaku perdagangan dan aktor non-negara. Banyaknya FTA Indonesia yang dilakukan melalui ASEAN juga cenderung memunculkan dominasi pemain politik luar negeri, mengingat pembagian wewenang di ASEAN yang menempatkan pelaku politik luar negeri pada hierarki yang lebih tinggi dibanding aktor perdagangan. Kedua, proses diplomasi FTA Indonesia cenderung tidak efisien dan efektif karena melibatkan dualisme diplomasi melalui ASEAN dan Indonesia, yang berkontribusi pada tumpang-tindihnya FTA dan menurunnya angka utilisasi dari FTA. Ketiga, banyaknya FTA Indonesia yang berbasis ASEAN menyebabkan tujuan FTA bergeser menjadi tujuan politik luar negeri dibandingkan ekonomi/dagang karena karakteristik ASEAN yang lebih fokus ke isu politik dan keamanan. Berdasarkan temuan ini, perlu ada upaya reposisi dalam diplomasi FTA Indonesia agar dapat menyeimbangkan tujuan perdagangan dan tujuan politik luar negeri di dalamnya. Abstract The purpose of this article is to examine the various FTAs that Indonesia has been involved in within the last 15 years by looking at the three core elements of trade diplomacy: actors, processes, and goals of FTAs. Based on these elements, this research finds that Indonesia's FTA diplomacy tends to be dominated by foreign policy interests compared to economic ones, which can be observed through several elements. First, Indonesia's FTA diplomacy is dominated by state actors and foreign policy players with little involvement from economic players and non-state actors. The numerous FTAs signed through ASEAN also reinforced this domination since ASEAN's distribution of authority placed foreign policy players at a higher hierarchy than trade actors. Second, Indonesia's FTA diplomacy tends to be inefficient and ineffective due to dualism in its diplomatic process, which involves collective negotiations through ASEAN and at the same time, individually through the national government. This resulted in a multiplicity of agreements, leading to the low number of FTA utilisation by private sectors. Third, Indonesia's continued use of ASEAN as a medium for FTA negotiations leads to the strengthening of foreign policy goals relative to economic ones, due to ASEAN's internal characteristics which focuses more on political-security relations, rather than economic ones. Based on these observations, Indonesia needs to reposition its FTA diplomacy to find a better balance between its foreign policy and trade goals.

The year 2015 was the third consecutive year when the area of support of external economic relations of the Czech Republic (VEV) belonged to fairly peaceful parts of Czech foreign policy. This situation was facilitated, without a doubt, by stabilization of the institutional and programme base, which started already during Rusnok's caretaker government and it was then supported by Sobotka's government. At the same time, further increasing of activities of key state institutions as well as efforts for greater coordination of their activities were reflected in it. Despite some unfavourable tendencies in the international environment, Czech export did well too. The influx of direct foreign investments was also satisfactory. The main limiting factors included, like in 2014, slow recovery of the world economy after the global financial and economic crisis. The slow pace of the global growth reflected especially slow increasing of productivity and persisting high unemployment. At the same time, it was influenced by problems in some developed economies and smaller dynamics of emerging and developing countries. Last but not least, it was impacted negatively by new geopolitical shaking in the form of the crisis in Ukraine, conflict in Syria and thereto related strong migration wave or international terrorism strengthened by the establishment of the so-called Islamic state. 1 However in the Czech economy, the said external factors were countered by the efforts to finish drawing the resources from the European funds, increasing domestic investments related to the high profitability of firms in the previous year, increasing public expenditures and increasing household consumption. The pace of the GDP growth in the first three-quarters exceeded the estimates and belonged to the highest in the EU. The said result was confirmed by the preliminary cumulative data for 2015, pursuant to which the GDP was increased by more than 4%. 2 The manufacturing industry, especially the car production, contributed to it most from the individual industrial sectors. However, the unexpectedly favourable result was also caused by the impact of several temporary factors-in addition to the already mentioned drawing of subsidies from the European funds or decline of crude oil prices also due to for example preliminary supplies of tobacco products in connection with the change of the consumption tax. Undoubtedly, it was also facilitated by the continuing recovery in the Eurozone.

The emergence of new influential global actors and the seeming omnipotence of global markets have produced a highly diversified international environment challenging the concept of foreign policy and the theoretical contribution of FPA. In view of this challenge, it is argued that instead of considering the above changes through a fragmentary approach, it would be more efficient to conceive them as part of an ongoing transformation process governing practice and theory in foreign policy. On this background, the politicaleconomic interface is revisited, in order to highlight the significance of the concepts of security and prosperity in the contemporary international framework and to reconsider the question of an interdisciplinary approach to foreign policy.

In the 15th century Florence became a naval power in the Western Mediterranean. Diplomacy became a key instrument to protect and assure the safeguard of its merchant fleet. The present paper deals with the strategy developed with the House of Aragon, whose waters the Florentine galleys sailed. Therefore, we tackle the difficult relationship with Alphonsus V the Magnanimous and his son, Ferrante, through the Florentine galley system.

Abstrak Perubahan konstelasi global memberikan dampak nyata dari segi aktor diplomasi ekonomi. Jikalau dahulu hanya negara dan MNC yang saling berinteraksi, kini dunia internasional memasukan NGO dan IGO kedalam interaksi diplomasi ekonomi saat ini dengan perannya masing-masing. INFID sebagai NGO berperan penting terhadap aktor diplomasi ekonomi lainnya. Lebih lanjut, dalam diplomasi ekonomi transnasional memiliki spesialisasi dengan memasukan isu transnasional, aktor NGO dan IGO di dalamnya. Artikel ini lebih spesifik menelaah implementasi SDGs di Indonesia-isu pengentasan ketimpangan sosial sebagai isu transnasional menunjukkan tren meningkat di dunia, khususnya di Indonesia. Artikel ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus maupun studi pustaka. Di lain sisi, artikel ini pula berargumen bahwa INFID memiliki peran penting dalam diplomasi ekonomi transnasional Indonesia dengan cara memberikan peran aktif dengan berbagai cara dalam proses pengambilan kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia maupun pada pertemuan PBB terkait implementasi SDGs poin pengentasan ketimpangan sosial. Pada kesimpulannya, isu pengentasan ketimpangan sosial menjadi isu transnasional yang semakin penting. Merespon isu tersebut, INFID sebagai NGO memiliki peran penting terhadap pengambilan kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia sebagai bagian diplomasi ekonomi transnasionalnya. Kata kunci: NGO, pengurangan ketimpangan sosial, SDGs, diplomasi ekonomi transnasional Abstract Changes in the global constellation have a real impact in terms of economic diplomacy actors. If in the past only the state and MNC interacted with each other, now the international world has included NGOs and IGOs into the interaction of current economic diplomacy with their respective roles. INFID as an NGO plays an important role in other economic diplomacy actors. Furthermore, in transnational economic diplomacy has a specialization by including transnational issues, NGO and IGO actors in it. This article is more specific examine the implementation of SDGs in Indonesia-the issue of alleviating social inequality as a transnational issue shows an increasing trend in the world, especially in Indonesia. This article uses qualitative research methods with case study approach and literature studies. On the other hand, this article also argued that INFID has an important role in the Indonesia's transnational economic diplomacy by playing an active role in various ways in the Indonesian government's policy-making process as well as at UN meetings related to the implementation of the SDGs to reduce social inequality. In conclusion, the issue of alleviating social inequality has become an increasingly important transnational issue. Responding to the issue, INFID as an NGO has important role in the Indonesian government's policy making as part of its transnational economic diplomacy.

The paper presents the issue of China's use of economic diplomacy instruments in Southeast Asia. The authors have chosen those they consider to be the most important ones, and their use in Southeast Asian countries has been presented. The goal of the paper is analyzing the role of selected economical instruments used by the China's government in Southeast Asian countries, and answering the following questions: which economical instruments are used by China in the region?; how important is People's Republic of China as a trade partner for SEA states?; what is the role and scale of Chinese direct investment in Southeast Asian countries, including the Belt and Road Initiative?; what are the consequences of China's activities for SEA countries? The methodology of the paper is based on literature review and statistical data analysis. The results show that China has become an important trade partner and a source of FDI for the SEA region, especially for less developed states. Countries such as Cambodia, Lao PDR or Myanmar (which are corrupt and fragile) are areas of PRC economic expansion, which also enhances PRC political influence in the region.