Public Diplomacy

El peso internacional de España en este nuevo siglo radica en parte en poner en valor un conjunto de recursos que hasta el momento no han explorado todas sus posibilidades, entre los cuales tanto su lengua como su patrimonio histórico-cultural ocupan un lugar de primer orden. Al mismo tiempo, para extraer el máximo partido de esos recursos ha de procurarse que sean canalizados de forma eficiente, articulando una diplomacia pública ágil, coordinada y flexible que sea capaz de aglutinar a los organismos públicos y las empresas culturales privadas. Una diplomacia pública que asuma, además, que su principal baza exterior deriva del espacio cultural que comparte con las naciones americanas, por lo que sería recomendable favorecer dinámicas de colaboración con los países que tienen intereses similares. Contenidos Introducción Intelectuales, europeización, hispano-americanismo Alentar la “vitalidad hispánica dispersa por el mundo” Reorientación política tras la guerra civil Condena internacional y diplomacia paralela Una política instrumental con fines diversos El Instituto Cervantes como estandarte de la España democrática A modo de epílogo

The second edition of the Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy, co-edited by two leading scholars in the international relations subfield of public diplomacy, includes 16 more chapters from the first. Ten years later, a new global landscape of public diplomacy has taken shape, with major programs in graduate-level public diplomacy studies worldwide. What separates this handbook from others is its legacy and continuity from the first edition. This first edition line-up was more military-focused than this edition, a nod to the work of Philip M. Taylor, to whom this updated edition is dedicated. This edition includes US content, but all case studies are outside the United States, not only to appeal to a global audience of scholars and practitioners, but also as a way of offering something fresher than the US/UK-centric competition. In Parts 1-4, original contributors are retained, many with revised editions, but new faces emerge. Parts 5 and 6 include 16 global case studies in public diplomacy, expanding the number of contributors by ten. The concluding part of the book includes chapters on digital and corporate public diplomacy, and a signature final chapter on the noosphere and noo-politik as they relate to public diplomacy. Designed for a broad audience, the Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy is encyclopedic in its range and depth of content, yet is written in an accessible style that will appeal to both undergraduate and postgraduate students.

The paper deals with the use of multimedia DVDs as tool for training diplomats, civil servants, NGO activist and journalists on specialized topics of current international affairs.  It suggests how a multimedia DVD may be conceived, which elements it should contain, and how it may be used for self- learning. It offers, as an illustration of the pedagogical use of multimedia, a list of DVDs and other audiovisual documents produced and available on Internet in the form of Webstreaming.

A new definition of public diplomacy has been presented by developing conceptional framework. According to the definition, “public diplomacy is a new style of diplomacy based on soft power, civil society-oriented, and public opinion-focus”. Subsequently, the interdisciplinary public diplomacy model has been developed by utilizing public relations, communication, propaganda and cultural-art activity, instrument and methods. In conclusion, a new analysis framework has been developed for the societal dimension of Turkish foreign policy during Ak Party era with the newly developed theoretical-conceptual framework and the model of public diplomacy in this research. It is claimed that this newly analysis framework could bring a new perspective in analyzing Turkish foreign policy in the era of Ak Party and to bring forth this rather neglected societal dimension of Turkish foreign policy.

Hakikat ötesi (Post-Truth) kavramı hakikat ve olguların önemini yitirdiği bir döneme işaret etmektedir. Nesnel doğruların, yerini öznel algılara bıraktığı çağımızda iletişim kavramına dair bildiklerimizi yeniden düşünmek zorundayız. “Hakikat ötesi çağ” olarak da adlandırılan bu dönemde, dezenformasyon ve bilgi kirliliğinin yaygınlaşması bir strateji olarak kullanılmış ve algıların olguların önüne geçmesi, hakikati savunanlar için ciddi sınamalara dönüşmüştür. Hakikate ulaşılması ve hakikate dayalı rasyonel kararlar alınması da bu sınamalar nedeniyle ciddi manada zorlaşmıştır. Algı-olgu çatışması, algı yönetimi kavramının günlük hayatımıza yoğun bir şekilde dâhil edilmesine neden olmuştur.
Hakikat ötesi söylemler uçucu ve sanal olmalarına rağmen toplumsal bilinçaltında derin izler bırakabilmektedir. Bu yüzden hakikat ve samimiyet eksenlerine oturmayan bir iletişim anlayışına karşı koyabilmek, ancak doğru inşa edilen ve doğru aktarılan bir “algı yönetimi” kavramı ile mümkün olabilir. Hakikat ötesi ile birlikte sınırları belirsizleşen ve muğlaklaşan kavramlar, akademik bir ahlak ve hakikat anlayışını merkeze alarak tekrar düşünülmelidir. Nitekim, gerçekleri bulanıklaştırmaya çalışarak tezviratı ön plana çıkaran zihniyet ile mücadele etmek ve hakikat savunucusu olmak ancak iyi tasarlanmış bir iletişim stratejisiyle tesis edilebilir.
Ülkemizde ve dünyada, sosyal medya kullanımının yaygınlaşması ve kendi içerisinde sürekli çeşitlenen sosyal medya mecraları, algı yönetimi açısından yeni kanallar açmıştır. Bu mecralar, yeni sosyalleşme alanları kurup dünyanın herhangi bir bölgesindeki bir habere ulaşma imkânı sunarken, bir taraftan da manipülatif paylaşımların ve negatif algı operasyonlarının da odak noktası olmuştur.
Gerçeklere bağlı kalabildiği sürece sosyal medya, algıların doğru şekillendirilmesinde değerli bir kaynaktır. Bu çerçevede, doğru bilgi ve samimiyete dayalı olarak tasavvur edilen iletişim yönetimi, manipülatif paylaşımlara ve negatif algı operasyonlarına meydan okumanın en etkili yöntemi olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır.
Teknolojik imkanların artmasıyla zenginleşen iletişim kanalları, devletlerin birbirleriyle ve vatandaşlar ile olan ilişkilerini dönüştürmüş; söz konusu ilişkilerin dijitalleşmesinin önünü açmıştır. Dijitalleşen ilişkiler ise hem toplum hem devlet açısından fırsat ve tehditleri aynı anda sunar hale gelmiştir. Öte yandan, dijital dünya, yalan haber ve dezenformasyonun hızla yayıldığı mecralar tarafından tehdit altındadır. Söz konusu tehdidin etkilerinin, en fazla devlet ve vatandaş arasındaki ilişkilerde ortaya çıktığını söyleyebiliriz. Vatandaş-devlet ilişkisinin güçlendirilmesi ve karşılıklı anlayışın sağlanmasına imkân tanıyan dijitalleşme, hakikat eksenli ilerlemediği takdirde vatandaş-devlet ilişkisine zarar verici nitelikte olabilmektedir. Bu kapsamda dijital medya mecralarında samimi bir algı yönetimi kavrayışı, hakikatin anlatılması, vatandaş-devlet ilişkilerine sağlam bir zemin hazırlanması ve şeffaflığın tesis edilmesi açısından stratejik öneme haizdir.
Doç. Dr. Oğuz Göksu editörlüğünde ve değerli akademisyenlerin katkılarıyla, “iletişim” kavramını bütüncül ve kapsamlı bir şekilde ele alan bu eserin, hakikat arayışımızda önemli bir adım olmasını ve okuyuculara katkı sunmasını temenni ederim. 

Prof. Dr. Fahrettin ALTUN
Türkiye Cumhuriyeti İletişim Başkanı

İran Devrimi dünyada olduğu gibi Türkiye'de de İslamcı hareketler üzerinde büyük bir etki yaratmıştır. Bu etkinin bu çalışmada ele alınan kısmı devrimden günümüze kadar Türkiye'de çeşitli düzeylerde etkili olan "İrancı" İslamcılık olacaktır. "İrancı" İslamcılık, din, toplum ve siyasetin Türkiye'de kesiştiği ve birbirini etkilediği önemli alanlardan birisidir. Çalışmada "İrancı" İslamcı siyasal akımların Türkiye'de ana akım İslamcılık ile olan farkları ve hareket içerisinde bulunan figürler ile yapılan görüşmelerden hareketle bu akımın ortaya çıkışı ve ortak temaları tartışılacaktır. Çalışma, Türkiye-İran ilişkilerine farklı bir boyut katması ve iki ülkenin karşılıklı birbirlerini etkilemeleri konusunda Türkiye-İran ilişkilerini çalışan literatür tarafından henüz değinilmemiş bir alanı ele alması hasebiyle literatüre önemli bir katkı sunma iddiasındadır.

(If you need this paper, send me a message).
This article questions the universality of smart power and substantiates the pertinence of a Costa Rican approach when facing the challenge to generate a Public Diplomacy strategy. The theoretical and empirical analysis of the investigation allows determining the suitability of soft power to provide Public Diplomacy with epistemic consistency in a Small State lacking armed forces such as Costa Rica, which currently is considering to create a Public Diplomacy strategy. To test Nye’s hypothesis, a non-probabilistic exploratory approach was conducted between 2013 and 2014 with 40 career diplomatic officials (representing 20 per cent of the total amount of career officials), as an innovative exercise, considering the extensive academic literature review carried out for this study.

En reciente foro organizado por el Observatorio Asia-Pacífico en la UJTL, (Mayo 2009) el funcionario de Cancillería encargado de dicho escritorio geográfico y a todas luces geoestratégico, expresó si rubor alguno que la política exterior colombiana al Asia-Pacífico estaba muy atrasada con relación a países como Chile, Brasil, México y aún Perú, y que el país alista por tanto una ofensiva diplomática que nos saque de este rezago.

As a formerly colonized country, India takes very seriously the defence of its sovereignty and of its independence of action in the external realm as well as its identity as a Third World nation. These reasons contribute to its reluctance to push a democratic agenda in its foreign policy even though it has a democratic political system at home. Another important feature of India’s foreign policy operation is that despite a federal structure, foreign policy remains a highly centralized and executive function. This in turn limits space for creative public diplomacy initiatives especially along India’s international borders, which are often the sites of various kinds of dispute and contestation both at the state-to-state level and at the people-to-people level. Indian elites and the general public are perhaps slowly beginning to realize that dichotomy between the internal and the external in terms of social and political values and engagement do not make for good publicity. In particular, China’s rise is likely to bring the democracy argument with its specific Indian characteristics as opposed to its Western heritage into sharper relief. At the moment though, contradictions in Indian public diplomacy remain writ large.

Cultural actions are one of the best tools for ministries of foreign affairs worldwide.
Many countries who choose to work with cultural actions could potentially reach
millions of citizens, inclusive of those living in remote areas. One of these cultural
actions is that of establishing and opening cultural centers. This paper presents libraries
as providing outstanding service in all these centers. Through a historical and numerical
analysis of the libraries of The British Council, the Alliance Française’s Institut
Français, the Goethe Institut and the Cervantes Institute, it can be shown that libraries
are a real tool for public diplomacy that can exceed its remit of social assistance, social
services and education. To conclude this paper will also look at actions that could be
undertaken to improve and cater for network libraries.

In the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, many of the overseas American Cultural Centers or binational centers sponsored or supported by the U.S. Information Service (USIS) organized annual Gettysburg Address speech contests.  The contests helped local students develop speaking and oratorical skills while they learned about the U.S. war over slavery and "government of the people, by the people, for the people."  "A speech or essay contest . . . may encourage hundreds of students to strive for the prize.  Win or lose, every contestant benefits from the effort."  Includes recollections from Bangladesh, Nigeria, Taiwan, and China.

President John F. Kennedy's speech at the Voice of America on February 26, 1962, expressed many evergreen principles for Public Diplomacy and the U.S. government's international broadcasting networks.  "“We are not afraid to entrust the American people with unpleasant facts, foreign ideas, alien philosophies, and competitive values. For a nation that is afraid to let its people judge the truth and falsehood in an open market is a nation that is afraid of its people.”

This paper examines the teaching of diplomacy in the United States through a review of over five-dozen syllabi and lengthy interviews of many of their authors. By intentionally seeking out both academics and practitioners teaching diplomacy, including public diplomacy, to compare their choices in content and pedagogy, I find patterns of difference that exceed those expected by a close reading of the theory and practice “gap” literature. What the two distinct epistemic communities teach in terms of skills and procedures as well as the beliefs that inform them, the values that sustain them and the theories that lie behind them differ significantly. Drawing on the author’s three decades of diplomatic practice followed by eighteen years teaching at the college level, this paper attempts to explain why that might be the case.

The purpose of this study is to situate relational public diplomacy in the larger picture of international affairs. Contemporary public diplomacy practice proclaims to be spending more resources on establishing relations than disseminating messages. However, scholarly works within the field of public diplomacy tend to reflect the old information-based enactment of public diplomacy. There is thus a need to articulate the causal mechanism through which these new

The military diplomacy has increasingly occupied a wider space in Nepal-India bilateral ties. It has been an effective soft power instrument to convey the message of alive relationship, to bond the ties stronger and to revive the strained relationships. Today, it has got a central place of political as well as public concern. Such glorious history of military diplomacy begins after the challenging official visit of Chief of Army Staff (CoAS) of Nepal to India in 2016 and successful role to revive the severely ruined Nepal-India relationships by ending the unofficial blockade of India imposed to Nepal. Later, it has been recertified considering the Indian Army (IA) Chief’s visit to Nepal in 2020 as an icebreaker visit to reset soured bilateral relationship between two immediate neighbors developed after a bitter boarder row dispute in Kalapani-Lipulekh-Limpiyadhura area. These instances produce a new sequence, value and significance of military diplomacy in contemporary Nepal-India t...

How can we explain the dynamics of nonconventional struggles such as the Gaza flotilla case of May 2010? Most international relations scholars analyze international disputes using a “chess logic,” according to which the actors seek to outmaneuver their opponents on the battleground. However, an increasing number of clashes are guided by a “performance logic”: although the players interact with one another, their real targets are audiences. The present study aims to bridge this gap, proposing a phenomenological framework for analyzing this particular kind of performative contest over legitimation and delegitimation in contemporary conflicts. It expands upon the idea that current anarchical global politics increasingly lead contending actors to engage in “pure” legitimation struggles—“battles for legitimacy”—seeking to persuade international audiences that they deserve political support. After providing guidelines for the identification of these phenomena, this article presents a model for the methodical examination of their interactive dynamics based on three legitimation functions (appropriateness, consensus, empathy). This model is applied to the flotilla case by mapping the protagonists’ framing contests across “legitimation (battle)fields.” The findings of this study, which emphasize the strong interplay between normative, political, and emotional mechanisms for empowering (de)legitimation strategies, can contribute to expanding the research program concerning international legitimacy.

The paper examines the “Andy Warhol” Millennium Show exhibited at the State Hermitage Museum in Saint Petersburg in 2000 and at the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts in Moscow in 2001. It first discusses why the U.S. government organized this show as part of America’s millennium celebrations abroad and why it chose Andy Warhol as America’s millennium artist. It then proceeds with explaining the political and art historical contents of the show, as well as its public reception by both the Russian media and the Russian artworld. The paper concludes that the “Andy Warhol” Millennium Show, despite its direct interrelatedness with the symbolic diplomatic ceremonial of millennium celebrations, was a groundbreaking cultural event, as it managed to familiarize the Russian public with key works of American Pop Art and with this build a “cultural” bridge between the U.S. and Russia in the post-Cold-War era.

Al Jazeera English: Global News in a Changing World, edited by Philip Seib, is an important book that provides a fresh analytical perspective grounded in a solid overview of the rising news channel. As Al Jazeera expands its audience in the United States, and as it plans to launch new channels in several languages, the book fills a gap in academic literature about the global news network. Thus, it is likely to appeal to a diverse scholarly and media practitioner readership. The volume includes nine chapters that analyze varied facets of Al Jazeera English (AJE) audience and coverage in the United States, Africa, South Asia, and the Middle East.

This is the Contents, Preface, and Introduction to the book. Exchanges have rarely been taken seriously (in any detail) as a subject of study in diplomatic history, but that is a mistake. The influence is subtle, spread over time, and worth investigating. In the beginning this was going to be a study of the Leader Program in Western Europe, but I became so intrigued by the micro-history of the Program in these three countries that I had to give that up. This is really the embodiment of what someone else (Costigliola?) termed the 'capillaries of empire'.

[RU, EN ABSTRACT BELOW]Актуальность данного исследования обусловлена ограниченным пониманием механизмов публичной дипломатии, которые активизируются при проведении стипендиальных программ для иностранных студентов странами Восточной Азии, в частности Юж-
ной Кореей. Более того, актуальность темы также определена малой исследованностью роли знаний в механизмах публичной дипломатии. Автор данной статьи рассматривает южнокорейскую стипендиальную программу по обмену иностранными студентами – KOICA Scholarship Program. В данном кейсе анализируется содержание официальных документов, утвержденных Правительством Республики Корея (РК), документов и материалов, публику емых подчиненными Правительству Кореи организациями, проводящими стипендиальные программы для иностранных студентов, а также научные работы по теме дипломатии знаний
и смежным темам. Элементом новизны является то, что для анализа применяется набирающая популярность в мире концепция – дипломатия знаний, которая в русскоязычной научной
сфере практически не использовалась. Также рассматриваются прежде малоисследованные образовательные инструменты публичной дипломатии как корейские стипендиальные про-
граммы. Анализ официальных документов РК показал, что концепция знаний в официальной корейской интерпретации отличается от существующих интерпретаций на Западе (Великобритания, США). Анализ стипендиальной программы показал, что она выполняет не все цели, возлагающиеся Правительством на дипломатию знаний. В частности, Корея успешно транслирует знания о корейской истории и культуре, а также профессиональные знания, в то время как сфера обмена знаниями в рамках данной программы остается неосвоенной. В конце статьи автор приводит ряд практических рекомендаций по улучшению эффективности стипендиальной программы как инструмента дипломатии знаний.

The relevance of this study derives from the limited understanding of the
mechanisms of public diplomacy that are activated when scholarship programs for international students are conducted by East Asian countries, particularly South Korea. Moreover, the relevance of the topic is also determined by the scarcity of research on the role of knowledge in public diplomacy mechanisms. The author of this article analyzes South Korea’s international student exchange scholarship program, the KOICA Scholarship Program. This case study analyzes the contents of official documents adopted by the Government of the Republic of Korea, documents and materials published by subordinate organizations that administer scholarship programs for international students, as well as scholarly papers on the topic of knowledge diplomacy and related
topics. The novelty element is that the concept of knowledge diplomacy, which is gaining popularity worldwide almost has not been used in the Russophone academia, and the studies on South Korean exchange programs as public diplomacy instruments are also poorly represented. The analysis of official documents has shown that the concept of knowledge in the official Korean interpretation differs from the existing academic interpretations accepted in the West (e.g., Great Britain, the United States). Also, the analysis of the scholarship program showed that it only partly complies with the knowledge diplomacy goals assigned by the Government. In particular, through this scholarship, Korea successfully transmits knowledge about Korean history and culture, as well as professional knowledge, while the field of knowledge exchange in the program remains unattained. The author concludes with several practical recommendations on how to improve the effectiveness
of the scholarship program as a tool for knowledge diplomacy.

Diplomacy as a practice is as old as when people began interacting with estranged others. Down to its cores, diplomacy entails performance of established communication and representation practices to maintain peace between estranged polities. I define people-to-people (P2P) diplomacy as intentional, political, and transboundary communication-based interactions between groups of people for public, rather than private interests that have or aim to have foreign policy implications. This definition excludes P2P interactions which are non-diplomatic, e.g. pure international exchanges which do not have political objectives or relevance to foreign policies, or anti-diplomatic, e.g. warfare activities.

This conceptual article proposes a new integrative model of the country image by drawing on advances from the fields of business studies, social psychology, political science, and communication science. To interrelate different approaches, a communication management perspective is applied, providing a basic terminological framework systemizing the central constructs of country image, country reputation, country brand, and country identity. On this basis the authors develop the ‘4D Model' of the country image by integrating well-established concepts from national identity theory, attitude theory, and reputation management. The new model is suited for application in comparative analyses of country images both on the level of different groups (such as a country’s domestic and foreign publics) as well as different societal levels (such as individual attitudes on the one hand and mass-mediated prestige information on the other).

Discussion on the distinctions between brand management in the corporate vs. the public sphere; the question of how image and identity are managed by elected governments in a democratic nation vs. appointed or self-appointed management in an essentially "tyrannical" commercial corporation.

On behalf of all of the partners involved in this conference -the ANU Centre for European Studies (ANUCES), the European Union Centre at RMIT, the Monash European and EU Centre (MEEUC) and the European Union Centres Network (EUCN) of New Zealand -may I extend our welcome and thanks to all participants for making this inaugural joint European Union Centres Conference so successful, multidisciplinary and international.

In the article are analyzed some aspects of strategic communication of Russia in Latin America.  Special attention is given to key messages of the leadership of Russia to the countries of the region, the practice of public diplomacy, competitive advantages and possible risks of strategic communication and its interpretation by political circles and the analytical centers of the USA.

In 2001, in response to an Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) agreement with China regarding conduct in the South China Sea, Odgaard (2001) optimistically described the cooperation as the beginning of a "new order". Odgaard remarked that, "The dispute highlights differences in the approach of the two entities to the balance of power, diplomacy, and international law…[and] the seeds of a new order emerge, representing a compromise between the security practices employed by China and Southeast Asia" (Odgaard, 2001, p. 292). As recent events have demonstrated,

It’s been said that those who do not learn from their mistakes are doomed to repeat them. Perhaps nowhere over the past half century has this idiom been more clearly exemplified than in the experience of the United States in the Islamic world.  A simple analysis of the U.S. role in Afghanistan during and after the Soviet invasion of that country shows the arrogance with which successive U.S. administrations have approached Near and Middle Eastern policy and the disastrous consequences that have resulted from their refusal to relate to the region on its own terms. Beyond a general inability to fully implement policy initiatives in the region without the use of force or financing, the U.S. has suffered from a serious image problem highlighted by pervasive anti-American sentiment.

Несмотря на заметный экономический, политический и моральный упадок США, эта страна продолжает играть роль ведущей силы в мировой экономике и международных отношениях и стремится не допустить дальнейшего ослабления своей мощи. Важное место отводится при этом стратегической коммуникации. Автор ста-
тьи, опираясь на методы компаративного анализа, ставит задачей проследить роль иэффективность стратегическjq коммуникации Соединенных Штатов в отстаивании своих геополитических интересов.

Las Visitas de Estado son una importante herramienta de desarrollo de la diplomacia. Por este motivo el ceremonial y el protocolo se ponen al servicio de la diplomacia para planificar al detalle todos y cada uno de los actos que transcurren a lo largo de estas visitas. Aunque hay grandes elementos en común en el desarrollo de este tipo de visitas, las peculiaridades locales hacen que tengan ese carácter particular que identifica los territorios, su cultura y sus costumbres. Este artículo es la segunda parte

Las relaciones internacionales han cambiado de forma sustancial en los últimos veinte años, ante la creación de un sistema internacional que ha puesto en cuestión las bases sobre las que se sostiene. Tales cambios han favorecido la expansión de la diplomacia pública. El artículo describe las dimensiones y los elementos de las estrategias de la comunicación, así como los retos para su consolidación en el marco de la acción exterior de los actores de las relaciones internacionales.

Social media may have roles in improving government performance in digital diplomacy, roles which may be performed by government or non-government actors. The success of Indonesia's digital diplomacy may be achieved through public or community participation. This research put emphasis on public participation of the Indonesians in digital diplomacy through their uses of social media (Facebook, Instagram, Whatsapp, Youtube), Websites, and Applications made by the Government. This research uses documents as the main source of data. Research results show that Indonesians, both in Indonesia and abroad, especially through diaspora organizations, participate in promoting Indonesia, thus participating in digital diplomacy for the interests of Indonesia. The results also that high uses of internets by Indonesians (48% out of 270 millions) is an opportunity for further public participation in digital diplomacy, especially for public aspiration articulation, decision making, and communication involving stakeholders on public diplomacy. It is also an opportunity for publics and government to access data from other countries, to promote Indonesia to foreign countries. However, high uses of internet and social media by Indonesians can also be used by radicals to spread their ideas, for foreign actors to attack Indonesian domestic interests, to spread pornographic contents, and online frauds, both domestically or in international arenas.

Intercultural Management & International Relations - This research paper (French language) analyses challenges and potential barriers for the future development and strengthening of the network of cultural institutes in Europe (EUNIC) by identifying cultural and institutional differences amongst member institutes. The EUNIC case study is an example for multilateral collaboration in European non-governmental organisations and it suggests areas for future development of this type of associations. We are identifying some underlying themes that are potential levers for success and that could be considered when optimizing EUNIC governance structures, strategies and operating principles.
We are hoping that our study will contribute to EUNICs future development by raising awareness on the complexity of the networks’ mission due to the heterogeneous visions of its member institutes. Maybe this work can initiate further discussions leading to co- creating a new, shared vision on European foreign cultural action.