Political Development

Politcal devloplment, since very long, has been the subject of debate among the arenas of political analysts and philosophers whose list is wide ranging. It includes from classical to 20th Century"s modern analysts. Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Karl Marx and so many others , due to their discontentment over the political conditions around them, presented their philosophies with a wishful thinking of progress and development of the respective civic cultures. The concern for political progress under the expression of political development became more pervasive after the Second World War. During this intellectual fermentation, a host of scholars offered a wide variety of definitional explication of the concept of political development. They all soon realised the ambiguity of the offered definition of the concept of political development. L.W. Pye defined it by using at least ten sub-concepts.This article will analyse the political development and modernisation in Bangladesh after explicating the concept of political development and modernisation which have been widely and generally accepted by the political scientists. This study will be confined to the areas: the organisation of the political system and its structural coherence, the democratic experience of the nation, and socio-economic development.

This article examines two cases of social accountability implementation in Cambodia. The findings show that responsiveness in public service delivery is possible but limited without formal systems of accountability. The level of responsiveness depends on a unique combination of political and administrative conditions. It is expected that insights from the case studies can be useful for future implementation of social accountability initiatives in developing countries.

This paper presents a new definition of the state and discusses its implications for modern politics. Rather than defining the state by its control over legitimate coercion, I define the state as an organization that monopolizes the ability to make decisions that society cannot legitimately appeal within a geographic territory. According to this definition the state is distinguished by the absence of any rival organization that society can use to overturn its decisions and the corresponding singularity and finality of its edicts. Aside from avoiding conceptual problems exhibited by Weber's definition, this definition of the state has implications for political epistemology. Specifically, the state's monopoly over unappealable decisions prevents multiple policy decisions from being implemented simultaneously, and the resulting singularity of state decisions makes it difficult to observe policy counterfactuals or generate experimental political knowledge. Absent the ability to compare policy effects or create control groups, different political decisions' consequences remain hypothetical and limited by the imaginations of those assessing counterfactual scenarios. These epistemic limits frustrate the scientific understanding of politics and simultaneously renders consequentialist normative evaluations of state decisions ambiguous as well. I conclude by discussing the implications these problems have for the forms of rationalization exhibited by state and society.

The relationship between political development theory and the dissemination of democracy is a curious one. In the period when political development theory was most influential, efforts to disseminate democracy throughout the Third World in line with its core values were notably unsuccessful. It later went into eclipse as a consequence of the failure of successive efforts at theory-building, from functional, cultural and comparative historical perspectives respectively. Despite this double failure, its core ideas have re-emerged as a dominant force in recent
democratization literature. This article outlines the core ideas of the literature, in which conservative elitism rather than modernization theory provides the unifying thread. It then traces the failure of political development theory as theory in the 1960s and 1970s, and the emergence thereafter of a politics of pragmatism in which the core values of conservative elitism survive intact. Finally, it suggests some of the reasons for its renewed ascendancy.

Political Science inquiry today is influenced by the theories that have been developed and presented over several centuries.

According to Oxford Dictionary of Politics, Political Science is a social science discipline concerned with the study of the state, nation, government, and politics and policies of government. Aristotle defined it as the study of the state. It deals extensively with the theory and practice of politics, and the analysis of political systems, political behavior, and political culture. Political scientists "see themselves engaged in revealing the relationships underlying political events and conditions, and from these revelations they attempt to construct general principles about the way the world of politics works. Political science intersects with other fields; including economics, law, sociology, history, anthropology, public administration, public policy, national politics, international relations, comparative politics, psychology, political organization, and political theory. Although it was codified in the 19th century, when all the social sciences were established, political science has ancient roots; indeed, it originated almost 2,500 years ago with the works of Plato and Aristotle.

According to Marxist theories, public administration must be a subject of single political party that has Marxist ideology. Russia after 1917 and China after 1949 idealized Marxism but they implemented Marxist ideologies in these countries according to the interpretations of their revolutionary leaders like Vladimir Lenin and Mao Zedong. Although, Marxist implementations by Lenin, Stalin and other Russian leaders failed in Soviet Union and proved successful in China after socioeconomic reforms under Deng Xiaoping. This was because administrative policies in Soviet Union were formulated and implemented from the elite ruling class what they felt better while same process is started in China from the opinion and suggestions given by the local officials to the elite class. This became reason of being success for Chinese socialist modernization than the Soviet disintegration. This study will highlight all the patterns of modernizations in China and Russia with special reference to define administrative philosophy in both the countries during 21st century. Indicators of modernization and its relation with Socialist China and Capitalist Russia will also be discussed in this study.

ملخص: تهدفُ هذه المقالة لاستخلاص العِبَر المنهجية التي يمارسها المُفكر الأمريكي فرانسس فوكوياما في كتابه الجديد "النظام السياسي والانحطاط السياسي". يُمَهَّدُ أولاً بتقديم شرح وجيز للشهرة التي نالها فوكوياما عقب سقوط المعسكر الشيوعي، والتحول الحاصل في خطِّهِ الفكري الذي يمثله هذا الكتاب. ويُشدد فوكوياما على ممارسة "السبر والتقسيم" في اختبار علل التقدم السياسي التي تُصاغ في تعميمات دينية، وجغرافية، ومناخية، وحربية، وطبقية فاسدة. وفي كل تعميم يلاحِظ فوكوياما "انزياحاً مُزدوَجاً" لتلك التعميمات لجهة الإفراط أو التفريط؛ بحيث لا يَصدُقُ التعميم إلا في نقطة مُثلى نادرة. وعليه يُقدم فوكوياما مقترحَهُ للتنمية السياسية باعتبارها توازنًا أمثل بين مؤسسات ثلاثة: هي الديموقراطية والبيروقراطية وسيادة القانون العادل. ويكون هذا التوازن من خلال التشديد على حاكمية الأمة، واحترام استقلالية الإداريين في أجهزة الدولة، واعتبار مقاصدية القانون بعيداً عن التفصيل الجامد المُقيِّد لمعاش الناس وعمل الإداريين. يجتهد المقال أيضا في التمثيل على بعض التطبيقات المُتفرِّعة عن مقترحات فوكوياما على السياق العربي. ويُختَمُ بالتنبيه على شرطية الفعل الجهادي لإنتاج الحداثة.

The role of the electronic media in a nation's political development is not in doubt, but whether they are performing this role as expected is still a subject of polemics. Using the agenda-setting and two-step flow theories as supports, this paper examines the constitutionally prescribed roles of two electronic media namely: radio and television in relation to the extent of performance of those roles. Citing instances in the nation's political history, the author attempts an examination of the positive and negative impacts of radio and television on Nigeria's political development. The paper concludes with recommendations on how the media could be more relevant in the performance of those duties which society expects of them.

Abstract
The paper seeks to examine the post electoral crises of June 12th, 1993 presidential election in Nigeria and it implications on the Nigerian Foreign policy and the challenges of public opinion. The paper contends that Nigeria image was badly affected internationally as result of the annulment of the election that was adjudged as the most freest and fairest in Africa. The public called for the sanctions of the Nigerian state and the world harkened to these call and Nigeria was sanctions accordingly. Despite the various sanctions from the European and American communities, Nigeria was able to command her respect among the African unions. The paper made predominate use of secondary source of data. Finding reveals that though the General Babangida regime faced so many sanctions and despite that, the public still hold him liable for murdering Democracy and denying the Yoruba ethnic of the right to presidency by cancelling the elections result. The paper recommends among other strategies the need for the conduct of government business based on international best practices and the rule of laws.

Demographic changes associated with the transformation from traditional to advanced economies are the basis for many of today's theories of violent and non-violent protest formation. Both levels of urbanization and the size of the "youth bulge" have shown to be reliable measures for predicting protest events in a country. As these two processes result from modernization, it seems logical to hypothesize that the combined effect of the rise in urbanization and the increase in the youth population, urban youth bulge, would be a more relevant predictor for protests. Our tests on cross-national timeseries data from 1950 to 2010 for 98 countries reveal that the combined effect of the two forces is an important predictor of anti-government protests. It may seem that the role of the urban youth bulge would appear to be an issue of the past as in more recent decades the proportion of the urban youth tends to decline in most countries of the world. However, this factor tends to be very relevant for many developing countries where both youth bulges have been growing for several decades and the general urban population is on the rise.

A vast network of international law and dozens of international organizations make globalization possible. Treaties and other types of agreements among countries set rules for international trade and finance, such as the GATT; foster cooperation on protecting the environment, such as the Kyoto Protocol; and establish basic human rights, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Meanwhile, among many international organizations, the United Nations facilitates international diplomacy; the World Health Organization coordinates international public health and protection, and the International Labor Organization monitors and fosters workers’ rights around the world.
Let see what globalization is:
As a law writer, in this paper, I will discuss globalization according to with law. Before jump on globalization have to discuss where globalization comes. And in the field of law or according to the law what is mean by globalization.

Լեգիտիմության հիմնախնդրի ուսումնասիրումը կարևոր տեղ և դեր ունի քաղաքական գիտության կառուցվածքում: Վերլուծելով սոցիո- և էթնոմշակութային տարաբնույթ տարածություններում ու ժամանակներում տեղի ունեցող քաղաքական փոփոխությունները և անդրադառնալով լեգիտիմության հիմնախնդրին` քաղաքական գիտության գրեթե բոլոր տեսաբաններն այն դիտարկում են որպես սոցիալ-հոգեբանական երևույթ: Ելակետ ընդունելով քաղաքական գիտության մեջ իշխանության լեգիտիմության հաստատման առանձնահատկությունները` կարելի է փաստել, որ այն ամրագրում է այս կամ այն հասարակության քաղաքական համակարգերին բնորոշ ինստիտուցիոնալ կարգի հիմնավորվածությունը, արդարացվածությունը, բացատրելիությունը, համաձայնեցվածությունը, կերպափոխման և արդիականացման հնարավորությունները:

Thesis aims to analyze the relationship between religion and state in connection to democracy. Research focuses on the contemporary Georgia. Main religion in Georgia is Georgian Orthodoxy, thus the Georgian Orthodox Church’s (GOC) role in the society and state is examined. The analysis is done starting from the so-called Rose Revolution in 2003 which marks first steps of modern era in Georgia’s political system. Significant reforms have been done in Georgia since the Rose Revolution when government started country’s democratization process. However, the GOC is an influential institution in Georgia and it creates controversies between the state and the Church. Therefore role of the Church in contemporary Georgia is analyzed in order to see specific relationship between the state and church and to find out whether that relationship can bring positive outcomes to country’s democratization process. Chosen case of Georgia is believed to be an interesting example of how the relationship between two entities (state and Church) can be analyzed.

Moreover, secularization and modernization theories are used as a relevant tool to approach the problem and answer thesis questions. A framework of the thesis analysis follows logic while firstly examining whether religious institution in Georgia influences the decision-making process. Therefore first part of the analysis is focused on a question whether religion has an institutionalized role in the state. Second part of analysis discusses Church’s role in the society. It aims to answer a question of how religion is perceived in society of Georgia. Thus analysis goal is to see whether Church is a part of formulating society’s opinion, and whether the Georgian Orthodox Church is a part of the social realm. Furthermore, the analysis is focused on various events and processes in Georgia that illustrate the Georgian Orthodox Church’s role in state matters as well as in society. Conclusion is dedicated to answer the thesis problem of whether religion in Georgia can reinforce democracy in the country. Therefore taken steps of the analysis are chosen in the particular way that helps to unfold thesis problem and answers to the raised questions.

Repetitive elections are important benchmarks for assessing the maturity of Africa's electoral democracies. Yet the processes through which elections entrench a democratic culture remain understudied. We introduce an important mechanism called a democratic rupture: an infraction in the democratisation process during competitive elections that has the potential to cause a constitutional crisis. It provides a new avenue of citizen participation outside of voting, and political space for opposition party realignment and to strengthen its support. Drawing from the case of Ghana, we show how the 2012 presidential election petition challenge served as a democratic rupture by contributing to the opposition's victory in 2016, enabling its political development. First, it exposed flaws in the electoral system and led to demands for electoral reforms. Second, it led to citizens being better educated on the electoral process. Third, it taught political parties that vigilance at the pol...

The paper argues that the capture of critical democratic institutions by mainstream political parties has eroded the impersonal character of those institutions that undermines the democratic and political development in Bangladesh.  The study uses the theoretical framework of state building offered by political scientist Francis Fukuyama in his classic work: The Origins of Political Order: From Pre-human Times to the French Revolution, that argues that at least three preconditions have to be satisfied for a country’s political development: (i) State Building, (ii) Rule of Law, and (iii) Democratic Accountability.  The research employs case study methods for the inquiry.  Three key state and non-state institutions have been thoroughly studied to test the hypothesis using both primary and secondary data.

T he question of bias in methodology and terminology is a problem that faces researchers east, west, north and south; however, it faces Third World intellectuals with special kee-ness. For although they write in a cultural environment that has its own specific conceptual and cultural paradigms, they nevertheless encounter a foreign paradigm which attempts to impose itself upon their society and upon their very imagination and thoughts. When the term "developmental psychology" for instance is used in the West Arab scholars also say "developmental psychology", when "applied psychology" is mentioned they hurry to use the same term etc. Why not establish a new science with its own mechanisms, methodologies and points of reference to deal with epistemological biases and open up the gate of ijtihad with respect to them? This collection of papers aims to discover some of the biases latent in our terminology, methodologies, research tools, and conceptual principles, and to propose alternative ones marked by a greater degree of independence and neutrality. This is not to belittle the human value of the West's creative contributions but to emphasise the danger of making it the ultimate point of reference and then trying to continously play "catch up" with it. Cover Design by Saddiq Ali IIIT EPISTEMOLOGICAL BIAS Edited By: Abdelwahab M. Elmessiri the international institute of islamic thought the international institute of islamic thought £9.95-€15-$17.95 isbn 1-56564-416-6 Cover Photo © Corbis BIAS Edited By: Abdelwahab M. Elmessiri

Abstract: Democracy plays pivotal role in the greater part of the world in the contemporary world of Ideologies, Principles, Science and Technology, Information Generation and Globalization. Democracy defined “as the government of the people, by the people, and for the people” by Abraham Lincoln. Countries like Great Britain, United States of America and India follows the democratic Ideologies and Principles in governmental administration, economic activities as well as. United States of America also called the oldest democracy in the world and India is the largest democracy in the world. Almost all the countries of the world are greatly influenced by the Democracy and its usefulness. The present paper titled “DEMOCRACY IN SIKKIM: PRE-MERGER PERSPECTIVE (Special Reference to the Role of First Chief Minister of Sikkim “Kazi Lhendup Dorjee”) tries to seek, address and examine the democratic uprising and establishment of democracy in the Small kingdom of Sikkim. Above paper mainly tried to explain Democratic system and its emergence in Sikkim before its merger with India. Sikkim merged with India and became 22nd state of Indian Union in 16th May 1975. Presently the political System of Sikkim is based on democratic principle but this is not so before 1975.
Further, this paper mainly focused on the role of the First Chief Minister of Sikkim, Kazi Lhendup Dorjee in the establishment of democracy in Sikkim. This paper also explores the major factors which led to follow the principle of democracy by the Independence Sikkim before becoming 22nd states of India in the year 1975.
Keywords: Sikkim, Uprising, Democracy, Political Parties, Chief Minister, Pre-Merger, Election.

We have recently lived through the turmoil of a global financial crisis that originated in the United States and, despite the platitudes of neo-liberal ideology, nation-states were deeply involved in managing this crisis. If “the state” is again a preeminent actor in the global economy, then state theory and the problem of the state should also return to the forefront of political theory. Toward a Critical Theory of States is an intensive analysis of the 1970s debate between state theorists Ralph Miliband and Nicos Poulantzas, including its wider impact on Marxist theories of the state in subsequent decades. Clyde W. Barrow makes unique arguments and contributions to this continuing discussion in state theory and lays the foundation for more theoretically informed empirical and historical research on the state in the age of globalization. He argues that by merely moving past the Poulantzas-Miliband debate, as some have recommended, scholars have abandoned much that is valuable in understanding the state, particularly the need to comprehend the contemporary transformation of the state form and the state apparatuses as part of the new conditions of globalization and transnational capital accumulation. Building upon themes of state restructuring found in Poulantzas and Miliband, Barrow establishes the outlines of an approach that integrates the thought of both to propose a synthetic understanding of the new imperialism.

Pertemuan 5 & 6 mata kuliah Pembangunan Politik: Modernisasi
Sub Mata Kuliah: Definisi Modernisasi, Modernisasi dalam Pembangunan Politik, Aspek Modernisasi Politik, Ciri dan Proses Modernisasi
Semester: 6 (Genap)
Program Studi: Ilmu Pemerintahan

Semangat juang pemuda era pra-kemerdekaan dan saat ini tidak dapat disamakan. Terbukti dengan kurangnya partisipasi pemuda saat ini, salah satunya dalam pembangunan politik. Selain itu, tantangan di era globalisasi ini melahirkan banyak ancaman, di sinilah harusnya peran pemuda lebih dominan. Menelisik peran pemuda sejak diikrarkannya Sumpah Pemuda, kontras sekali makna Sumpah Pemuda saat ini berbeda. Makna Sumpah Pemuda saat ini perlu dibenahi karena dihadapkan pada era globalisasi. Dalam era globalisasi ini pemuda semestinya peka dan peduli kepada isu yang akan membawa dampak pada kemanusiaan dan keberlanjutan kehidupan manusia dan ekologinya. Perubahan zaman yang terus bergerak dinamis harus direspon pemuda dengan cerdas, kritis, inovatif, dan kreatif. Sumpah Pemuda menghendaki pemuda Indonesia menjaga eksistensi negara dan menjadi penggerak kemajuan bangsa. Pemuda Indonesia harus sadar bahwa saat ini dan dalam beberapa tahun ke depan adalah era bonus demografi bagi bangsa Indonesia. Bonus demografi adalah dominannya usia muda atau produktif dibanding usia tua atau tidak produktif. Maka usia produktif yaitu pemuda harus menyiapkan dirinya terutama terhadap perubahan zaman dengan era globalisasi, perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan, dan kemajuan teknologi, terutama di era teknologi informasi. Pemuda juga harus menyadari posisi strategisnya untuk ambil bagian dalam pembangunan politik serta ekonomi dan pendidikan. Sekaligus mampu sebagai agen perubahan yang terdepan dalam menghadapi berbagai dinamika kebangsaan dan situasi global yang ada. Perubahan yang diharapkan dari pemuda adalah membuat Indonesia menjadi maju dalam ekonomi dan pendidikan serta stabil dalam politik.

The intervention of military in political set up of state is a common phenomenon in third world states. Weak political institutions in developing polities paved the way for military intervention in political process of state. It is seen in study that whenever military takeover the charge of a state, it has to face the crisis of legitimacy. Legitimacy is the legal right to rule. Many political strategies are adopted by the military rulers to gain legitimacy and recognition for their rule at national and international level. After securing their political future, socio-political and economic reforms are introduced commonly to uplift the society. The special focus of this paper will be the era of General Musharraf, the major socio-political transformational policies adopted by him with their consequent results. The study reveals that transformational strategies adopted by General Musharraf are short-termed and cosmetic in nature, which did not contribute positively to make state institutions strong and stable. The success of every political system lies in the capacity building of strong civilian institutions and the level of legitimacy they enjoyed.

Proses pembangunan politik menurut Almond (1966) meliputi beberapa unsur, diantaranya bidang ekonomi dan politik. Pada kasus runtuhnya Uni Soviet, Gorbachev mencoba untuk melakukan perubahan ekonomi dan politik Uni Soviet melalui program Glasnost dan Perestroika. Tulisan ini berupaya untuk mengurai singkat proses Transisi pembangunan Politik di Rusia.

The dialectic relation between socio-cultural changes and political developments in post-revolutionary Iran is discussed in the present paper. It is also shown how the social policy of the governments in office has changed under this relation.
      The 1979 Islamic Revolution brought about a wave of tendency towards a specific discourse that can be called “downtrodden discourse”. On the basis of this discourse, the poor and deprived of the society are the center of attention and the resources of society are mainly mobilized in the direction of improving their economic and social conditions. Furthermore, the eight-year Iran-Iraq War (1980—1988) strengthened this discourse and the new political system relied on the lower class of the society to push the war forward; stabilize the foundations of its power; and solidify its ideology. After the war, Iran witnessed three governments with three different approaches towards social policy. Over the era of Hashemi Rafsanjani term (1997–1980), no special attention was paid to social policy since economic growth and development was the focus of the government activity. Over the period of Khatami (1997 – 2005), special attention was paid to comprehensive social policy; however, due to internal political and social tensions his government failed to implement its codified social policy. Although Ahmadinejad (2013 – 2005) also intended to pay special attention to social policy, the actions taken by his government not only failed to reduce poverty, but they also pushed the significant part of the middle-class below the poverty line.

(From the editor's introduction): The same historical process – a history of modernization through its shortcomings, or, the narrative of the gap between political aspirations and material policies – continues in the second chapter, where Diego Palacios Cerezales argues that the difficulties to cover the territory with a police force are not only a good illustration, but indeed a cornerstone, of the whole process. The chapter’s thesis is intriguing and can be summarized in two closely connected elements. First, the presence of a police force would have been an indispensable tool to collect tax and, subsequently, develop all sorts of modernizing projects. Secondly, the absence of such a police force, not only disabled the State as a tool of development, but it also short-circuited the creation of bonds between citizens and the State, thus preventing the birth of a true civic culture. The difficulties felt by both constitutional monarchy in the second half of the nineteenth-century and the Republic between 1910 and 1926 (mainly due to local resistances by landowners and political caciquismo), thus trapped the State in a vicious circle: low budgets did not allow the creation of a police force, without a strong police force it was impossible to collect the necessary taxes for the deployment of more police (and other forms of State presence in the territory). Historically, the failure to create a liberal police never allowed the constitution of a true ‘public service’. When the police finally took hold of the whole territory, under twentieth-century authoritarian New State, it was already in the form of ‘political control’.

This article proposes a new explanation of the positive correlation between democracy and terrorism detected in many previous studies. It is shown that this might be accounted for by the fact that factional democracies are subjected to more terrorist attacks than the other political regimes. A positive relationship between the democratic regime and the level of terrorist activity can be obtained due to the inclusion of factional democracies in the sample of democratic states. If factional democracies are excluded from the sample, the relationship between the level of terrorist activity and the democratic regime is negative. The analysis allows to maintain that factional democracy is a rather powerful factor of a high level of terrorist activity, while nonfactional democracy turns out to be rather a statistically significant predictor of a relatively low intensity of terrorist attacks.

The escape from the “Malthusian trap” is shown to tend to generate in a rather systematic way quite serious political upheavals. Some demographic structural mechanisms that generate such
upheavals have been analyzed, which has made it possible to develop a mathematical model of the respective processes.

The essay explains the singular event of the declaration of martial law in the Philippines in September 1972 through the lens of two competing paradigms of explanation: formal-legalism (or legalism), and, structural-functionalism (or functionalism). The respective basic postulates, definition of the problem, and solutions to the problem offered by each of these paradigms are examined, highlighting the work of the leading practitioners of each of these paradigms. Critique is then offered as to the adequacy of each of these paradigms in accounting for the phenomenon, or event, being explained, i.e., martial law in the Philippines. Implications are also drawn as to the broader viability of these paradigms in accounting for other phenomena in other settings and at other times.

Özet Siyasal gelişme sürecinin demokrasiye doğru ilerlemesi anlamında, gelir ve demokrasi, siyasal kurum-lar ve karşılaştırmalı gelişme, anayasal düzen ve demokrasi, siyasal kültür ve gelişme ve siyasal katılma ve ekonomik gelişme düzeyi ilişkisi karşılaştırmalı siyasette önemli olarak görülmektedir. Bu bağlamda siyasal gelişmeyi tanımlamaktansa siyasal gelişmeyi anlamak için hangi unsurların bilinmesi gerektiği önem taşımaktadır. Böylece siyasal gelişmeyle ilgili bir analizde tanımdan kaçınılmalı ve siyasal geliş-meyle ilgili olarak seçilen başlıklarla siyasal gelişmenin içeriği verilmeye çalışılmalıdır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Siyasal gelişme, siyasal katılma, gelir ve demokrasi, siyasal kültür, ekonomik gelişme. Abstract In terms of the evolution of political development to democratization, many topics are considered to be important in the comparative politics literature. These include: income and democracy, political institutions and comparative development, constitutional design and democracy, political culture, political participation and level of economic development. In this regard, priority should be given to identifying the necessary elements, which help understand the concept of political development, rather than trying to define the concept. Therefore giving definitions of political development should be avoided and topics regarding political development should focus more on content.

In the 1 st millennium A.D. the North-East Yemen political system consisting of a weak state in its centre and strong chiefdoms on its periphery 1 appears to have been transformed into a system consisting of a bit stronger state in its centre and true tribes (but not chiefdoms) 2 (see e.g., Robin 1982b; Piotrovskiy 1985; Dresch 1989: 191) 3 . Within this system the tribes and state constituted one well integrated whole (

Le parlement algérien est considéré comme étant l'acteur majeur du développement politique, en particulier avec l'intérêt croissant que connaissent les études portant sur le rôle de l'institution législative en Algérie. Cet intérêt est apparu en réponse aux intérêts tant théoriques qu'empiriques portés sur l'institution législative des jeunes démocraties. Dans le contexte algérien, la transition démocratique accompagnée des changements radicaux des modèles politiques après l'adoption du pluralisme et l'accroissement de la pratique démocratique, ont conduit à cet intérêt grandissant -toutefois le parlement continu à rencontrer de nombreuses difficultés, qui limitent ses fonctions.

Attached is the working version of Chapter 1.  The full book is available from Lexington Books.

The book defines a model for political change, changes that result in either an increase or decrease in democracy.  The book presents a model that builds upon the existing literate to bridge several major gaps in political change theory.

Key words: Democracy promotion, Democratization, Democracy theory, Political Development, Senegal, Mexico, Philippines, Political Violence, Insurgency

This chapter offers an analysis of the conditions in the MENA countries on the eve of the Arab Spring in the World System perspective, as well as causes (internal and external, general and specific) and certain consequences of the Arab revolutions in certain countries, the MENA region and in the World System. We will discuss Arab revolutions in a wide historical and theoretical context. It is very useful to compare the causes of revolutions in modern and previous epochs, in Arab and others countries; to find similarities and specificity. For example, in Arab revolutions, a very important role was played by new information technologies. The revolutionary sentiments are especially fueled by the diffusion of radical ideas and ideologies in a society, as well as by a rapid urbanization, growing youth share in the demographic composition and rapidly increasing education level of a part of population in combination with poor education of the other part. Thus, the rapid unregulated changes, and increasing structural disproportions may bring a society to a modernization trap which often causes revolutions and other political upheavals. All these phenomena were present in the Arab countries on the eve of the Arab Spring, especially in Egypt and Tunisia.

This research focuses on the political participation of women in Niger. In addition to the documentation on the subject, we conducted interviews with women and political party leaders. Thus, the quest for equality is more than ever a concern of Nigerian women. In this article we asked the following research question: how can we explain the contribution of the feminine gender to political development in Niger? The general objective pursued through this article is to analyze the contribution of women in political development in Niger. To answer the research question and check the general objective the qualitative method through maintenance guides was used. After analyzing the data, the results show that politics is still an exclusively male domain or that there are many institutionalized discriminations, the dominance of political space by men being the rule, although it did not exclude a certain presence women. The results also show that the question of the presence of women in public life in general and political space in particular is a global challenge to harmonize the political space of Niger. Résumé La présente recherche traite de la participation politique des femmes au Niger. En plus de la documentation sur le sujet nous avons réalisé des entretiens avec des femmes et des responsables des partis politiques. Ainsi, la quête d'égalité est aujourd'hui plus que jamais une préoccupation des femmes nigériennes. Dans le présent article nous avons posé la question de recherche suivante : comment peut-on expliquer la contribution du genre féminin dans le développement politique au Niger ? L'objectif général

گەشەپێدانی رامیاریی بە رەوتی دامەزراندن و پەرەسەندنی دامەزراوە و رێکخراوەکان، شێواز و مێکانیزمەکانی هاسانکردنەوەی تەرخان و دابەشکردنی سامان و بەهاکان بەجۆرێ کە دژایەتییەکان بۆ دەسڕاگەیشتن بەو سامان و بەهایانە، توندوتیژی بەرهەم نەهێنێتەوە، دەگوترێت و لە ئاکامدا ئاستی ئاگایی خەڵک، چالاکی سیاسی-کۆمەڵایەتی بەردەوام و بنەماکانی دێمۆکراسی و بەشداریی و رکابەرایەتی سیاسی واتە ئازادی، بەرابەری و برایەتی و دادپەروەریی بەرز دەکاتەوە.

If you live outside of the South Pacific, it is unlikely that you have heard of Kanaky/New Caledonia-or even know where it is located. Many geography textbooks and maps relegate Oceania and small Pacific islands, in particular, to the periphery despite the region's size and diversity. My journey to Kanaky/New Caledonia (KNC) began with a mundane suggestion from a long-time mentor. About to embark on a PhD and familiar with my interest in political geography, Indigenous rights, and Francophone countries, he suggested I look at this small archipelago in the Pacific. Two years later and partially funded by a combination of grants, fellowships, and money I earned by participating in psychology studies, I was on the way to Le Grande Terre-the main island in KNC. A sui generis territory of France, KNC has substantial autonomy for a subnational island jurisdiction (SNIJ). SNIJs are island legal territories in an uneven federal relationship with a larger state like Kanaky/New Caledonia and France (Baldacchino & Milne, 2009). The archipelago is currently undergoing a process of increasing autonomy and debating whether to become a fully sovereign state. SNIJs, in general, are characterized by creative forms of governance and complicated by diverse multinational populations and limited economic opportunities. Indigenous Kanak leaders in KNC have successfully gained special rights, begun forming a system of legal pluralism, and created a system of representation that gives Indigenous peoples a voice