Repatriation

The dislocated, deterritorialized discourse produced by repatriates from formerly European colonies has remained overlooked in academic scholarship. One such group is the Eurasian “Indo” community that has its roots in the former Dutch East Indies, today’s Indonesia. This article focuses on Tjalie Robinson, the intellectual leader of this community from the 1950s to the mid-1970s. The son of a Dutch father and a British-Javanese mother, Robinson became the leading voice of the diasporic Indo community in the Netherlands and later also in the United States. His engagement resulted in the foundation of the Indo magazine Tong Tong and the annual Pasar Malam Besar, what was to become the world’s biggest Eurasian festival. Robinson played an essential role in the cultural awareness and self-pride of the eventually global Indo community through his elaboration of a hybrid and transnational identity concept. By placing his focus “tussen twee werelden” (in-between two worlds) and identifying “mixties-schap” (mestizaje) as the essential characteristic of Indo identity, Robinson anticipated debates on hybridity, transnationalism, and creolism that only much later would draw attention from scholars in the field of postcolonial studies. This article highlights Robinson’s pioneering role in framing a deterritorialized hybrid alternative to nationalist essentialism in the postcolonial era.

Drawing on recent interviews of Indian returnees from Burma, this article sheds light on a well-known yet understudied moment of Burma’s postcolonial history, the forced repatriation of Indian communities during the 1960s. The research has gathered first-hand narratives about the traumatic experiences shared by Indian repatriated families, from their much debated decision to leave Burma, to the perceived humiliation of departure and the dramatic (re)migration to India. The article builds on the scholarship on exile and nostalgia, which claims that repatriation processes often lead to a retrospective idealization by the returnees of what has been left behind. Interviews have indeed revealed how nostalgic memories of a “golden past” and a “paradise lost” in Burma have been shaped among the first generation of Indian repatriates ever since their resettlement in India. In contrast with the classic diaspora literature, which postulates that diasporic groups tend to idealize their homeland, Indians in Burma have tended to rather romanticize their Burmese host- land. They cherish the “golden days” they once lived in Burma, whilst expressing highly condescending feelings about their new Indian “homeland” where resettlement and re-integration to the Indian national space have proved harsher than expected.

The terms 'return migration' or 're-emigration' deal with the return of the diaspora to the country of origin and are therefore full of nationalistic perspective. These terms can be useful in the case of a diasporic return to the country of origin, however, the use of the term 'ethnic return migra-tion' should be clarified as well becaus migration of diasporic descendants (to the country of origin of their ancestors) by strategic, rational and pragmatic use of their ethnic disposition (i.e. passports of their ancestors with written nationality) should also be looked into. Indeed, term ethnic return migration expresses that in the case of some diasporic descendants their ethnic origin might be lost and the diasporic identification questioned hence their migration to the country of origin of their ancestors could be analysed as mobility for material or economic benefit. In this article I will analyse the migration of diasporic descendants from West Ukraine and South Moldova to find out whether they incline more to return migration/ re-emigration or to ethnic return migration. Acknowledgment Rád bych na tomto místě poděkoval třem anonymním recenzentům i šéf-redaktorce Českého lidu Janě Noskové, jejichž věcná kritika přispěla ke zkvalitnění článku.

"Earlier provisional title was "Archaeology, Tourism, Museum...."

"This chapter is divided into two distinct sections that are positioned in a point-counterpoint structure of dialogue. These two position statements invoke the etymological meanings of the word essay, to attempt, put to the test, trial, to act out, to explore, travel, and travail. The first is an historical analysis written in the third person by an anthropologist whose expertise includes the ethnography of archaeology and the anthropology of tourism. The second is a counterpoint commentary written in the first person by an anthropologist whose specializations include Pre-Columbian and historical archaeology. Both of us have significant research experience in same area of the Maya world in Yucatán, México. From these two differing vantage points, we chart our perspectives on the relationship between archaeology and tourism in terms of the problems of exploration, protection, and exploitation.
In the first section, Castañeda takes an historical approach to the emergence of archaeology in the institutional context of the modern museum. He essays an analytical and theoretical manifesto about the deep, intimate interconnections between tourism and archaeology as revealed through an understanding of the museum. In his historical analysis of the role of archaeological representation in the museum, he identifies the sociological creation of universal heritage. He theorizes a notion of the universal citizen-heir as the implied benefactor of this universal heritage. In the second section, Mathews elaborates a commentary on this historical analysis of archaeology, tourism, heritage and the museum. Specifically, she counter-argues and assesses Castañeda theoretical and analytical claims through the use of archaeology and tourism at sites that are not postcard worthy. Together these two “attempts” grapple with the historical and contemporary interconnections between archaeology and tourism. Together we put to the test our typical assumptions about the ethics of archaeologists, tourists, and tourism promoters in the contemporary contexts in which we are now beginning to ask how and why archaeology and tourism are interwoven phenomena in today’s world.""

Despite the issue of Italian prisoners of war during the Second World War receiving some significant attention, the fate of those prisoners held by the Yugoslav state has not yet been thoroughly examined. This is largely a consequence of the lack of sources, which is also why this issue has been treated superficially in the literature. The present article aims to fill this gap, focusing in particular on the repatriation of Italian prisoners of war held in Yugoslavia after the Second World War. Employing material from archives in the UK, Italy, Serbia, Slovenia and Switzerland, the author will reconstruct the process of repatriation by delving into international diplomatic circumstances and Italo-Yugoslav relations, as well as the political and ideological dynamics which affected the fate of those prisoners. The study will also provide a count of the number of Italian prisoners of war in Yugoslavia, which up to this point has been unclear.

Le rapatriement des biens culturels à leur communauté d'origine fait aujourd'hui partie des enjeux qui déterminent l'avenir des relations s'établissant entre les musées et les communautés autochtones. es requêtes de ces dernières ne sont pas nouvelles et ont débuté dès les années 1960, avant d'atteindre une audience plus importante à partir des années 1990. Selon les époques et les contextes nationaux, le rapatriement soulève des enjeux différents et multifactoriels. Si le traitement du rapatriement tend de plus en plus à dépasser le strict cadre juridique afin de mieux prendre en compte les enjeux éthiques, identitaires et culturels sous-jacents aux requêtes, il continue de créer de forts débats tant dans les sphères muséales qu'autochtones. Alors que les communautés argumentent du bien-fondé de leurs démarches dans une perspective de réparation et de revitalisation de leurs savoirs, les musées craignent parfois que le rapatriement ne mette en danger la raison d'être universelle du projet muséal. Les demandes de rapatriement sont indissociables des mouvements de revendication des droits des peuples autochtones et s'intègrent à un contexte plus large de revitalisation culturelle et de décolonisation interne. Il est d'ailleurs significatif que ce débat soit né dans les années 1960, aux États-Unis, en Australie, au Canada et en Nouvelle-Zélande. En Australie, par exemple, les premières campagnes de restitution ont débuté LE RAPATRIEMENT DES OBJETS AUTOCHTONES : des revendications politiques aux enjeux culturels L à la suite de l'accession des Aborigènes à la citoyenneté australienne en 1967. Selon l'anthropologue James Clifford, les peuples autochtones de ces États ont participé « à créer la rhétorique du rapatriement, un discours qui postule que les objets autochtones conservés dans les musées sont des victimes emprisonnées et aliénées du colonialisme, attendant d'être libérées 1 ». Les demandes de rapatriement sont à considérer au cas par cas, en fonction des contextes juridiques, sociaux, culturels et scien-tifiques dans lesquels elles s'inscrivent. En ce qui concerne l'Amérique du Nord, le rapatriement fait partie du paysage muséal depuis plus de trente ans. Ce paysage a notamment été bouleversé après l'adoption, aux États-Unis, de deux lois relatives au rapatriement des restes humains, des objets funéraires, des objets sacrés et des objets du patrimoine culturel : le National

Współczesna akcja repatriacyjna jest często porównywana do dwóch fal przyjazdów ze Związku Radzieckiego (1944-1949 i 1955-1959), które odbyły się na mocy umów polsko-radzieckich i objęły prawie dwa miliony osób. Jednak te analogie z kilku powodów są nietrafne. Po pierwsze, obecne migracje obejmują przede wszystkim potomków osób narodowości polskiej, którzy urodzili się i całe życie spędzili poza Polską, mają ograniczony kontakt z polską kulturą i pozbawieni są kontaktów rodzinnych i towarzyskich w Polsce. Po drugie, proces decyzyjny i obciążenie finansowe w całości spoczywa na władzach polskich. Po trzecie, zdecydowanie mniejsza jest skala przyjazdów. Po czwarte, transformacja ustrojowa zmieniła możliwości działania instytucji państwowych na rzecz adaptacji przesiedleńców 1 . Po piąte, inny jest dziś stosunek społeczeństwa do przyjazdów Polaków.

Afghan refugees in Pakistan are a classical example of refugee-war nexus. They have been historically conditioned by wars and internal conflicts inside Afghanistan. The conflict within Afghanistan which has historically conditioned Afghan refugees has spanned for more than four decades. This study is an attempt to contextualize history, demographics, institutes, national policy and different factors that have conditioned the identity of Pakistani Afghan refugee community. This study also attempt to explore different perspectives on the identity of Afghan refugee community inside Pakistan.

The purpose of this chapter is to present, analyse and re-conceptualise the two state based principles relating to different state orders which have traditionally been identified in international law as the determinants of nationality rights. Jus sanguinis, “the law of the blood” or kinship, whereby nationality is transmitted on the matrilinear or patrilienear side or both and, jus soli “the law of residence” which connects the access to citizenship in a state with birth on the territory of that state.

A systematic review of repatriation literature in human resource development (HRD) journals reveals common themes of low motivation to repatriate among expatriates and high rates of repatriation failure in organizations. In addition, there is a gap in the
published research regarding organization development (OD), suggesting that there
is a need to look more closely at managing the changes for individuals, teams, and
organizations associated with repatriation. In this article, we addressed this literature
gap by proposing a framework for creating an OD strategy for repatriation. This
framework is useful for HRD instructors, trainers, and other practitioners who are
tasked with creating and instructing others on how to create an OD strategy for
repatriation. Such a strategy could help improve repatriation motivation and decrease
repatriation failure, ultimately improving organizational performance. The proposed
framework was adapted from a positive model of planned change and focuses on
discovering, examining, and capitalizing on previous organizational successes to
positively impact the repatriation process.

This article begins with an analysis of the problems of ‘physical repatriation’, as I review the case of the return of a First Nations mask to its community of origin. First Nations struggle to fit their concepts of ownership into western ones, where objects are viewed as alienable. As an alternative, the art of John Powell and Marianne Nicolson depicts a ‘figurative repatriation’ that does not rely on either the courts or museums to recognize legal or moral ownership. I argue that these contemporary artworks are social agents, which bring First Nations cultural objects home by staking out territory within museums. These ‘artist warriors’ forcibly recover (both literally and metaphorically) First Nations objects on display in foreign settings and reinscribe meaning at the level of the personal and the communal. They make objectified assertions of native identity that reclaim the right to self-definition. Moreover, these claims are made all the more powerful through their conscious location within an oppositional discourse framed by the Canadian western art world.

Since the emergence of the Rastafari movement, its members have continuously argued for repatriation 'Back to Africa'. However, not all Rastafarians in the African diaspora seem to aim for repatriation any longer, and prefer to fight against 'Babylon' in their own country instead. Furthermore, the traditionally black movement nowadays includes numerous followers who do not belong to the African diaspora, and thus might have a different conceptualization of what their 'motherland' is. This article interrogates what the influence is of the globalization of Rastafari on its Pan-Africanist and Back to Africa philosophies and asks the question: To what extent is Rastafari still the 'Back to Africa' movement it used to be? The research consists of literature study and analysis of interviews with Rastafarians from ten different countries. The article shows that while some black Rastas no longer aim for repatriation to Africa, they are nevertheless Pan Africanists who aim to contribute to black consciousness and cultural awareness of Africans and their descendants in the diaspora. Furthermore, it shows that even non-black Rastas can contribute to debates about Pan Africanism, reparations, repatriation, and Rastafari in general.

Since Algeria’s independence from France in 1962 after 132 years of colonial rule (1830–1962), claims and counterclaims for reparations have continually resurfaced in a variety of legal forums and public spaces. A brutal war of decolonization (1954–62) brought an end to France’s settler colony in Algeria, instigating incompatible and ongoing demands for repatriation, restitution, and reparations. Since the archive of French Algeria remains largely in French hands, there is no escaping historical linkages between France’s settler colonial project in Algeria and ongoing disputes about archival sovereignty, provenance, and digitization.

[PL] Repatriacja jako znaczący element polskiej polityki migracyjnej zaczyna odgrywać coraz większą rolę w życiu politycznym i społecznym Polski. Niniejsza praca prezentuje najważniejsze zagadnienia związane z tym zjawiskiem, a także uwzględnia przyczyny historyczne i regulacje prawne bezpośrednio związane z tym procesem. Przedmiotem pracy badawczej jest społeczność polonijna, która przeprowadziła się do Polski w ramach repatriacji albo ma zamiar to zrobić w najbliższej przyszłości. Celem pracy jest pokazanie najważniejszych aspektów i problemów repatriacji jako elementu polskiej polityki migracyjnej oraz jako zjawiska społecznego.
[EN] Repatriation as a significant element of Polish migration policy begins to play an increasingly important role in the political and social life of Poland. This work presents the most important issues related to this phenomenon, and also takes into account historical reasons and legal regulations directly related to this process. The subject of the research work is the Polish community that has moved to Poland as repatriants or intends to do so in the near future. The aim of the work is to show the most important aspects and problems of repatriation as an element of Polish migration policy and as a social phenomenon.

Indigenous objects and texts in museums and archives have long been obscured, if not silenced, by Euro-centric theories that limit conceptions of agency and animacy. Despite having been collected and catalogued as dead, inanimate, or ephemeral, these materials may wield not just imagined meaning or distributed agency, but literal power as conveyers of messages, participants in diplomacy, and living beings. If we lean into Indigenous languages and ontologies, we might recognize the possibility that meanings can be reawakened when otherwise mysterious objects make themselves visible again, perhaps through the intentions originally woven into them, perhaps through the traces of the places they have traveled. If a woven basket, for example, is identified as a nu-munu'di ("container of mystery"), its name, in itself, signals that it wraps its woven body around something that may (or may not) be animate; knowing what is within will change our understanding of the contents, and will also change our understanding of the task entrusted to the basket itself. In this keynote speech, Dr. Bruchac reflects upon the curatorial histories of Indigenous objects that, despite decades of silence, are still seen as potentially animate kin to the communities who brought them into being.

The Indigenous People of the nordic countries, the Sámi, have historically been subjected to both the colonization of their customary regions (Sápmi) as well as four different nation states assimilation politics. The result of which has been felt by many in the sámi population as a loss of language, cultural heritage, both material and immaterial, and ethnic identities. Though the last 50 years or so have seen a revitalization amongst those suffering losses alongside a gradual return of political autonomy within some of these communities, substantial amounts of sámi cultural heritage are still located in non-sámi museums and have yet to be repatriated. In this article I examine how sámi duojars-the practicioners of sámi customary craftmanship (duodji)-are reproducing objects from museum collections, and I suggest that this is a way in which duojárs engage in a symbolic repatriation wherein both the material object and the árbediehtu (traditional knowledge) involved in the making of these is being re-appropriated.

In this dissertation I explore the experience of Karen refugees living inside a refugee camp along the Thai-Myanmar border in one of the world’s most protracted refugee situations. This research situates displacement within theories of time, (im)mobility and resistance while also drawing on literature in forced migration concerning repatriation, exile, protracted refugee situations and policy development. A key component of this work focuses on analyzing the relationship between resistance and waiting by applying these concepts to the experience of Karen refugees who have spent decades waiting in camps while currently being faced with a voluntary repatriation program. I frame voluntary repatriation as a globally accepted durable solution to protracted refugee situations and as such, the preferred outcome of protracted displacement by the international refugee regime. Building on conceptualizations of waiting as an active strategy, I add both strategy and resistance to this concept in the context of protracted refugee situations, showing how I will further develop this theoretical framework through my own ethnographic work. Since my contribution to this theoretical trajectory is to make ‘waiting as resistance’ and ‘waiting as strategy’ central to an analysis of the repatriation framework, I will explain how holistic frameworks of return can guide effective policy implementation.This dissertation also traces the specific histories and geo-political situations that gave rise to the current state of a protracted refugee crisis along the Thailand-Myanmar border. With special consideration paid to the emergence of a voluntary repatriation program being implemented by the UNHCR in the region, I explore how Karen refugees respond to the notion of return to Myanmar. In the concluding chapters I offer an applied contribution in the form of a policy recommendation for Thailand that I have termed Protracted Sanctuary Status. Within this framework I offer a suggestion that is modeled after the U.S. immigration category of Temporary Protected Status with a few key changes that address both the need for legal employment in Thailand as well as the precariousness refugees from Myanmar currently face.

During World War Two, the idea to create ethnically homogeneous states was thought out by all the governments of the countries in Central and South-Eastern Europe. In their plans of post-war reorganisation, the western powers including Great Britain and the United States also believed that ethnic problems could be solved by expulsion and population exchange. Romania was not an exception in this respect. The policy of the Antonescu government towards ethnic minorities, as well as a good number of his internal and external acts were subordinated directly or indirectly to the idea of ethnic purification of the country. After Romania had lost in the summer of 1940 almost a third of its territory and population, the Romanian political class believed that minorities were a factor of dissolution, while ethnic homogeneisation was liable to secure cohesion. 
The main Romanian theoretician of ethnic homogeneisation was Sabin Manuilă (1894–1964). A demographer and a statistician, Manuilă became aware that the concept of population exchange as a means to solve conflicts between states was steadily making progress in the thinking of the time. He was the first to write in Romania about the population exchange with neighbouring countries in 1929. Manuilă held an important part in introducing the idea of population exchange to the Romanian intellectual milieu, and, in the summer of 1940, on the agenda of the Romanian government. As an expert in ethnic issues and director of the Central Institute of Statistics, Manuilă contributed to laying the bases of the ethnic policy of the Antonescu government.
Manuilă did not publish any specific works on the issue of ethnic homogeneisaiton and population exchange as a means to accomplish this homogeneisation, but these issues are tackled in his demography writings published after 1940. Of great importance in this field are a number of studies and papers drawn up during the war and preserved in the archives, especially in the Sabin Manuilă Fund of the National Archives of Romania. These writings, most of them under the name of Population Policy, were addressed to the government. They show Manuilă’s views on ethnic homogeneisation and population exchange, including his recommendations for a government policy in the field. The present study  makes an analysis of this material dating to 1940–1941.
Among the writings of Sabin Manuilă on the issue of population policy, the most elaborate piece is a project of population exchange between Romania and the neighbouring countries, addressed to Marshall Ion Antonescu on 15 October 1941 under the form of a memoir. It is a new occasion for Manuilă to assert that the only solution to Romania’s ethnic problems was the ethnic homogeneisation of the country. The  Romanian government had to pursue not only the goal of recovering the borders from before 1940, but also the ethnic homogeneisation of the country. The national ideal, writes Manuilă, should be “an ethnically homogeneous Romania, encompassing all the Romanians,” or a “Romanian Romania,” a country in which “political and ethnic borders should overlap.” Ethnic homogeneization could be achieved by taking out ethnic minorities and taking in “Romanians by blood.” A “total and compulsory exchange” should have been made with each of the neighbouring countries. The program would have been implemented in several steps. Manuilă even offered a  succession of these steps, given the fact that population exchange with one country was liable to also affect a third party. Figures are given for each particular population exchange with Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Ukraine. Several factors are taken into consideration. The borders of Greater Romania were to be reconsidered out of strategic and ethnic reasons – in this latter case, the ratio between the number of individuals belonging to the minorities who were supposed to leave Romania and the ethnic Romanians that would have been taken in. As to other ethnic minorities, Manuilă suggests only a general solution; he speaks of a transfer of these populations into their countries of origin (the Germans and the Turks) or a “unilateral transfer” (the Jews and the Gypsies).
Manuilă’s project had in view the departure from Romania of 3,581,618 individuals belonging to the minorities and the coming in of 1,602,359 Romanians  from the neighbouring countries. Within the borders contemplated by Manuilă, Romanian would have had a surface of 290,126.5 sq. km (as compared to the 295,049 sq. km of Greater Romania), and a population of 18,036,087 inhabitants (as compared to 18,057,028 inhabitants in 1930). Out of the total of the population, the Romanians would have accounted for 90.9 %, and the minorities for 9.1 % (as compared to a 28.1 % ratio for the minorities in 1930). However, these figures would have changed still further after the departure of the Germans, the Turks and Gypsies, included in the 9.1 %.

Монография посвящена истории корейского населения Сахалина с начала формирования диаспоры на территории японского губернаторства Карафуто вплоть до современности. Основана на широкой источниковой базе – материалах российских и зарубежных архивов, работах отечественных и зарубежных ученых, интервью и воспоминаниях участников событий. Издание предназначено для всех, кто интересуется историей Сахалинской области и населяющих ее народов.

The case of 'Benin Bronzes', 1 an epitome of unsavoury methods of collecting objects by the Western European powers during the period of colonial conquests, has returned to our consciousness yet again over the last couple of years and ignited some long overdue conversations. To return or to keep? That is the question, but it proves rather difficult to give a clear-cut answer. The issue necessitates broader discussion and consideration of multiple factors and that is what this paper sets out to do. Hence, the first half concerns the issues of acquisition, perception and representation of the Edo people's cultural heritage, while the second half presents an overview of some of the recurrent arguments for and against repatriation. The Kingdom of Benin, founded in the tenth century left of the bank of the river Niger, reached its apogee in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries when it amassed great wealth through trade with the Portuguese and conquest of its neighbours. 2 The partition of Africa in 1884-85 and subsequent arrival of the British, however, precipitated the demise of the Kingdom. 3 In order to secure the access to raw materials, increase the efficiency and maximise profitability, the British decided to enforce a military presence in Benin. To do so, they set off on an expedition which resulted in the death of over two hundred of their members. Expectedly, the British responded in 1897 with a "punitive expedition" which led to total destruction of Benin City, mass looting and exile of the Oba (king). 4 More than 3000 objects of cultural heritage of the Edo people were 1 It ought to be clarified that the term 'Benin Bronzes' is often used in reference to all of the looted material cultural heritage of the Kingdom of Benin, regardless of the material used in its production (bronze, brass, ivory, wood, leather, coral etc.);

This chapter explores current practices in restitution and repatriation, concludes that most are adversarial, long-winded and costly, and argues that this runs counter to and impedes the essential purposes of museums. Those museums which have returned objects through an open and honest dialogue with claimant communities – usually avoiding legal intervention – have created goodwill and ongoing, sustainable relationships, which also benefit their own local audiences.

The first part analyses current restitution/repatriation practices and their drawbacks, including categories of claims, arguments against return, mechanisms for return, and the lack of measurable impact of international conventions. The second part reviews key issues addressed by recent research on restitution and repatriation: the ethics of return and cultural equity versus the notion of the universal museum; the current focus on building relationships and knowledge networks with originating communities; exploring alternative kinds of values for objects; and challenging and redefining ownership and possession.

The third part draws on the direction of recent research to propose a new way forward for dialogue and decision-making around restitution/repatriation, based on the processes of deliberative democracy. This calls on museums to acknowledge their key purpose as loci for a discourse on the values and meanings of objects and cultural identity, bringing all interested parties together to deliberate and make joint decisions about claims for return.

Afro-Atlantic Legacies is the product of research conducted at Indiana University in 2012 and 2013 with funding from the Brazilian Ministry of Education’s CAPES Foundation. Its primary objective is to give back to the religious communities involved the sound and photo archives collected by the African American linguist Lorenzo Turner in Bahia in 1940 and 1941. This double CD aims to show Brazil a previously unknown side of the work of that Black Atlantic pioneer a er 77 years, retrieving an edited and commented selection of songs, prayers, and stories sung and recounted by Martiniano do Bonfim, Menininha do Gantois, Joãozinho da Goméia and Manoel Falefá, among other historic figures in Afro-Brazilian culture – illustrious representatives of one of the most beautiful and fascinating African diaspora religions in the Americas: Candomblé.

Die vorliegende Monographie ist dem Schicksal von Millionen ukrainischen Bürgern gewidmet, die in den Jahren des Zweiten Weltkriegs zur Zwangsarbeit in das nationalsozialistische Deutschland verschleppt wurden, der Geschichte ihrer Rückkehr und der Wiedereingliederung nach dem Krieg.
Die Studie basiert auf Archivmaterialien und auf Erinnerungsberichten von Einwohnern Kiews. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird die Einstellung zu den Repatrianten in der sowjetischen Gesellschaft untersucht; es werden die Fragen behandelt, welche Rolle „Vorgesetzte“ und „Vollzieher“ des bürokratischen  Apparates eines totalitären Staates im Leben eines durchschnittlichen Menschen spielten, welche Möglichkeiten die Repatrianten hatten, auf ihr eigenes Schicksal einzuwirken.
Für Wissenschaftler, Lehrer, Studenten und alle Geschichtinteressierte.

Sumber daya manusia merupakan bagian penting dari organisasi karena berkaitan dengan kegiatan operasi perusahaan. Manajemen sumber daya manusia juga merupakan kunci untuk lingkungan kerja yang produktif, efektif, dan efisien. Dengan berfokus pada sumber daya manusia, perusahaan mampu menciptakan struktur organisasi yang positif mengarah pada pencapaian tujuan perusahaan itu sendiri. Perusahaan multinasional umumnya akan mengirimkan seorang pegawainya untuk menjadi ekspatriat yang bekerja pada anak perusahaannya di luar negeri. Saat masa kerjanya telah selesai, mka ekspatriat tersebut akan di repatriasi oleh perusahaan. Repatriasi karyawan merujuk kepada pemulangan kembali karyawan dari negara tempat anak perusahaan beroperasi ke negara asalnya. Pembahasan repatriasi ini dianggap penting karena setelah didalami oleh para praktisi dan akademisi bahwa proses repatriasi (pemulangan) membutuhkan managemen yang sangat hati-hati. Bukti empiris menunjukkan bahwa pemulangan kembali ke negara asal memberikan tantangan baru sebagai repatriat (returning person) dengan mengupayakan apa yang telah disebut re-entry shock atau culture shock. Dari prespektif multinasional, proses pemulangan sering dianggap sebagai tahap akhir pada proses ekspatriasi, tetapi kemampuan multinasional untuk menarik calon ekspatriat dipengaruhi oleh cara menangani program repatriasi.

This article analyzes the studies and projects of population policy elaborated in Romania in the years 1940-1942 concerning the Romanians of Yugoslavia and the territories they inhabited. Yugoslavia (after April 1941, Serbia) was the country with the largest Romanian minority in Southeast Europe and the Romanian government lead by General (later on Marshall) Ion Antonescu paid attention to this population. The projects from the years 1940-1942 proposed various scenarios for the two Romanian groups in the neighboring country (the Romanians from the Serbian Banat and the Romanians in the Timok region), most often being evoked the population exchange formula. Some projects also proposed the modification of the border between the two countries.
The population policy projects are discussed in relation with the Romanian government’s policy towards Yugoslavia (from April 1941, towards Serbia). It is mentioned here the Romanian government’s memorandum sent to Berlin and Rome on April 23, 1941, after the German invasion in Yugoslavia on April 6, 1941 and the dismemberment of this country. The memorandum demanded border changes in Southeast Europe, given that events in the Balkans and Yugoslavia had led to radical changes in the political balance of the region; likewise, Romania claimed its “rights” in the Serbian Banat. The article shows that the claims advanced in the memorandum had nothing to do with population policy as it had so far been considered in the Bucharest laboratories.

In this thesis, the historical development of the Black Reparations Movement in the Caribbean and the US is investigated. This movement has demanded redress, compensation, acknowledgement and reconciliation after Trans-Atlantic slavery, post-emancipation oppression and subsequent socio- economic repercussions. Through three temporalities these demands are analyzed and contextualized with the emergence of “the coloniality of power”. I conclude that clearly defned demands for Black reparations have been voiced since the 1600s, and that reparationists have been worked against systematically by Euro-American governments ever since slavery. In addition, I concluded that my investigation has underlined how economy and eventually economic redress have been crucial to Black-White relations from slavery until today. In the beginning of the 21st century the movement has reached a broader, international political public, including the Caribbean Reparations Commission and the UN, which possibly indicates new possibilities for the cause of reparations in the future.

In the context of rising global mobility, managers and policy makers need to understand the complexity of cultural adjustment issues experienced by educational and professional sojourners, taking into account the context-specific nature and purpose of sojourn and re-acculturation to the home country. The thesis examines the cultural adjustment challenges in the context of an Australian aid-funded PhD-level higher education program and relates these challenges to existing scholarly literature and conceptual models that seek to explain the nature of sojourner cultural adjustment, including inter-cultural relations and identity change. The study offers a new conceptual framework to understand issues of cultural adjustment, including reentry adjustment, which is under-researched in both the international student and expatriate management literature. The in-depth qualitative study investigates the lived experiences of 41 PhD Australian Development Scholarship awardees, including 27 returned Indonesian academics. The thesis contributes empirical and novel, context-specific findings to existing scholarly international management, international education and intercultural literature. The study extends existing conceptual frameworks to take into account the hybrid and specific nature of these sojourners as both international students and knowledge workers. The study builds on theoretical insights related to adjustment, including motivation, expectancy violations, culture-learning and inter-cultural identity. The findings provide insights that can assist foreign aid and higher education policy makers to enhance the development and educational effectiveness of international higher education programs.

ii ing and emerging knowledge management approaches. Indigenous knowledge can no longer be considered a raw-resource from which others benefit. Indigenous people are asking for their cultural systems and ways of governing knowledge access and use to be recognized as legitimate, and to be respected as custodians/owners/nurturers of knowledge that is valuable within and beyond indigenous contexts.

This article introduces issues vital for any discussion of repatriation or restitution of African cultural heritage. It traces the development of a culture of iconoclasm in southern Nigeria beginning in the 1880s and active today. One practical consequence of the iconoclastic legacy has been a deep resistance to the establishment of museums on a Western model.

From: Rapport des experts. Commission Spéciale chargée d’examiner l’état independent du Congo et le passé colonial de la Belgique au Congo, au Rwanda et au Burundi, ses consequences et les suites qu’il convient d’y réserver. Chambre des représentants de Belgique. 26 Octobre 2021.Doc 55 1462/002

Available in French and Dutch. Please use official documents for citations purposes.

https://www.dekamer.be/FLWB/PDF/55/1462/55K1462003.pdf

https://www.dekamer.be/FLWB/PDF/55/1462/55K1462002.pdf

This section of the report takes a practical and constructive approach to the subject of restitution, exploring current initiatives and needs in order to orient the Parliamentary Commission in today's debates. This part of the report should be read in conjunction with the section on 'Colonial Collections, Contested Collections,' which provides insight into the colonial dynamics that shaped the current situation and debate. The search for solutions in this matter should always be mindful of this historical context, and its long-term consequences.

A t the end of World War II, approximately 350,000 Polish Jews were still alive. Among the survivors there were about 230,000 who were deported or evacuated to the Soviet Union (the numbers vary slightly depending on the different researchers). 1 After six years of ordeals, beginning at the end of 1945, those who survived and held Polish citizenship could be repatriated back to Poland, according to a Polish-Soviet agreement, signed July 6, 1945. The agreement, which laid down the rules for repatriation, had a bearing on ethnic Poles and Jews, including the majority of the so-called special settlers or deportees who lived under police control. 2 Most Polish citizens rushed back to Poland, but Polish Jews mostly did not stay in there. They moved illegally to Displaced

Este trabajo tiene dos partes: la primera parte es memorativa, en la que recuerdo las circunstancias de la influencia de Peter Kaulicke en mi aprendizaje de la arqueología peruana y general. Sus enseñanzas fueron fundamentales en mi formación como arqueólogo. La segunda parte se concentra en un tema sobre el patrimonio. Quiero proponer una estrategia que contribuya a valorizar una importante parte del patrimonio mueble peruano. Esta estrategia se inspira de la influencia recibida de Peter Kaulicke; en particular, de los materiales bibliográficos de referencia de origen alemán con los cuales enseñó sus clases sobre arqueología del Viejo Mundo.

Objectives: This article uses craniometric allocation as a platform for discussing the legacy of Samuel G. Morton's collection of crania, the process of racialization, and the value of contextualized biohistoric research perspectives in biological anthropology.

Materials and Methods: Standard craniometric measurements were recorded for seven Seminoles in the Samuel G. Morton Crania Collection and 10 European soldiers from the Fort St. Marks Military Cemetery; all individuals were men and died in Florida during the 19th century. Fordisc 3.1 was used to assess craniometric affinity with respect to three samples: the Forensic Data Bank, Howells data set, and an archival sample that best fits the target populations collected from 19th century Florida. Discriminant function analyses were used to evaluate how allocations change across the three comparative databases, which roughly reflect a temporal sequence.

Results: Most Seminoles allocated as Native American, while most soldiers allocated as Euro-American. Allocation of Seminole crania, however, was unstable across analysis runs with more individuals identifying as African Americans when compared to the Howells and Forensic Data Bank. To the contrary, most of the soldiers produced consistent allocations across analyses. Repeatability for the St. Marks sample was lower when using the archival sample database, contrary to expectations. For the Seminole crania, Cohen's κ indicates significantly lower repeatability. A possible Black Seminole individual was identified in the Morton Collection.

Discussion: Recent articles discussing the merits and weaknesses of comparative craniometry focus on methodological issues. In our biohistoric approach, we use the patterning of craniometric allocations across databases as a platform for discussing social race and its development during the 19th century, a process known as racialization. Here we propose that differences in repeatability for the Seminoles and Euro-American soldiers reflect this process and transformation of racialized identities during 19th century U.S. nation-building. In particular, notions of whiteness were and remain tightly controlled, while other racial categorizations were affected by legal, social, and political contexts that resulted in hybridity in lieu of boundedness.

Le politiche migratorie degli ultimi anni in ambito
europeo hanno contribuito a ridurre la dimensione del
ritorno in quella del rimpatrio, essendo quest’ultima
centrale dell’agenda europea di contrasto alla
cosiddetta immigrazione irregolare. La logica del
respingimento dà corpo anche alla maggioranza dei
programmi di rimpatrio e ritorno volontario assistito e
reintegro (RVA&R), cresciuti in modo significativo negli
ultimi anni e destinati ai migranti che non vogliono o non
possono restare nei paesi di destinazione e di transito
e che decidono di tornare al loro paese di origine.
Questa dinamica è evidenziata dal fatto che molti di
questi programmi europei sono destinati a persone che
hanno ricevuto provvedimenti di espulsione; seppur
considerati forme di ritorno più umane dei rimpatri
forzati, rimangono tuttavia funzionali agli stessi obiettivi.