Ford Foundation

Usual  suspects  here  too .  Carnegie , Rothschilds , Rockefeller , Ford , DuPont .
All  of  the  foot  soldiers  are  from  Manhattan  Project –the  so  called  Atomic  Bomb makers .
Radiocarbon dating is not based upon fact, but on three assumptions: 1) that an accurate half-life for carbon-14 is precisely measurable; 2 ) that cosmic radiation has been constant for many thousands of years; and 3 ) that the nitrogen supply available to be acted upon by this radiation has been constant.

While US private philanthropic foundations are small in comparison with other international donors, the Ford Foundation was an important international actor and the biggest player within international philanthropy for almost 50 years. US-funded think tanks and research centers articulated various iterations of a development paradigm, but these paradigms shifted over the same 50 years. What are the driving forces behind these shifts? Why, for instance, were US foundations working directly with government officials in the 1950s while in the 1990s working mostly through non-governmental organizations? This article seeks first to trace the major shifts in the way the Ford Foundation engaged in international development and second aims to explain how and why these shifts took place. In order to conduct this research, I relied on archival research, such as annual reports, minutes from congressional hearings, and internal unpublished reports, and interviews with former high-level employees at Ford Foundation. In addition, I coded and analyzed a database of more than 40,000 grants from the Ford Foundation from 1951 to 2001.The article analyzes the Ford Foundation through four mechanisms of change:internal leadership, external regulation, displacement by competitors, and domestic pressures. These four factors are set against the backdrop of wider shifts in international politics.

When temperatures on the cultural Cold War front reached boiling point in the early 1950s, both the State Department and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) solicited the cooperation of the private sector for funding activities aimed at refuting Communist claims about the United States and its allies—activities that would have suffered from inefficiency had they been openly funded by Washington. This report traces this symbiotic state-private relationship in the case of the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), a worldwide CIA-funded forum for intellectuals of centrist persuasion, established at a time when the US Congress was reluctant to appropriate funding for counterpropaganda. From the very onset, the CIA tried to transfer “Operation Congress” to the philanthropic sector, the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations, in particular. Records of these foundations reveal an internal balancing of risks against responsibilities, which tipped in favor of the CCF by the presence of staunch advocates such as John McCloy and Shepard Stone. By the time the Ford Foundation finally decided to commit itself substantially to the CCF, fate struck and exposed its link with its secret patron. A sense of obligation, if not guilt, on the part of Ford Foundation administrators, often combined with a sincere conviction of its continued utility in the concerted endeavor of tearing down the Iron Curtain, ensured the existence of the CCF—renamed into the International Association for Cultural Freedom (IACF)—for another decade. The incapacity of the IACF to adapt itself to the political climate of the late 1960s and early 1970s, however, ultimately led to its demise.

Este documento forma parte de un proyecto de investigación más amplio sobre la historia e influencia de la Fundación Ford en la Región Andina y el Cono Sur. El documento analiza el rol de la Fundación Ford en Chile. A partir de una diferenciación de escalas de impacto, los autores brindan evidencia sobre la influencia de la Fundación en la instalación de agendas y su contribución a diferentes áreas, principalmente, la defensa de los derechos humanos durante el periodo de dictadura en Chile, la construcción de capacidades, los procesos de memorialización, los debates sobre justicia y derechos ciudadanos, derechos indígenas, entre otros.

This article explores the Cold War context for the relationship between India’s National Institute of Design and its US funder, the Ford Foundation. Drawing on Ford Foundation archives to examine the complexities of philanthropic funds for US diplomacy with India, this article acknowledges US hegemony in design and modernization discourse, while also balancing it with attention to the reciprocal flows of knowledge between the West and the global South. This article examines the impact of design networks and expertise on international political and economic negotiations, and argues that Indian nationalism, both at the government level and in the design school, influenced Ford Foundation activities.

.>>>>>>>>>>>>> update of August 18, 2023:

what a surprise!!! more evidence that the 'massacre' is a CIA fabricate!!!!

https://mronline.org/2023/08/10/new-book-reveals-tiananmen-square-massacre-others-fabricated-by-u-s/


publiziert in: Peds Ansichten, 21-02-2019

https://peds-ansichten.de/2019/02/tiananmen-massaker-1989/

Auf dem Platz des himmlischen Friedens gab es im Juni 1989 keine Todesopfer, weder bei den Protestierenden noch bei den Sicherheitskräften. Doch selbst über die Gewalt außerhalb des Platzes wird bis heute voreingenommen und damit einseitig wie emotional berichtet. Allein dass kaum über die Vorgeschichte der Proteste wie auch den Einfluss westlicher Geheimdienste und vorgeblicher Nichtregierungsorganisationen berichtet wird, lässt eine differenzierte Darstellung gar nicht erst zu. Ein Tipp zu Beginn: Dieser umfangreiche Artikel liegt auch als Hörstück vor. Nun-im Jahre 2019-jährt sich das "Massaker auf dem Tiananmen-Platz" zum dreißigsten Male und es ist zu befürchten, dass wir erneut und umfassend mit dem klassischen Narrativ der Meinungsführerschaft bombardiert werden. Nicht zuletzt öffentlich-rechtliche Medien werden nicht müde, auch Jahrzehnte später Folgendes in die Köpfe zu hämmern: "In der Nacht vom 3. und 4. Juni 1989 eröffnete die chinesische Volksbefreiungsarmee auf dem Platz des Himmlischen Friedens das Feuer auf wehrlose Demonstranten. Schätzungsweise 3000 Menschen wurden bei der gewaltsamen Räumung des "Tiananmen-Platzes", so der chinesische Name, getötet."

Cold War cultural diplomacy projects represented a dynamic mixture of the geopolitical and transnational processes that shaped postwar history. The worldwide dissemination of the Hungarian music education system known as the “Kodály method” provides an instructive example of how these different agendas interacted within the larger framework of twentieth-century global integration. The chapter examines the transnational collaborations of Hungarian and American music educators that led to the construction of the “Kodály method” as an internationally marketable and adaptable model for teaching music in the 1960s and 1970s. It traces how pedagogues from the two countries, like Erzsébet Szőnyi and Denise Bacon, forged professional ties through participation at conferences and summer courses – and explores the process through which the Hungarian model was adopted in the U.S. in the form of institutional arrangements like the Kodály Musical Training Institute, established in 1969 in Wellesley, Massachusetts. Furthermore, the chapter analyses how the Hungarian communist authorities gradually incorporated the “Kodály method” into their domestic and foreign policy framework. Although it initially emerged as a product of transnational exchanges which cut across the Iron Curtain, by the mid-1970s the method eventually became an official Hungarian cultural diplomacy project, representative of a small state’s effort to gain international recognition and legitimacy. However, this process of appropriation compelled the Hungarian authorities to accept and accommodate a truly global phenomenon – and to recognize the ideas and practices of a transnational network of pedagogues and researchers as culturally valuable and politically salient.

This paper deals with the role of social sciences, and more specifically of geography and regional planning, in the legitimization of European integration and neo-liberal economic and social reforms introduced since 1989 in Poland and, more broadly, in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. Using the example of an intellectual biography of Antoni Kukliński, one of the most prominent Polish geographers, the role of the old intelligentsia elite and its American professional experiences in the evolution of the Polish academia is also analyzed, as well as its involvement in the first noncommunist government. The paper also discusses the absence of critical schools within the field of Polish geography as well as other disciplines of social sciences. This is done though the reconstruction of the basic structure of the given academic field and its evolution over time from late communist period to present days. This specific structure of the field of Polish geography, which as it is argued is similar to other fields of social sciences and humanities in Poland, also helps to better contextualize the trajectory of Kukliński.

When in the 1950s C. Wright Mills was writing about the emergence of the new power elites he paid no attention to the presence of women in its midsts. He was not entirely mistaken. Yet there is a particular intertwining of the ideologies of leadership and masculinity which serves to maintain the status quo, the privilege of an elite and perpetuate preconceptions about political agency and gender. In an attempt to go beyond available models and predominantly masculine images of the postwar America the present article accounts for women's role in the postwar American efforts for cultural hegemony. It focuses on the cases of the American archaeologist Alison Frantz and Ekaterini Myrivili, a Greek cultural administrator and their work with the Fulbright Foundation and Ford Foundation respectively. This article seeks to stress women's role as professionals and members of status groups with great cultural capital responsible for the production and distribution of high-culture integral to the American Cold War efforts. Furthermore, the article contributes to the growing literature on the cultural Cold War in Greece.

This essay examines the marginal place of economics in the early development of the Ford Foundation’s Behavioral Sciences Program during the 1950s. We propose that the process of marginalization reflected the self-segregation of the privileged, with economists eager to leave the other social and behavioral sciences behind in mid-century America. Despite some significant exceptions, these other social sciences were less secure, hobbled by internal dissent, and plagued by widespread criticism from Congress and many natural scientists. Thus economists, seeing the nascent behavioral science project as a potential drag on their ambitions, lobbied instead -- and successfully -- for a separate funding stream through another Ford Foundation program.

Nicholson interrogates the premise that Performance Studies, through its emphasis on non-Western, non-elite areas of cultural inquiry, resulted in a democratisation of the theatre canon. The chapter traces the occlusion of post-independence Parsi drama in South Asian theatre history by analysing the strategic impact of the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations on India’s cultural sector after 1947. By building international, national, and regional networks of expertise in the performing arts through institution building, artistic exchanges, and cultural fellowship programmes, American foundations assumed a legitimising function for academic and artistic recognition, a phantom presence that shaped the meaning of theatre. As a result, performance forms sustained through informal, communal methods of sponsorship gradually fell under the historiographic radar, thereby marking the vanishing point of canonical legibility.

The paper explores the ways in which women contributed to the postwar American cultural offensive. Based on two case studies and expanding on a modestly growing literature on the subject, the presentation seeks to better understand the ways and the terms in which women contributed to the post-war American cultural wars.

Embedded in trans-Atlantic networks of cultural and social elites, which carried out the cultural wars of the time, women did not merely perform clerical work occupying the “front stage,” in Goffman’s terms.Middle and upper-middle class highly educated women like the two in discussion – the American archaeologist Alison Frantz and Ekaterini Myrivili, a Greek upper lever cultural administrator – were directly involved in the development and management of programs and institutions – the Fulbright and the Ford Foundations in this case – with long-lasting effects.

The paper capitalizes on the rich archival materials available at the Gennadius Library and the Archives of the American School and focuses on the work of Alison Frantz and Ekaterini Myrivili not in order to trace any gender-specific ways in their influential careers but to stress, depending on their professional and personal trajectories, the ways in which they swayed and directed the institutions and programs they built. By way of doing so the paper challenges the patriarchal portrait of the cultural cold warrior and puts The Power Elite by C. Wright Mills under a new light.

that, the new frontiers of war, called 4th generation of warfare, is represented by the civil society. He said, wars have ceased as effective instruments to achieve political and military objectives, as they are too expensive and unaffordable, with an element of uncertainty about their outcome. The place of war, has now been taken over by the civil society, that can be subverted, divided, and can be manipulated, to hurt the interest of the nation, he observed.

From the historiographical revival in recent decades, Unions, NGOs, Multinational and Philanthropic
Foundations have begun to be studied as major players in their own right on the
international scene, compared to the previous literature where the ‘State’ was the almost exclusive
object of analysis. Consistent with this current trend, I will try to explain the motives
and strategies of the Ford Foundation’s work in Spain, and the Spanish partners it engaged
with. Interested in the political developments in Spain and simultaneously in contributing to
the international projection of its brand, the Ford Foundation funded several educational and
teaching English programs in Spain. I explore the details of these activities, comparing material
in unpublished American files with Spanish sources.

Shaky Foundations provides the first extensive examination of a new patronage system for the social sciences that emerged in the early Cold War years and that took more definite shape during the 1950s and early 1960s, a period of enormous expansion in American social science. By focusing on the military, the Ford Foundation, and the National Science Foundation, I show how this patronage system presented social scientists and other interested parties, including natural scientists and politicians, with new opportunities to work out the scientific identity, social implications, and public policy uses of academic social research. I also examine significant criticisms of the new patronage system, which contributed to widespread efforts to rethink and reshape the politics-patronage-social science nexus starting in the mid-1960s.  Based on extensive archival research, Shaky Foundations addresses fundamental questions about the intellectual foundations of the social sciences, their relationships with the natural sciences and the humanities, and the political and ideological import of academic social inquiry.

La formación de economistas en Buenos Aires estuvo muy vinculada a lo ocurrido dentro de las universidades, pero no solo allí. Desde fines de los años cincuenta hubo varias instituciones co-formadoras de economistas entregaron formaciones extracurriculares como fueron cursos, visitas de profesores extranjeros, becas de estudio en el exterior, nuevos materiales bibliográficos y conferencias. En la década de 1960 diversos programas gubernamentales y no gubernamentales desde Estados Unidos entregaron recursos para que estudiantes y profesionales de ciencias económicas estudien economía en universidades del país del norte. En el contexto de la Guerra Fría, la revolución cubana y la Alianza para el Progreso y de formas directas e indirectas el Estado, las fundaciones y las universidades estadounidenses se entrometieron, influyeron, dirigieron o colaboraron en (y con) el desarrollo de las ciencias sociales latinoamericanas.

This article addresses the behavioural revolution in organization studies of the 1950s. It tries to unravel, via Foucaultian ‘eventalization’, the conditions that made the ‘behavioural sciences’ emerge at that historical juncture. I argue that the relationship of the Ford Foundation with the Graduate School of Industrial Administration and concomitantly with Herbert Simon, James March and others, was fi rmly embedded in the Cold War politics of the time. These relationships mirrored governmental, public policy, education and foundation concerns with socialism, as well as communist infi ltration in the universities at a formative period in the development of organization and management studies, contributing to functionalism and positivism being institutionalized in these disciplines.

I analyze William Gaddis’ transmutation, in J R (1975), of material from his abandoned book on instructional TV for the Ford Foundation (1962–3). Finding previously unknown sources for numerous passages of the novel, I focus on a pattern of changed emphasis. Gaddis’ work for Ford is scrupulous about the pedagogical potential of TV, which it sees as a viable classroom tool threatened by administrative misuse. The novel, however, turns material that initially focused on teachers’ experiences and dilemmas into indictments of administrative culture alone. I show how central the Ford project’s conception of administrative problems becomes to J R, trace the way that material originally organized around pedagogical concerns is repurposed to evoke administrative overreach and dysfunction, and demonstrate this transmutation-pattern’s implications for understanding the novel’s narrative and rhetorical drama.

Shaky Foundations provides the first extensive examination of a new patronage system for the social sciences that emerged in the early Cold War years and that took more definite shape during the 1950s and early 1960s, a period of enormous expansion in American social science. By focusing on the military, the Ford Foundation, and the National Science Foundation, I show how this patronage system presented social scientists and other interested parties, including natural scientists and politicians, with new opportunities to work out the scientific identity, social implications, and public policy uses of academic social research. I also examine significant criticisms of the new patronage system, which contributed to widespread efforts to rethink and reshape the politics-patronage-social science nexus starting in the mid-1960s.  Based on extensive archival research, Shaky Foundations addresses fundamental questions about the intellectual foundations of the social sciences, their relationships with the natural sciences and the humanities, and the political and ideological import of academic social inquiry.

Terhitung sejak tahun 2004 hingga 2011, peningkatan anggaran pemerintah untuk program pengentasan kemiskinan hampir 400%. Jika dihitung sejak tahun 2004 sampai 2010, angka kemiskinan hanya turun 3,37 %. Hal itu berarti hanya terjadi penurunan angka kemiskinan 0,56% per tahun. Jika penurunan angka kemiskinan masih berlangsung sama hingga tahun 2015 maka perkiraan angka kemiskinan di Indonesia masih 11,08%. Angka ini masih jauh dari target pencapaian MDGs sebesar 7,5% pertahun.

During the second half of the 20th century the Ford Foundation – at the time the world’s largest private philanthropy – made a significant commitment to issues of cultural heritage as part of its international work in Asia. Across countries in South and Southeast Asia, in particular, foundation grants were made to governments, private institutions, and individuals engaged in a wide range of fields in the arts, humanities, and applied sciences such as archaeology. The Foundation’s culture programs embraced tangible heritage as well as a range of living traditions and cultural expression. Such rubrics served as important labels locating culture within the broad portfolio of the Foundation’s grant-making, as well as touchstones employed to justify philanthropy’s attention to culture in contrast to the dominant emphasis of international aid on economic development and modernization. This paper will look at how one of the world’s most important international philanthropies built a ration...

Archival documents created by governments and institutions that were engaged in the Cold War reflect a paradigm of global rivalry and, if used uncritically, overly determine the way we conceptualize the post-1945 period. The majority of the archival traces linked to interactions of an international nature imply a struggle that supposedly involved all geopolitical areas of the world, suggesting a totalizing and systemic antagonism that framed participants as competitors and foreshadowed a discourse about winners and losers in the period after 1989/1991. In my research, I focus on one category of non-state actors that was presented, both during and after the Cold War, as having a decisive role in the systemic opposition: elites and scholars from state socialist Eastern Europe who participated in cultural exchanges and scholarship programs initiated by “Western” countries, especially the U.S. Such scholarships were given by the Ford Foundation, the Inter-University Committee on Travel Grants (IUCTG), and its successor, the International Research & Exchanges Board (IREX), the State Department, but also more regional institutions, like the International Writing Program in Iowa City. I follow the participants and their interactions through the lens of various archives in both the sending country (taking socialist Hungary as my case study) and the receiving country. In both contexts, these actors were instrumentalized as vehicles for geopolitical and cultural diplomacy state agendas, their conspicuous mobility being framed by top-down expectations and fears born of the systemic antagonism. Policymakers in the U.S. encouraged the invitation of elites from behind the Iron Curtain supposing that, once exposed to an “affluent and free” society, the “guests” will be impressed to the degree of “conversion.” After returning home, they would become “spokespersons” for the superiority of the “Western way of life” and thereby gradually, but effectively undermine state socialist regimes from within. U.S. archival documents related to facilitating these scholarship programs reflect the preparation and assessment of this projected transformation, underpinning post-Cold War triumphalist narratives. Hungarian authorities allowed the country’s elites to travel abroad expecting that, through their exemplary behavior, they would perform the superior values of the socialist way of life. At the same time, the authorities considered elite travelers as liabilities since their potentially flailing vigilance could allow them to be won over and entrapped by their hosts. Hungarian archival documents depict trans-Atlantic interactions as confrontations, and issue warnings, articulate tasks, and examine outcomes from this vantage point. Considered together, these Cold War projections reveal two truth regimes that were not isolated and mutually incompatible, but interlocking and complementary. The hegemonic hopes of the global center matched and mirrored the fears of the semi-periphery, setting the agency of participants in scholarship programs on a narrow course. Attempting to verify the validity or impact of these projected conversions would confine one within the legacy of Cold War truth regimes. Instead, I explore how we can conceptualize an outside or alternative to the zero-sum geopolitical paradigm suggested by archival sources, and how research can reclaim forms of agency in the face of such epistemic limitations.

This paper scrutinises the Ford Foundation’s Fund for Adult Education from the perspective of Cold War social science. Its massive Experimental Discussion Project was an attempt at scientifically grounded social engineering in American communities in the field of liberal humanistic education. This civilisation-saving mission to foster critical democratic citizenship and world-understanding ran into aparadox of scientific social engineering and organic community growth, expertise, and planning versus lay leadership. Discussion groups opened up space for discussing politics during the McCarthy era, while its scientific evaluation was characteristic of the 1950s Culture Wars in its value neutrality and race-blindness.

In 'Class, ethnicity and state in the making of marginality: Revisiting territories of urban relegation', Loïc Wacquant argues that the state is central to the production and maintenance of racialised urban marginality. This rejoinder draws upon recent work on territory to extend Wacquant's relational analysis to the everyday operation of state antipoverty programs. I use an early War on Poverty community development program in Oakland, California, to demonstrate that poor people's movements engage and subvert attempts to govern urban space. I argue that antipoverty programs are not the direct implementation of repressive state policies on the ground but programs of government, characterised by contradictions, unexpected slippages and multiple political agendas.

L OS ORGANISMOS INTERNACIONALES de cooperación y las fundaciones filantrópicas han tenido una función relevante en la emergencia y consolidación del campo científico. La asistencia técnica y financiera comenzó a tomar un fuerte impulso en los años posteriores a la Segunda Guerra Mundial, especialmente cuando la Organización de las Naciones Unidas creó a la UNESCO para promover el desarrollo cultural. Otro impulso vino cuando las fundaciones norteamericanas reactivaron el proceso de internacionalización que habían comenzado en la etapa de entreguerras. 1 En el escenario de la Guerra Fría, la cooperación internacional comenzó a mostrar múltiples tensiones y las periferias se convirtieron en territorios estratégicos en los cuales se desenvolvió la contienda por la dominación simbólica a nivel mundial.