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The Indian govt has gone all out against civil society, especially those who are standing in the way of its 'growth-at-all-costs' agenda; but there is hope in peoples' resistance and a relatively free judiciary and media
Choice Reviews Online, 2011
American Ethnologist, 2016
Civil society groups today are honored and relied on by governments, as well as tightly regulated and scrutinized for challenging state policies and agencies. In contemporary India, political dynamics of collaboration and confrontation between state and nonstate actors increasingly unfold in legal-social fields, taking "technomoral" forms. Mixing technocratic languages of law and policy with moral pronouncements, these actors assert themselves as virtuous agents, marking their political legitimacy as keepers of the public interest. Using ethnographic research with Indian NGOs, social movements, and a political party, we show that as civil society groups interact with state bodies, they redefine institutional boundaries and claim moral authority over public stewardship. Technomoral strategies are neither depoliticized nor antipolitical, but constitute a righteous and rightful form of politics. [NGOs, state, India, morality, activist politics, neoliberalism, law] O n June 3, 2014, the Indian Intelligence Bureau submitted a confidential report to Prime Minister Narendra Modi's office warning of efforts by certain foreign-funded NGOs to "take down" India's development (Times of India, June 12, 2014). 1 The report, which was leaked to the media, argued that were it not for the antidevelopment work of some NGOs, India's GDP would be 2-3 percent higher, and alleged that NGO activity had sabotaged megaindustrial projects and threatened the country's critical industries of mining, agricultural biotechnology, and energy. The report furthermore accused donors from the United States, the United Kingdom, Scandinavia, the Netherlands, and Germany of using NGOs and "people-centric" issues like human rights and gender equality to spark protests, thwart development, and harm India's reputation internationally (Indian Express, June 7, 2014). The Intelligence Bureau (IB) report defined development as a national security issue tied to defending the interests of capital, invoking a strong state with powers to repress in the name of growth. It positioned the state as a vertically authoritative entity (Ferguson and Gupta 2002) in relation to a loose and ambiguous group of institutions categorized as "NGOs" that included people's movements (also known as social movements), advocacy groups, campaigns, and local and international organizations, all of which it positioned as subversive forces in need of restraint. Ironically, these were the very civil society bodies that international development organizations and the Indian state, as well as other states, had lauded in the 1990s as ideal partners in development and democracy. The escalating state suspicion and tightening regulation of the voluntary sector in India today is part of a global trend. As Douglas Rutzen notes, from 2004 to 2010, more than 50 countries "considered or enacted measures restraining civil society," and since 2012 "more than ninety laws limiting the freedoms of association or assembly have been proposed or enacted" worldwide (2015, 7; see also ICNL 2013). Cuts in voluntary
"The concept of civil society in India, (even as an attempt to establish civility) which gained public attention in the 1980s, was essentially seen as the opposite of despotism. Since then, it seems that it is not the ‘State’ but the ‘Society’ that has emerged as the driving wheel of the political history of India. Why has this shift occurred in the late 1980s in Indian political scenario? The particular line of thinking that the author intends to pursue in this paper is shared by some other social scientists who have tried to define what is new in the new social movements: they are “the main route to shifting political action in civil society from the current condition of mainly isolated, local initiatives, easily ignored by the power structure and vulnerable to manipulation and co-option. The document explores the various socio-economic factors, which were mainly the contributing factors for the civil societal intervention in the mid 1970s in India. The author also presents a case study, which makes a modest attempt to critically appraise the role of civil society in contemporary governance debate in India, in general, by studying the Mazdoor Kiasn Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), Rajasthan, in particular."
2013
Can civil society speak truth to power in Indian democracy? In times when civil society is making headlines every day, this working paper considers some questions regarding the process through which civil society does policy advocacy. Defining civil society as medium and large NGOs, this paper raises some serious questions: When does civil society matter? Can civil society influence public policy? If so, how does it do it? When does it fail? What are the areas in which it can influence policy? What are the areas in which it fails to make any impact? This paper suggests that in attempting to advocate policies to the state i.e., in attempting to speak truth to power, civil society—even when defined as NGOs—does a quintessential political act of engaging the state.
Studies in Indian Politics, 2014
It is often assumed that civil society’s influence on governance can only be complementary to the state and that it must be exercised through conciliatory approaches. But contrary to that assumption, a study of civil society organizations in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh shows that the civil society may attempt to influence governance process through multiple strategies. These include conciliatory approaches, adversarial approaches and a combination of both, depending on the issue or policy on which the influence is sought to be exercised. This article illustrates this by taking the examples of two intermediary NGOs: one from Karnataka and the other from Andhra Pradesh. The question this article raises is: in the context of globalization and the supposedly prominent role of civil society, how effective are they? This article argues that they still happen to be subsidiary partners in the paradigm of ‘governance-through-networks’. By and large, public policy still happens to be influen...
We are living in rapidly changing times. Rapid economic growth is spreading across much of Asia today. India is being proclaimed to be one of the future economic superpowers of the world. New patterns of production and consumption are sweeping across the country. The wave of liberalization and globalization has created new industries and new opportunities. The service sector has begun to dominate the Indian economy, leaving agriculture and manufacturing/industrial sectors way behind. There is a new buzz of optimism and energy cutting across our society today. In this progressive environment, there is also the stark reality of hunger, poverty, and deprivation. Nearly a third of India's districts are facing growing violence feeding on such frustrations of the youth. Around the world, security concerns are dominating policymakers. Terrorism in its myriad manifestations is spreading across the globe. Rapid economic growth is associated with growing inequalities of income & wealth, around regions, countries, and communities. Environmental degradation and climate change are other consequences of this growth trajectory. In this milieu, new societal challenges are emerging; and many of the old challenges have been persisting. Governments are attempting to balance policies for change with a measure of continuity. Unlike an earlier era where governments, especially democratic ones, were seen as agencies working to bring about improvements in the lives of their people, they are now becoming a part of the problem. Democratic accountability and efficient use of public resources are the twin challenges of modern states, including the Indian state. In some respects, the new era has legitimized the roles of the for-profit private sector in contributing to this rapid economic growth.
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