Europeanization of the Balkans

The European Union (EU) has closely correlated different aspects of the peace process in Bosnia with progress towards European accession. The ‘power of attraction’ of EU membership would presumably induce the Bosnian authorities to accept the adaptation costs of political and economic transformation. However, the Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. The track record of the EU’s policies towards Bosnia represents a paradigmatic case of what would happen if almost nothing works as efficiently as in the case of the countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. The article investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not effectively responded to three challenges: 1) adjust the process to the needs of an ethnically divided post-war state; 2) preserve the credibility of accession conditionality, and 3) convey the proper messages on how to comply with EU rules. Therefore, the article argues for a more cohesive and consistent EU approach towards Bosnia.

Covid-19 brought to the surface many structural vulnerabilities in the Western Balkans, a European periphery marked by its weak economies and inefficient and underfinanced healthcare and social welfare systems. There has been a pressing need for external support and several external actors (such as the EU, China, Russia and Turkey) have stepped in to provide assistance. Under normal circumstances, the prompt response of a plurality of actors should have been a very positive development for the region. However, this is not entirely the case. External actors have been in direct competition in a fierce race for geopolitical influence and preeminence, striving to position themselves ahead of the others for the challenges and opportunities of the post-pandemic period. The EU distinguishes itself from the other external actors for its comprehensive pandemic-related assistance to the region, which has exceeded €3.3 billion. Its concerns cover a range of priorities, from supporting national healthcare systems to stimulating socioeconomic recovery. The EU has also donated more than 23 million pieces of personal protective equipment, as well as dozens of ambulances, ventilators and intensive care monitors. Moreover, Brussels has given €70 million for the procurement of EU-approved vaccines; promised to provide 651,000 vaccine doses until August 2021; and said it would also deliver more than 1.1 million vaccine doses until June 1 www.consilium.europa.eu/en/infographics/covid-support-western-balkans-health-vaccines/.

1. Western Balkan states should reinforce the regulatory and institutional framework and empower independent authorities so as to mitigate political bargaining and interventions. 2. Western Balkan states should establish appropriate environmental standards for business activity in line with the EU's acquis communautaire in order to attract 'green' Foreign Direct Investments. 3. The EU should focus on the genuine compliance of Western Balkan states with EU standards and on the comprehensive application of adopted legislation.

Pursuant to the same logic that prevailed when Jean Monnet and Robert Schuman reached out to Germany after the end of World War II, and in keeping with the promise made in the Preamble of the founding treaty, the EU reached out to Central and Eastern Europe after the end of the Cold War and offered integration. In recognition of the difficulties for the EU on the one side of absorbing a large number of countries without jeopardizing the functioning of the institutions, and the difficulties for the Central and Eastern European Countries ("CEECs") on the other side of transforming themselves into modern democracies with rule of law and functioning market economies, a number of pre-conditions for accession and a number of support schemes for the transformation were established. The present Article analyzes those pre-conditions that were supposed to promote the development of Rule of Law, as well as those schemes that were intended to support this development. It concludes tha...

The article analyses from an anthropological perspective the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade, the first state-supported Parade in Serbia, as a part of the building of a democratic and European Serbian nation. In their discursive framing of the Parade and making claims on the state to take it under its auspices, the organising NGOs bound the event to the EU integration process of Serbia. This policy link helped them forge a political alliance with the state, but was also instrumentalised by the government to avoid an ideological conflict with the opponents of the Parade. Owing to the perception of the alliance as “elitist” and to the militarised and depoliticised nature of the state’s involvement, the event materially actualised and reified rather than transcended the enduring conflict of liberal and collectivist citizenship visions in Serbia. The article argues that the overall discourse of the government on Europeanisation is informed by the same top-down and instrumental logic. However, members of civil society develop political subjectivities which demand active citizen participation and critically engage with the discourse to restore its democratising potential. Similarly, the emerging “populist” politics of LGBT rights, illustrated by the pop singer Jelena Karleuša's participation in the domestic debate, are better placed to face the legacies of socialist and ethnonationalist nation-building than the human rights and Europeanisation approaches

Abstract

Undergoing a myriad of regime changes, occupied by different empires and states throughout the history, Kosovo has never had a particular administrative experience. With the creation of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, where Kosovo gained its self-ruling autonomy status granted by the Constitution of 1974, the native Albanian majority were able to join the province administration structures. Nonetheless, with the breakup of Yugoslavia, and the forced supremacy of the autonomy imposed by Slobodan Milosevic with the new 1989 Constitution, all Albanian employees in the administration were forcibly dismissed from their work places. The war in 1999 was succeeded with the launch of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), the largest civilian mission at that time, with the task of building a new self-governing administration for the country. That was largely aided by the European Union and its programs of aid.
17 years after the war, the Public Administration in Kosovo is still regarded as unprofessional, partisan, politically dependent and corrupt. Where did the UN or EU fail? 
In this paper I will try to give an insight to the shifts of administrative powers in Kosovo since 1974, how did the administration developments occur in times of a communist Federation, the abolishment of these powers with the new Constitution imposed illegally by Slobodan Milosevic and the endeavors of UN to build up the first modern public administration in post war democratic Kosovo.
Further I will analyze the consequences of the sudden shift from a communist inherited practice to an EU standards public administration, as imposed by the Union itself as a pre accession condition.
This, in itself has been identified as a major problem, taking into consideration the difficulties of implementation of such standards because of the legacy from the communist practice to a modern EU standard based administration.
I will prove that the reform as imposed by the EU especially, analyzing it through the prism of the Europeanization theory, has not yielded satisfactory results, as to the approach that was used.

Με αφορµή την έκδοση Η Ελλάδα στο ευρύτερο πολιτισµικό πλαίσιο των Βαλκανίων κατά την 5 η και 4 η χιλιετία π.Χ., Μουσείο Κυκλαδικής Τέχνης, Ίδρυµα Ν. Π. Γουλανδρή. Αθήνα 2010. Ν. Παπαδηµητρίου (επιµ.) µε συνεργασία Ζ. Τσιρτσώνη,, 124 σελίδες, 62 εικόνες.

Nella primavera del 1941, Curzio Malaparte si trova nei Balcani, corrispondente di guerra del Corriere della Sera. Il 7 aprile il quotidiano gli pubblica un articolo dal titolo eloquente, « Attraverso la Jugoslavia con l'ultimo "Oriente Espresso" », in cui lo scrittore descrive la mobilitazione delle forze reali jugoslave. Il giorno precedente, che le popolazioni locali ricorderanno nei decenni successivi come "giorno di San Vito", le potenze dell'Asse avevano lanciato l'invasione della Jugoslavia di re Karadjordjević.

Četiri se glavna povijesna modela lokalne samouprave u Europi: francuski (napoleonski, južnoeuropski), njemački (germanski, porajnski), švedski (skandinavski, nordijski) i engleski (anglosaksonski), kojima neki autori dodaju i peti model, srednjoeurop¬ski odnosno model bivših socijalističkih zemalja, u nekim elementima međusobno sve više približavaju. Komponente te tendencije harmonizacije lokalne samouprave u Europi identificirane u ovom radu su traženje novog legitimiteta, instrumentalizacija lokalne samouprave, ujednačavanje kruga lokalnih poslova, potpora razvoju, uključenost u rješavanje teških društvenih problema, racionalizacija, diverzifikacija financiranja, privatizacija, teritorijalna konsolidacija, regionalizacija, policentrične urbane mreže, višerazinsko upravljanje, redefiniranje vertikalne dimenzije lokalne samouprave, kvalitetno upravljanje procesima decentralizacije. Kritički se evaluira stanje hrvatske lokalne samouprave po tim komponentama i daju određene preporuke kako bi se sustav lokalne samouprave približio standardima hrvatskog Ustava i Europske povelje o lokalnoj samoupravi.
Ključne riječi: Europska povelja o lokalnoj samoupravi, Europska unija, europeizacija, harmonizacija, lokalna i regionalna samouprava – Hrvatska, razvojni trendovi

EN : This master thesis aims to fill the gaps in the literature addressing the issue of the European influence over environmental public policies throughout the Western Balkans. It is focused on the analysis of the transformative role played by the European Union in Albania in the framework of the accession negotiations. Based on 17 interviews of Albanian civil servants, experts and environmentalists, this cross-disciplinary research combines public policy analysis with ecology, as well as European, Balkan, Communist and Post-Communist studies. We argue that (1) the European conditionality strategy exerts a pressure on the domestic level in order to increase the compliance of domestic policy principles, legal provisions, procedures, administrative structures with EU standards. However (2) this coercive Europeanization process is substantially impeded by the many routines and habits that domestic actors have inherited from the past. We then distinguish a new dynamic defined as a horizontal Europeanization: some of the Albanian stakeholders are spontaneously taking advantage of numerous resources made available by the EU with the aim of maximising their own political benefits. This thesis makes a contextualized and nuanced contribution to the sometimes very theoretical debate about the notion of Europeanization.     
FR : Pour pallier au manque de travaux traitant de l’influence européenne sur les politiques publiques environnementales dans les Balkans occidentaux, ce mémoire se consacre à l’étude du rôle transformatif de l’Union Européenne sur son voisinage proche, l’Albanie, en matière d’action publique environnementale, et ce, dans le cadre du processus d’intégration européenne. Fondé sur les résultats de 17 entretiens conduits auprès d’administrateurs, d’experts et de militants écologistes albanais, ce travail transversal conjugue tant l’analyse des politiques publiques, les études européennes et balkaniques que les études post-communistes ou l’écologie. Ce mémoire montre que (1) la politique européenne de conditionnalité exerce une pression à l’adaptation sur les acteurs albanais, altérant principes d’action, procédures, réglementation, structures administratives, etc. Cependant, (2) ce processus d’européanisation coercitive est considérablement contrarié par le poids de l’histoire et des routines des acteurs nationaux. Emerge donc une nouvelle dynamique, l’européanisation horizontale, caractérisée par l’appropriation spontanée par certains acteurs albanais des multiples ressources offertes par l’UE pour maximiser leurs bénéfices politiques. Ainsi, ce mémoire contribue de manière contextualisée et nuancée au débat parfois trop théorique consacré à la notion d’européanisation.

Recenzent: Mgr. Richard Stojar, PhD. Koordinátor konferenčného zborníka: Ing. Tigran Aleksanyan Text prešiel jazykovou úpravou. © NARMSP, Bratislava, 2010 ISBN 978-80-88957-52-2 Všetky práva vyhradené. Žiadna časť tohto konferenčného zborníka nesmie byť použitá v písomnej podobe bez uvedenia jeho zdroja.

LgBT rights have come to be seen as allied with the idea of "europe" and a european identity, particularly in the process of european Union enlargement to the east. Scholars have examined the ways in which external norms interact with more local, often "traditional" norms and identities. In this process, nationalism and conceptions of national identity and gender/sexuality norms can be seen as important factors that influence the domestic adoption of LgBT rights, particularly in the postwar Balkans. Croatia and Serbia (from approximately 2000 to 2014) present two interesting and different cases to analyze how discourses and dynamics of national and state identity construction, nationalism, and LgBT rights relate to discourses of "europeanness" and european identity and how these affect the political dynamics of LgBT rights. This article finds that in Croatia, national identity was constructed in terms of convergence with european norms and identity, homonationalism was used to distinguish themselves from a "Balkan" identity, and there was a lower threat perception of the LgBT community framed primarily as a "threat to the family." In Serbia, state and national identity was constructed in opposition to europe and homo-sexuality had stronger threat perception, framed primarily as "threat to the nation." In short, nationalism and national identity were less disadvantageous as a domestic constraint to LgBT rights in Croatia than in Serbia. The dynamics between nationalism and LgBT rights played out, for example, in the politics of the marriage referendum , Pride Parades, and public discourse more generally. This research contributes to the scholarship on LgBT rights and nationalism by empirically analyzing the different ways that nationalism, gender/sexuality, and european identity interrelate and influence LgBT rights change in a changing postwar identity landscape and how domestic constraints affect human rights norm diffusion.

This paper examines the key actors, factors, and events that contributed to the successful overthrow of Slobodan Milošević’s regime on October 5, 2000. The primary focus of this case study is the Bulldozer Revolution that put in power the first democratically elected president of Serbia, Vojislav Koštunica, and thus incentivized the nation’s transition to democracy. Since all over the world we can observe reversals of democracy and the return of semi-authoritarian regimes, this topic is crucial to detect in which ways and under which conditions main civil society and opposition actors can bring about necessary democratic changes. The case study will reflect on the key characteristics of the Milošević regime, including the ways in which it enabled the opposition to grow stronger in 2000. Then, the paper will analyze the crucial roles of youth movement Otpor and opposition DOS in the toppling of the government. The conclusion will offer a brief overview of the immediate aftermath of the Revolution to support the claim that this was a key moment for the history of democracy in Serbia. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that the power of democracy lays with the people in the hope to act as an incentive to actors across the globe which are democratizing their regimes.

At first we were confused . The East thought that we were West, while the West considered us to be East. Some of us misunderstood our place in this clash of currents, so they cried that we belong to neither side, and others that we belong exclusively to one side or the other . But I tell you, Irinej, we are doomed by fate to be the East on the West, and the West on the East, to acknowledge only heavenly Jerusalem beyond us, and here on earth-no one .

Elias Riggs was a missionary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) in Greece between 1832-1838. This article reviews the early life of Elias Riggs, investigates how he became an American missionary in the Middle East and examines his missionary activities in Greece.

The word ‘Balkans’ often functions as a stigma. A number of authors have discussed the bloodbath during  the wars in the former Yugoslavia with references to an alleged Balkan culture. The ‘B’-word could be used to explain why people in  this part of Europe did not behave as civilized as in other parts of the continent.
Towards the end of the 1990s the term ‘Balkans’ entered the political vocabulary of the European Union, now with the prefix ‘Western’. ‘The Western Balkans’ became a common denominator for non-member states in South Eastern Europe. At the same time Brussels stopped using the word ‘Balkan’ about states that had acquired membership in the Union.
A survey  in fall 2011 in the  ‘Western Balkans’ shows that those people  who live there, to a large extent share this view: membership in Western organizations like the EU determine whether a country is ‘European’ or ‘Balkan’.

Ottoman domination of southeastern Europe, often referred to as the Balkans, began in the fourteenth century. Initial Ottoman rule provided relative peace and stability for the region for the next three centuries.
This was the pax ottomanica, or the Ottoman Peace. The long Ottoman decline began after the Ottoman defeat outside the city of Vienna in 1683. Throughout the eighteenth century, Ottoman control of
southeastern Europe receded. This permitted the intrusion of Enlightenment ideas from Western Europe at the end of the eighteenth
century. The concept of nationalism, imported from Western Europe, in particular caused desires for political change throughout the Balkans. Its influence would provide the main basis for conflict in southeastern
Europe, lasting throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. At first the self identified nationalities of the Balkans, first the Serbs, then the Greeks, Romanians, Bulgarians, and finally the Albanians all sought to obtain national states, mainly at the expense of Ottoman rule.

The argument about whether to ‘ring-fence’ the Balkans by
containing its problems through minimal engagement or whether to recognise that problems with minorities and conflicting borders are ones that western Europe and even the USA had in abundance until recently, and that those who have overcome them should help the Balkans to do
the same, flared periodically in the West during the 1990s.

Η ΑΡΧΙΤΕΚΤΟΝΙΚΗ ΤΟΥ ΝΕΟΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟΥ ΘΕΑΤΡΟΥ / THEATRE ARCHITECTURE IN MODERN GREECE: 1720-1940.

Sponsored by the J. F. Kostopoulos Foundation, Athens, 1994, 2 volumes, 23X30, 692 pages, illustrated (780 black and white figs.), ISBN 960-220-704-3, paperback, text in Greek with summary and list of illustrations in English.
One of the dominant features of theatre architecture in Greece throughout the nineteenth and most of the twentieth centuries has been its open-air tradition. This tradition offered improvised but effective solutions to the housing problem of the country’s performing arts. Moreover open-air theatres were appropriate for Mediterranean Greece, whose extended summer season, restricted means and traditional behavior patterns have always favored inexpensive open-air recreation.
On the contrary, winter theatres of the above-mentioned period have been patronized by the country’s economic, political and intellectual élite as a means of Westernizing the Greek performing arts. However, the ineffectiveness and fast decline of most of these playhouses reveal that Greek socio-economic and cultural circumstances did not favor the fruitful naturalization of European building types and styles.
The emergence, interaction and evolution of these two building types (i.e. open-air and winter theatres) from the eve of the Greek Revolution to 1940 is the subject of this book. The author’s intention was to approach Neo-Hellenic theatre architecture comprehensively in order to demonstrate not only what it really produced during this period but also why it did so.
The scope of this comprehensive and comparative approach is to interpret Neo-Hellenic theatre space of the 19th and 20th centuries in the broadest context of the civilization of its time as well as the more specific context of local tradition and circumstances.

The rise to power of Alexandru Ioan Cuza (1820–1873) 1 as the Prince (hospodar) of the United Principalities of Moldova and Wallachia (February 1859) represented , as it is well known, a decisive moment in the process of unification and modernisation of Romania. The political success generated a huge and positive sense of self-esteem and confidence for the future among the ruling class and the Romanian intellectual elite 2. Historian Dan Berindei named Cuza " the Lord of the reforms " due to the profound changes that were triggered in the Romanian society by his seven-year thwarted reign 3. Immediately after his proclamation on the common throne of Bucharest, Alex-andru Ioan Cuza had to face the hostility of much of the Romanian political elite, starting with the ad hoc Assembly — including the so-called divan of Wallachia and 1 Born into a family of Moldavian Boyars, Cuza was involved in the 1848 uprising and was forced to go into exile. When he returned home he got involved both in a military career and in politics and in 1858 he was appointed Minister of War of the Principality of Moldova. Over the years he emerged as one of the most involved politicians in the Union of the Principalities, one of the leaders of the so-called National Party (Partida Naţională).

Acts of Cathar Assembly, held in 1167 in San Felix de Carmen, near Toulous, France, represent an important historic source when the question of existence of heretic church organizations is considered. Pope Nikita of Constantinople, who belonged to heretic Bogomil church of Dragovitia (in Aegean Macedonia), known for its strict dualistic orientation, chaired the assembly. There he speaks of the existence of churches of Romania (i.e. Eastern Roman empire), Dragometia, Melingia, Bulgaria, Matia and Dalmatia, and points out that they are separated from the churches of old Rome and Constantinopolitana Nova Roma, and that they are strong and live in peace.

The overarching question of this article is how can we develop a critical understanding of the social place of highways and automobility in the case of a non-capitalist European context such as socialist Albania? Socialism was a period of modernisation for Albania. Part of this modernisation project was the production of a modern built environment, especially infrastructures and urban spaces. Within this context during socialism thousands of miles of new roads were constructed in the country. The remarkably limited use of roads, combined with their systematic building and maintenance, kept this infrastructure’s materiality in a relatively good condition for many decades. Since the early 1990s, though, the end of the regime has signified a period of booming mobility and automobility. Postsocialism and the wider context of neoliberalism have been marked by state withdrawal from many of its previous roles, and the maintenance of basic infrastructures has become increasingly dependent on international aid. Nevertheless, the roads are currently being socially reappropriated and reconfigured, as people embrace automobility, which was a very limited practice during socialism. This article explores the kind of socio-material relationships that road construction and the roads themselves generated in socialist Albania and how these
are linked to postsocialist spatial practices.

I argue in this article that holocaust memory discourse in Serbia is currently being promoted by the state as part of its efforts to conceal any political space where an encounter between the state and the civil society may be able to occur and redirect public debate regarding the wars of the 1990s. Thus, instead of dealing with their roles and responsibilities, Serbian governments are engaged in reframing and obscuring the contested elements of their national past. In Serbia holocaust memory is brought up to the fore as a platform for articulating national interests and thus is activated as a screen-memory. I will show here how holocaust discourse has served the domestic political elite in the course of the last decade so that Serbian victims continue to be equated with Holocaust victims and the righteous nature of the wars of the 1990s is established. Furthermore, I will show that holocaust memory discourse is instrumentalized to better Serbia’ s image on the international stage.

This essay compares the two major Western-centric efforts at “Europeanizing” Eastern Europe:  attempts to establish institutions, policies, and practices associated with the modern nation-state concept, and then with the European Union.  The extended length of time it took for national identity to gain substantial indigenous appeal suggests the need for a similarly lengthy period for the norms and values associated with the European Union to gain broader and deeper traction.

La présence française en Serbie à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale est le résultat d’un long processus de développement de la Serbie moderne s’appuyant sur les sources politiques et culturelles françaises. La révolution nationale, entamée à l’aube du XIXe siècle, met le peuple serbe en contact avec les puissances européennes mais aussi avec des valeurs politiques modernes. Deux niveaux d’analyse s’imposent dans cette étude : le cadre des relations bilatérales entre la France et la Principauté, puis le Royaume de Serbie, et celui du transfert des modèles politiques, constitutionnels et culturels. Perçue par l’élite serbe comme la meilleure incarnation de la civilisation occidentale, la France jouit en Serbie d’une place particulière : un siècle de rapprochement entre les deux pays précèdera l’alliance de la Grande Guerre et l’après 1918.
Mots-clés : Serbie, France, relations bilatérales, modèles politiques, influences culturelles, constitutionnalisme, parlementarisme, libéralisme, radicalisme, démocratie

A  complete  overview  of  the  genetic  studies  of  archaeological  remains  of  ancient  Neolithic  and
Eneolithic population in the Balkans is made. They are compared with the data from 996 DNA samples of
modern  Bulgarians  from  all  over  Bulgaria.  It  first  allows  obtaining  accurate  and  statistically  reliable
quantitative  assessment  of  the  origin  of  Bulgarians.  The  possibility  that  Thracians  and  Bulgarians  are
originated from local Neolithic and Eneolithic population in the Balkans is assessed. The results give an
unambiguous and reliable information about the origin of Bulgarians, which can not be challenged by any
other data, information and inferences.
It is demonstrated that: 
-Modern Bulgarians are originated from the Indo-Europeans who have lived in the Balkans around 5500
BCE; 
-Modern  Bulgarians  are  closer  to  protobulgarians  (which  are  the  main  component  of  modern
Bulgarians), than to the Thracians and Slavs; 
-Protobulgarians are typical Europeans belonging to the Indo-European group of nations; 
-Protobulgarians (and Bulgarians) are direct descendants of the Neolithic and eneolitic population of the
Balkans  and  caused  its  the  great  genetic  similarity  to  modern  Bulgarians.  All  genetic  studies  of  bone
material from archaeological excavations of Thracian burials showed that the tested Thracians are not of
local origin from the Balkans, and that they came here after the leaving of the eneolitic population from
Balkans. The main European fragment of DNA, which occurs in about 40% of people in every European
nation has never been found in Thracian’s DNA

Sažetak: Sljedeća razmatranja o imovinskopravnim regulama iuris u Bogišićevu zakoniku i njihovu aktualnomu značenju imaju dvostruki cilj. S jedne strane nastojat će se istražiti utjecaj i značenje koje su imovinskopravne regulae iuris pripadne rimskoj pravnoj tradiciji imale na Bogišićevo formuliranje pojedinih pravnih izreka (»zakonjača«) u posljednjem razdjelu šestoga dijela Opšteg imovinskog zakonika (OIZ). S druge strane, u radu će se nastojati analizirati u kojoj su mjeri istražene imovinskopravne regulae iuris -kao i na njima utemeljene Bogišićeve zakonjače -i danas aktualne za suvremeni pravni život. Posebice će se raščlaniti prisutnost normativnoga supstrata tih regula u važećim hrvatskim pravnim propisima, tj. kako se njima koristi hrvatska pravna doktrina, te njihova primjena u hrvatskoj pravnoj praksi. U zaključnom dijelu rada, autor se zalaže za što širu primjenu regula iuris koje sadrže pravna načela ili pravila zajednička gotovo svim europskim pravnim sustavima -odnosno na njima utemeljenim Bogišićevim zakonjačama -kao jednom od načina europeizacije nacionalnih pravnih prostora u Jugoistočnoj Europi. 1 O značenju latinskih pravnih izreka kao jednog od temeljnih elemenata europske pravne tradicije i kulture v. detaljno Wacke, Sprichwörtliche Prinzipien und europäische Rechtsangleichung, Orbis iuris romani, 5(1999)174 i sl.; cf. i Liebs, Lateinische Rechtsregeln und Rechtssprichwörter, München, 1991, 9 i sl.; Kranjc, Latinski pravni reki, Ljubljana, 1998, 5 i sl.; Domingo et al., Principios se derecho global. 1000 reglas y aforismos juridicos comentados, Navarra, 2006, 23 i sl. 2 Analizu regula iuris pripadnih rimskoj pravnoj tradiciji kao temelja zakonjačkih (pravničkih) izreka u posljednjem razdjelu Bogišićeva OIZ-a izvršili su, inter alia, do sada Vojnović, Crnogorski zakonik, Mjesečnik pravničkog društva u Zagrebu, br. 7/1888, 329 i sl. (dalje cit. Vojnović, Crnogorski zakonik); Vojnović, Opći imovinski zakonik za Crnu Goru obzirom na ostalo crnogorsko zakonarstvo, Rad JAZU, Knjiga XCVI, Zagreb, 1889, 57 i sl. (dalje cit. Vojnović, Opšti imovinski zakonik); Zocco-Rosa, Influssi di diritto romano sur una legislazione Slavo-serba, in: Mélanges G. Cornil, Vol. II, Paris, 1926, 634 i sl.; Bogojević-Gluščević, Rimska pravna pravila u zakonjačama Opšteg imovinskog zakonika za Knjaževinu Crnu Goru, Istorijski zapisi (78) 1-4/2005, 7 i sl. Mjestimične upute na odgovarajuće članke OIZ-a pružili su svojedobno i Stoječević/Romac u svojoj knjizi Dicta et regulae iuris. Latinska pravna pravila, izreke i definicije sa prevodom i objašnjenjima, Beograd, 1971. 3 V. npr. Bogišić, Pravni običaji u Slovena. Privatno pravo, Zagreb, 1867. ustanovljeno ili priznato; o načelu zabrane zlouporabe prava u hrvatskom građanskom pravu v. npr. Klarić/Vedriš, op. cit., 233 i sl., s uputama na daljnju literaturu. 17 Cf. Bogojević-Gluščević, op. cit., 18. 18 Općenito o reguli ubi emolumentum ibi onus v. Liebs, op. cit., 213; Kranjc, op. cit., 248. 19 Usp. i čl. 59. st. 2-3. Zakona o vlasništvu i drugim stvarnim pravima, koji glede zajedničkog vlasništva određuje da plodovi i druge koristi od zajedničke stvari pripadaju zajedničarima te stvari jednako kao i ona te da, prema tome, i troškove i terete koji se odnose na zajedničku stvar snose zajedničari solidarno. 20 V. npr. Klarić/Vedriš, op. cit., 614 i sl.

This first thematic study of the Peace and Security series focuses on European Union (EU) peacebuilding efforts in the Western Balkans. The series will make an annual evaluation of EU performance in the field of peace and security in a specific geographical region. Examining EU engagement in the Western Balkans, the study assesses the extent to which the Union has been able to transform and strengthen the region's governance, economy and resilience. The study is organised around three key inter-connected (and at times overlapping) phases in EU post-conflict peacebuilding − stabilisation, state-building and EU enlargement − to explain the strengths, weaknesses and limits of EU engagement. It ends with an assessment of the new EU strategy for the Western Balkans and analyses the potential to remedy past deficiencies and help move the region towards genuine, inclusive and sustainable peace. A parallel study, published separately, provides an overview of current EU action on peace and security and of the outlook for the future. The studies have been drafted with a view to their presentation at the Normandy World Peace Forum, in June 2018.

The term 'Balkans' or 'Balkanization' is often used in the context of fragmentation, ethnic conflict and instability. Therefore, this region faces one of the biggest challenges of his history, 'un-balkanization', to rise upon ethnic conflicts and struggles for power. In this way, Balkan countries can contribute for stability, promoting the spirit of cooperation and tolerance.

Historically, the Balkan region has been a melting pot of various ethnicities and religions. More importantly, it has been plagued by a very turbulent history, from its Ottoman past, Balkan and civil wars, ethnic cleansing, and ethnic conflicts. The complex and obscure Balkan Wars of 1912–13 represents the beginning of an era in European history dominated by nationalism and conflict. These wars were the first concerted effort by the Balkan peoples to establish large nationalist states. Because of overlapping rivalries and claims, the nationalist appetites of the post-Balkan War states were not sated. The end of the Cold War and the disintegration of Yugoslavia, restored violent ethnic and religious conflicts in this peninsula. Because of the strong nationalistic identities, ingrained authoritarian regimes, prevalent corruption, and economic backwardness, European integration and progression is a struggle for this region.
European Integration of the Balkans and specifically the Western Balkans is one of the biggest challenges and one of the greatest national interests of each of the countries in this region. The European perspective is regarded as a guarantee for this region to smooth conflicts and consolidate peace and cooperation. Therefore it is important to represent the transformation of Balkan states within the European integration, as well as to analyze the challenges facing this region on the path to membership in the European family.

This thesis will add to the existing discussion about viability of a Northern Ireland model by applying principles from the Northern Ireland peace process to two ‘live’ long-term European conflicts, in Kosovo and Cyprus. It will examine the existing literature and explore the principles that have been drawn from the peace process experience. It will then analyse the similarities and differences between the structure of the conflicts and, in light of the conclusions of this analysis, draw further conclusions regarding the appropriateness of applying the principles of the Northern Ireland peace process to the situations in Kosovo and Cyprus

This presentation is based on a research papers and a book about Germaa-educated Aristotelis Zachos (1871-1939), a leading reformer in 20th-century Greek architecture. In this architect’s wide-ranging career spanning a period of almost forty years, from 1901 to 1939, one can see the reflection of changing ideals and tasks of architects in the first half of the twentieth century. Zachos' residential and public buildings that reconciled modernity and tradition are not only of paramount importance for Greece. They are also an original contribution to the history of European architecture, being affiliated to some of the highly appraised work of his contemporaries; namely buildings and drawings by Hermann Billing (1867-1946) in Karlsruhe, Joseph Hoffmann (1870-1956) and Heinrich Tessenov (1876-1946) in Germany, Sir Edwin Lutyens (1869-1944) in England, as well as those by outsanding architects of the so-called national-romantic movements in Britain, Finnland and
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Fessas-Emmanouil, H. (2005), Aristotelis Zachos (Kastoria 1871 – Athens 1939)“, in: Twelve Greek Architects of the Interwar Period, (Billingual, full text in English and Greek), Crete University Press, Herakleion, Crete.
Fessas-Emmanouil, H. (2013), Αριστοτέλης Ζάχος & Josef Durm, Η αλληλογραφία ενός πρωτοπόρου αρχιτέκτονα με τον μέντορά του (Aristotelis Zachos & Josef Durm. The correspondence between a pioneer architect and his mentor), Potamos Editions, Athens.

This article investigates the encounter of EU-unionization with a domesticated practice of corruption in Bosnian higher education. Relying on primary data collected in Bosnia’s public higher education system, the study finds that the country’s corrupt higher education is in conflict with the Bologna-themed reforms that would arguably help harmonize Bosnia’s fragmented higher education. As it delineates factors that perpetuate corruption, the study, somewhat surprisingly, finds that the Bologna process—despite its partly failed adaptation in Bosnia—is still perceived as potentially transformative for the country’s corruption-prone higher education system. The study further looks into why that may be the case and explores a possibility of leveraging Bosnia’s intelligentsia abroad to lessen corruption in higher education.

Helen Fessas-Emmanouil

Cultural interaction, modernity and identity.
Τhe friendship and cooperation between a German and a Greek architect (1899-1914)

This presentation is based on my book* about the architectural friendship and collaboration between a German and a Greek architect2 which was the product of lengthy research. It approaches the architecture of the late 1890s and the fourteen turbulent years preceding World War I, a highly significant, but inadequately studied period of European architecture, which coincides with the decline of historicism and eclecticism and the dawn of anti-academic modernism. The period is approached through the relationship and correspondence between pioneer architect Aristotelis Zachos (Kastoria 1871 - Athens 1939) and his philhellene professor and first employer Josef Durm (Karlsruhe 1837-1919). The content of the two men’s letters and documentary material refers to major architectural, town planning, cultural and political developments in this period. In addition, the work of these two architects and the dialogue between them provides insight into recurring issues, such as cultural interaction, identity, the spirit of place (genius loci), the relations between modernity and tradition, the protection of historical monuments, architectural evaluation and architectural competitions.
The presentation is thus structured into three parts. The first part provides the information required for today’s readers to understand the friendship between the two architects. It begins with general information about the era in which they collaborated and corresponded. Then it sketches the historical context in Germany and Greece at that time, emphasizing the intellectual climate in each, the particularities of Karlsruhe and the duchy of Baden, architectural trends, the protection of historical monuments, archaeology and urban development. An attempt is likewise made to approach the architects’ personalities, careers and the relationship between them, so as to associate their course with major historical events. The second part of the presentation includes evidence of Zachos’ architectural collaboration with Durm in Karlsruhe between 1901 and 1905. The correpondence between the two architects and their activities from 1905 to 1914, is the topic of the third part.
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*Helen Fessas-Emmanouil, Αριστοτέλης Ζάχος & Josef Durm, Η αλληλογραφία ενός πρωτοπόρου αρχιτέκτονα με τον μέντορά του (Aristotelis Zachos & Josef Durm. The correspondence between a pioneer architect and his mentor),  Potamos Editions, Athens 2013.

""This article is an ethnographic study of a 29-kilometer stretch of cross-border highway located in South Albania and linking the city of Gjirokaster with the main checkpoint on the Albanian–Greek border. The road, its politics, and its poetics
constitute an ideal point of entry for an anthropological analysis of contemporary South Albania. The physical and social construction, uses, and perceptions of this road uniquely encapsulate three phenomena that dominate social life in postsocialist South Albania: the transition to a market economy, new nationalisms, and massive emigration (mainly to Greece). Taking this cross-border road section as my main ethnographic
point of reference, I suggest the fruitfulness of further discussion of the relationship between roads, narratives, and anthropology.

[roads, globalization, transnationalism, development, postsocialism, materiality, Albania]""