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Florian Bieber

University of Graz, Centre for Southeast European Studies, Faculty Member

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Florian Bieber is a Professor of Southeast European History and Politics and Director of the Centre for Southeast European Studies at the University of Graz, Austria. He holds a Jean Monnet Chair in the Europeanisation of Southeastern Europe. He is the coordinator of the Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group (BiEPAG) and has been providing policy advice to international organisations, foreign ministries, donors and private investors. He studied Political Science and History at Trinity College (USA), the University of Vienna, and Central European University (Budapest).

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Papers by Florian Bieber

The Western Balkans in Times of the Global Pandemic

by Marika Djolai and Florian Bieber

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific r... more HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés. The Western Balkans in Times of the Global Pandemic Florian Bieber, Tena Prelec, Marika Djolai, Donika Emini, Jovana Marović, Srdjan Majstorović, Vedran Džihić, Alida Vračić, Nikos Tzifakis, Natasha Wunsch, et al.

Europe's Far-Right Nationalists Became Internationalists

Foreign Policy , 2019

Introduction: Internationalism in Times of Nationalism: Yugoslavia, Nonalignment, and the Cold War

Nonalignment is often reduced to a few pictures of iconic leaders, such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Gama... more Nonalignment is often reduced to a few pictures of iconic leaders, such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Josip Broz Tito. Its fading significance in the waning days of the Cold War has longmeant a neglect of the ties, be they economic, political, social, or cultural, that underpinned the Non-Aligned Movement. Furthermore, a Western-centric view of globalization has often ignored the linkages that bound countries within the Global South with one another and the ties of non– Western European countries, like Yugoslavia, with former colonies. These global blind spots have also been reflected in the case of Yugoslavia, as nonalignment and Yugoslavia’s global role tended to be reduced to the encounters and agency of a small elite circle of politicians and diplomats, along with a tendency to approach the entire spectrum of global engagements through the lens of “Titoism.” This approach led to a simplified view of the complex Yugoslav institutional setup, the downplaying of the ...

Erst der Staat – dann die Nation: Staats- und Nationsbildung in Montenegro

The Conflict in former Yugoslavia as a « Fault Line War » ?

Balkanologie, 1999

Shifts in Support for Authoritarianism and Democracy in the Western Balkans

Problems of Post-Communism, 2020

Ein multiethnischer Staat? Institutionelle Ausformung und politische Wirklichkeit

Eine politische Bestandsaufnahme seit der Unabhängigkeitserklärung, 2013

Situational Nationalism: Nation-building in the Balkans, Subversive Institutions and the Montenegrin Paradox

Ethnopolitics, 2014

ABSTRACT The history of Montenegrin nation-building goes against the expectations of many institu... more ABSTRACT The history of Montenegrin nation-building goes against the expectations of many institutionalist theories of nationalism, which generally hold that national institutions increase collective sentiments of national identity. Although during the period of socialist Yugoslavia, Montenegro had an institutional endowment similar to that of other republics—including a constitution, parliament, government, flag, republican borders, and academy of arts and sciences—the proportion of self-identified Montenegrins actually declined from 91% at the start of the socialist period to 44.5% in the most recent census. This occurred despite the fact that Yugoslav elites built up Montenegro&#39;s national institutions over these decades; it also runs against the expectations of many institutionalist theories of nationalism that predict constant—or even heightened—national consciousness as a group&#39;s institutional endowment increases. Municipal-level census data in Montenegro are examined over time to show that neither national institutions nor elite efforts to mobilize upon them succeeded in generating a robust Montenegrin identity. The evidence here provides preliminary support for a theory of ‘situational nationalism’, according to which the fate of national projects depends on the wider identity environment. Despite elite efforts to build nations along certain lines, people choose their identities in the context of an ever-changing field of political and identity conflicts at the international and domestic levels in a fluctuating ‘marketplace of ideas’. It is concluded that identity conflicts in the wider neighborhood place significant constraints on the success of any given nation-building project.

Constrained Democracy: The Consolidation of Democracy in Yugoslav Successor States

Southeastern Europe, 2012

The development of democracy in the successor states of Yugoslavia illustrates the whole range of... more The development of democracy in the successor states of Yugoslavia illustrates the whole range of differences among these states: from Slovenia which is considered most advanced and consolidated, over Croatia which is on its way to become a consolidated democratic state, to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia which are seen as still very fragile zones for democracy to take roots in. While scholars refer to these latter cases as to failed or unconsolidated democracies, this article argues against the common theoretical framework and calls for the use of different theoretical and methodological tools to measure the (un)success of these states. For this purpose this article discusses the main (internal) features and weaknesses of these democracies and points at a number of external factors and internal objective circumstances, which (unintentionally) hinder the process of democratization.

Introduction: Elections in divided societies

Ethnopolitics, 2005

Divided societies around the world require specific institutional arrangements, including elector... more Divided societies around the world require specific institutional arrangements, including electoral rules, to accommodate diversity of interest in ways that can deal with social divisions in a non-violent manner. What might sound like a truism is still frequently challenged in discussions on institutional design for divided societies. While scepticism in academia and among policy makers often focuses on whether democracy is at all possible in divided societies, a large number of countries have been forced to meet this particular ...

Power Sharing and Democracy in Southeast Europe

Taiwan journal of democracy, 2013

The three power-sharing systems in Southeastern Europe in Kosovo, Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herze... more The three power-sharing systems in Southeastern Europe in Kosovo, Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina are part of a wider regional pattern of minority inclusion. Power sharing in the three countries was established as a tool of post-conflict interethnic accommodation and enshrines group rights and political representation to varying degrees. The corporate consociational system in Bosnia stands in contrast to less rigid systems in Macedonia and Kosovo. The essay argues that, while consociationalism in Southeastern Europe complicated democratization and enshrines some flaws of the democratic system, it is not the sole or even the main obstacle to the consolidation of liberal democracies in Southeastern Europe.

Policing the Peace after Yugoslavia:Police Reform between External Imposition and Domestic Reform

Since the mid-1990s, a plethora of international organizations—from the UN and OSCE to the Europe... more Since the mid-1990s, a plethora of international organizations—from the UN and OSCE to the European Union and NATO—have been extensively involved in the reform of police forces across the post-conflict regions of former Yugoslavia. The various international actors have employed a diverse tool kit of police reform, from creating new police forces from scratch to reforming existing, ethnically divided forces. This paper will trace the different efforts in post-conflict settings by discussing policing by international actors, efforts at imposing police reform, post-conflict police assistance and change to policing through conditionality, drawing on the rich empirical record from Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo and Macedonia. Despite these extensive efforts, the results have been modest. Lacking clear international or European standards, police reform has been the subject to uneven and changing expectations and contradictory demands. This work was supported in part by Gl...

The party system of Montenegro

Party Politics in the Western Balkans

The Performance of Opposition Parties in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes: Three Case Studies from the Western Balkans

European Political Science

This article investigates opposition to the competitive authoritarian regimes in Montenegro (1997... more This article investigates opposition to the competitive authoritarian regimes in Montenegro (1997–2020), North Macedonia (2006–2017), and Serbia (2012–). In each of the three countries, opposition parties face or have faced the challenge of competing on an electoral playing field that is structurally skewed in favour of the incumbent. The articles explore the question in which circumstances opposition parties have been able to contest the dominant parties. In doing so, it focuses on three dimensions, namely the relationship between spatial party competition, different levels of opposition cohesion or fragmentation, as well as extra-institutional strategies of contestation. The country comparison illustrates that party systems with cross-cutting cleavages tend to produce divided patterns of contestation (Montenegro and Serbia), whereas reinforcing cleavages facilitate the coordination among different types of opposition actors (North Macedonia). Finally, large protests, rather than b...

Cyberwar or Sideshow? The Internet and the Balkan Wars

Current History

Although the Internet alleviated some information shortages in Yugoslavia during the war in Kosov... more Although the Internet alleviated some information shortages in Yugoslavia during the war in Kosovo, its small audience of users within the country meant that only a minuscule segment of the population was as well informed as many Western media consumers. … Still, the Internet gave the independent Yugoslav media tremendous support and helped reduce the isolation that had enveloped Yugoslavia.

Global Nationalism in Times of the COVID Pandemic

Nationalities Papers

The article outlines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on nationalism around the world. Startin... more The article outlines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on nationalism around the world. Starting from the premise that nationalism is a global and ubiquitous idea in the contemporary world, it explores whether exclusionary tendencies have been reinforced by the pandemic. The pandemic and government responses will not necessarily trigger the increase in exclusionary nationalism that both far-right politicians and observers have noted. However, there are 4 aspects, examined in the article, that might be shaped by the pandemic. These include the recent trajectory of nationalism and its social relevance prior to the pandemic,the rise of authoritarianism as governments suspend or reduce democratic freedoms and civil liberties, the rise of biases against some groups associated with the pandemic, the rise of borders and deglobalization, and the politics of fear. Thus, while the rise of exclusionary nationalism might not be the inevitable consequence of the pandemic, it risks reinforcing ...

The Rise of Authoritarianism in the Western Balkans

New Perspectives on South-East Europe

Much of the academic literature on the Western Balkans focuses on the wars of the 1990s and accom... more Much of the academic literature on the Western Balkans focuses on the wars of the 1990s and accompanying nationalism. Newer trends in this region remain in the shadow of the bloody fall of Yugoslavia and current developments in other parts of Europe. The Rise of Authoritarianism in the Western Balkans is a five-chapter teleological study of the trends that swept the region in the last decade, reflecting the stagnation of democracy. It opens with a ten-point ironic guideline for a fictitious (or not) Balkan Prince, written in 2015. Fast-forward a few years, and it is still topical and popular. "You can only rule if you claim to be a democrat in favor of EU integration, but you can only continue your rule for a long time by not acting on these claims"(x) Bieber writes, giving an insight into the rest of the book in only one sentence. Bieber points out the link of the two words, "Balkans" that has a negative connotation and reminds of the Balkanization and Balkanism, and the word "Western" which is supposed to signify progressiveness and modernity. He provides the context by familiarizing the reader with the main occurrences from the 1990s, with a focus on the rise of semi-authoritarian rule and waves of democratization that were never in full swing, and moves on to analyze the recent events. The reader is often reminded that there is no "one size fits all" approach when it comes to the autocratic rule in the region, and the differences in democratic backsliding are explained by a detailed analysis of each Western Balkan country. Rewarding is the chapter in which the author shifts away from traditional and well established authoritarian theories and meticulously distinguishes seven different types of autocratic rule, from continuity and change from within the Montenegrin ruling party that has not changed since 1990, to Serbian return to semi-authoritarianism with the coming to power of current president in 2012. Furthermore, he points out that a long-term international involvement in Kosovo led to authoritarianism under international patronage where the elites retained power by dint of external support and that the new semi-authoritarian regime in North Macedonia was triggered by the Greek veto on NATO membership. The decentralization of political scene in Bosnia

Lessons from the European Union for Institutional Design in Multinational States

Die Herausforderung von Grenzen - Le défi des frontières - Challenging boundaries, 2007

Territory, Identity and the Challenge of Serbia’s EU Integration

Serbia Matters: Domestic Reforms and European Integration, 2009

Historical Legacies

Post-War Bosnia, 2006

The Western Balkans in Times of the Global Pandemic

by Marika Djolai and Florian Bieber

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific r... more HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés. The Western Balkans in Times of the Global Pandemic Florian Bieber, Tena Prelec, Marika Djolai, Donika Emini, Jovana Marović, Srdjan Majstorović, Vedran Džihić, Alida Vračić, Nikos Tzifakis, Natasha Wunsch, et al.

Europe's Far-Right Nationalists Became Internationalists

Foreign Policy , 2019

Introduction: Internationalism in Times of Nationalism: Yugoslavia, Nonalignment, and the Cold War

Nonalignment is often reduced to a few pictures of iconic leaders, such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Gama... more Nonalignment is often reduced to a few pictures of iconic leaders, such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Josip Broz Tito. Its fading significance in the waning days of the Cold War has longmeant a neglect of the ties, be they economic, political, social, or cultural, that underpinned the Non-Aligned Movement. Furthermore, a Western-centric view of globalization has often ignored the linkages that bound countries within the Global South with one another and the ties of non– Western European countries, like Yugoslavia, with former colonies. These global blind spots have also been reflected in the case of Yugoslavia, as nonalignment and Yugoslavia’s global role tended to be reduced to the encounters and agency of a small elite circle of politicians and diplomats, along with a tendency to approach the entire spectrum of global engagements through the lens of “Titoism.” This approach led to a simplified view of the complex Yugoslav institutional setup, the downplaying of the ...

Erst der Staat – dann die Nation: Staats- und Nationsbildung in Montenegro

The Conflict in former Yugoslavia as a « Fault Line War » ?

Balkanologie, 1999

Shifts in Support for Authoritarianism and Democracy in the Western Balkans

Problems of Post-Communism, 2020

Ein multiethnischer Staat? Institutionelle Ausformung und politische Wirklichkeit

Eine politische Bestandsaufnahme seit der Unabhängigkeitserklärung, 2013

Situational Nationalism: Nation-building in the Balkans, Subversive Institutions and the Montenegrin Paradox

Ethnopolitics, 2014

ABSTRACT The history of Montenegrin nation-building goes against the expectations of many institu... more ABSTRACT The history of Montenegrin nation-building goes against the expectations of many institutionalist theories of nationalism, which generally hold that national institutions increase collective sentiments of national identity. Although during the period of socialist Yugoslavia, Montenegro had an institutional endowment similar to that of other republics—including a constitution, parliament, government, flag, republican borders, and academy of arts and sciences—the proportion of self-identified Montenegrins actually declined from 91% at the start of the socialist period to 44.5% in the most recent census. This occurred despite the fact that Yugoslav elites built up Montenegro&#39;s national institutions over these decades; it also runs against the expectations of many institutionalist theories of nationalism that predict constant—or even heightened—national consciousness as a group&#39;s institutional endowment increases. Municipal-level census data in Montenegro are examined over time to show that neither national institutions nor elite efforts to mobilize upon them succeeded in generating a robust Montenegrin identity. The evidence here provides preliminary support for a theory of ‘situational nationalism’, according to which the fate of national projects depends on the wider identity environment. Despite elite efforts to build nations along certain lines, people choose their identities in the context of an ever-changing field of political and identity conflicts at the international and domestic levels in a fluctuating ‘marketplace of ideas’. It is concluded that identity conflicts in the wider neighborhood place significant constraints on the success of any given nation-building project.

Constrained Democracy: The Consolidation of Democracy in Yugoslav Successor States

Southeastern Europe, 2012

The development of democracy in the successor states of Yugoslavia illustrates the whole range of... more The development of democracy in the successor states of Yugoslavia illustrates the whole range of differences among these states: from Slovenia which is considered most advanced and consolidated, over Croatia which is on its way to become a consolidated democratic state, to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia which are seen as still very fragile zones for democracy to take roots in. While scholars refer to these latter cases as to failed or unconsolidated democracies, this article argues against the common theoretical framework and calls for the use of different theoretical and methodological tools to measure the (un)success of these states. For this purpose this article discusses the main (internal) features and weaknesses of these democracies and points at a number of external factors and internal objective circumstances, which (unintentionally) hinder the process of democratization.

Introduction: Elections in divided societies

Ethnopolitics, 2005

Divided societies around the world require specific institutional arrangements, including elector... more Divided societies around the world require specific institutional arrangements, including electoral rules, to accommodate diversity of interest in ways that can deal with social divisions in a non-violent manner. What might sound like a truism is still frequently challenged in discussions on institutional design for divided societies. While scepticism in academia and among policy makers often focuses on whether democracy is at all possible in divided societies, a large number of countries have been forced to meet this particular ...

Power Sharing and Democracy in Southeast Europe

Taiwan journal of democracy, 2013

The three power-sharing systems in Southeastern Europe in Kosovo, Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herze... more The three power-sharing systems in Southeastern Europe in Kosovo, Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina are part of a wider regional pattern of minority inclusion. Power sharing in the three countries was established as a tool of post-conflict interethnic accommodation and enshrines group rights and political representation to varying degrees. The corporate consociational system in Bosnia stands in contrast to less rigid systems in Macedonia and Kosovo. The essay argues that, while consociationalism in Southeastern Europe complicated democratization and enshrines some flaws of the democratic system, it is not the sole or even the main obstacle to the consolidation of liberal democracies in Southeastern Europe.

Policing the Peace after Yugoslavia:Police Reform between External Imposition and Domestic Reform

Since the mid-1990s, a plethora of international organizations—from the UN and OSCE to the Europe... more Since the mid-1990s, a plethora of international organizations—from the UN and OSCE to the European Union and NATO—have been extensively involved in the reform of police forces across the post-conflict regions of former Yugoslavia. The various international actors have employed a diverse tool kit of police reform, from creating new police forces from scratch to reforming existing, ethnically divided forces. This paper will trace the different efforts in post-conflict settings by discussing policing by international actors, efforts at imposing police reform, post-conflict police assistance and change to policing through conditionality, drawing on the rich empirical record from Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo and Macedonia. Despite these extensive efforts, the results have been modest. Lacking clear international or European standards, police reform has been the subject to uneven and changing expectations and contradictory demands. This work was supported in part by Gl...

The party system of Montenegro

Party Politics in the Western Balkans

The Performance of Opposition Parties in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes: Three Case Studies from the Western Balkans

European Political Science

This article investigates opposition to the competitive authoritarian regimes in Montenegro (1997... more This article investigates opposition to the competitive authoritarian regimes in Montenegro (1997–2020), North Macedonia (2006–2017), and Serbia (2012–). In each of the three countries, opposition parties face or have faced the challenge of competing on an electoral playing field that is structurally skewed in favour of the incumbent. The articles explore the question in which circumstances opposition parties have been able to contest the dominant parties. In doing so, it focuses on three dimensions, namely the relationship between spatial party competition, different levels of opposition cohesion or fragmentation, as well as extra-institutional strategies of contestation. The country comparison illustrates that party systems with cross-cutting cleavages tend to produce divided patterns of contestation (Montenegro and Serbia), whereas reinforcing cleavages facilitate the coordination among different types of opposition actors (North Macedonia). Finally, large protests, rather than b...

Cyberwar or Sideshow? The Internet and the Balkan Wars

Current History

Although the Internet alleviated some information shortages in Yugoslavia during the war in Kosov... more Although the Internet alleviated some information shortages in Yugoslavia during the war in Kosovo, its small audience of users within the country meant that only a minuscule segment of the population was as well informed as many Western media consumers. … Still, the Internet gave the independent Yugoslav media tremendous support and helped reduce the isolation that had enveloped Yugoslavia.

Global Nationalism in Times of the COVID Pandemic

Nationalities Papers

The article outlines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on nationalism around the world. Startin... more The article outlines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on nationalism around the world. Starting from the premise that nationalism is a global and ubiquitous idea in the contemporary world, it explores whether exclusionary tendencies have been reinforced by the pandemic. The pandemic and government responses will not necessarily trigger the increase in exclusionary nationalism that both far-right politicians and observers have noted. However, there are 4 aspects, examined in the article, that might be shaped by the pandemic. These include the recent trajectory of nationalism and its social relevance prior to the pandemic,the rise of authoritarianism as governments suspend or reduce democratic freedoms and civil liberties, the rise of biases against some groups associated with the pandemic, the rise of borders and deglobalization, and the politics of fear. Thus, while the rise of exclusionary nationalism might not be the inevitable consequence of the pandemic, it risks reinforcing ...

The Rise of Authoritarianism in the Western Balkans

New Perspectives on South-East Europe

Much of the academic literature on the Western Balkans focuses on the wars of the 1990s and accom... more Much of the academic literature on the Western Balkans focuses on the wars of the 1990s and accompanying nationalism. Newer trends in this region remain in the shadow of the bloody fall of Yugoslavia and current developments in other parts of Europe. The Rise of Authoritarianism in the Western Balkans is a five-chapter teleological study of the trends that swept the region in the last decade, reflecting the stagnation of democracy. It opens with a ten-point ironic guideline for a fictitious (or not) Balkan Prince, written in 2015. Fast-forward a few years, and it is still topical and popular. "You can only rule if you claim to be a democrat in favor of EU integration, but you can only continue your rule for a long time by not acting on these claims"(x) Bieber writes, giving an insight into the rest of the book in only one sentence. Bieber points out the link of the two words, "Balkans" that has a negative connotation and reminds of the Balkanization and Balkanism, and the word "Western" which is supposed to signify progressiveness and modernity. He provides the context by familiarizing the reader with the main occurrences from the 1990s, with a focus on the rise of semi-authoritarian rule and waves of democratization that were never in full swing, and moves on to analyze the recent events. The reader is often reminded that there is no "one size fits all" approach when it comes to the autocratic rule in the region, and the differences in democratic backsliding are explained by a detailed analysis of each Western Balkan country. Rewarding is the chapter in which the author shifts away from traditional and well established authoritarian theories and meticulously distinguishes seven different types of autocratic rule, from continuity and change from within the Montenegrin ruling party that has not changed since 1990, to Serbian return to semi-authoritarianism with the coming to power of current president in 2012. Furthermore, he points out that a long-term international involvement in Kosovo led to authoritarianism under international patronage where the elites retained power by dint of external support and that the new semi-authoritarian regime in North Macedonia was triggered by the Greek veto on NATO membership. The decentralization of political scene in Bosnia

Lessons from the European Union for Institutional Design in Multinational States

Die Herausforderung von Grenzen - Le défi des frontières - Challenging boundaries, 2007

Territory, Identity and the Challenge of Serbia’s EU Integration

Serbia Matters: Domestic Reforms and European Integration, 2009

Historical Legacies

Post-War Bosnia, 2006

Historischen Kontinuitäten der Europäisierung in Südosteuropa

Harald Heppner (ed), Attraktionen und Irritationen. Europa und sein Südosten im langen 19. Jahrhundert. Vienna: Peter Lang, 2019

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliograf... more Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. Harald Heppner Vorwort ,,Europa" ist im Tagesgeschehen und dessen Kommentaren ebenso wie in den Wissenschaften in aller Munde. ,,Europa" ist ein schillernder Begriff, der auf höchst unterschiedliche Art und Weise verwendet wirdsowohl als Begriff für etwas, das eindeutig zu sein scheint als auch für etwas, das alles andere denn Eindeutigkeit aufireist: Einmal wird ,,Europa" vereinfachend mit ,,Europäsche Union' gleichgesetzt, ein anderes Mal mit diesem Ausdruck alles bezeichnet, was die so genannte westliche Welt ausmacht. ,,Europa" unterliegt daher dem Wechsel von Bedeutungszuweisungen: Einmal rangiert der Terminus im Vordergrund, das andere Mal nur am Hintergrund von Blickwinkeln, und je nachdem ist auch die Bewertung von dem, was man mit ,,Europa" meint, eine andere: Sie kann höchstes Lob ebenso wie tiefe Verachtung enthalten. ,,Europa' ist also mehreres in einemeine politisch-administrative Größe, ein Resonanzraum

Debating the end of Yugoslavia (2014)

by Rory Archer, Florian Bieber, and Armina Galijas

Countries rarely disappear off the map. In the 20th century, only a few countries shared this fat... more Countries rarely disappear off the map. In the 20th century, only a few countries shared this fate with Yugoslavia. The dissolution of Yugoslavia led to the largest war in Europe since 1945, massive human rights violations and over 100,000 victims. Debating the End of Yugoslavia is less an attempt to re-write the dissolution of Yugoslavia, or to provide a different narrative, than to take stock and reflect on the scholarship to date. New sources and data offer fresh avenues of research avoiding the passion of the moment that often characterized research published during the wars and provide contemporary perspectives on the dissolution. The book outlines the state of the debate rather than focusing on controversies alone and maps how different scholarly communities have reflected on the dissolution of the country, what arguments remain open in scholarly discourse and highlights new, innovative paths to study the period.

The Western Balkans as a Geopolitical Chessboard? Myths, realities and policy options

by Nikolaos Tzifakis and Florian Bieber

BiEPAG Policy Brief, 2019

The Western Balkans in the World: Linkages and Relations with Non-Western Countries

by Nikolaos Tzifakis and Florian Bieber

Routledge, 2019

This book provides a detailed understanding of how different types of engagements impact upon the... more This book provides a detailed understanding of how different types of engagements impact upon the reform and EU integration of the Western Balkan region. It examines the influence of Russia, China, Turkey and the UAE in the region and analyses the range of existing links.

Contributors offer an academic and multifaceted perspective of the role of external and non-Western actors in the region that goes beyond, on the one hand, the tendency of some Western decision makers to perceive all engagement by third powers as a sinister threat and, on the other, the view of regional governments of all external involvement as a boon coming at a time of Western neglect and reduced foreign investments. By looking at the importance of Russia, Turkey, China and the UAE in the Western Balkans, the book sheds light on one key arena of global competition, offers new insights on the strengths and weaknesses of Euro–Atlantic integration and advances our knowledge of foreign policy and its economic, social and security dimensions for small and medium-sized countries.