strategii NATO

In this study, the evolution of the NATO-EU relationship from the Cold War years to present day is examined and this relationship is comprehensively analysed politically, economically and militarily. This analysis consists fundamentally of major problems like the Libya crisis, which enhanced tensions among the EU, NATO, the USA and Turkey. Furthermore, the question of EU’s autonomy from NATO, NATO allies military spendings, NATO’s “Smart Defence” initiative and Turkey’s role in the NATO-EU strategic partnership are examined. The study begins with a historical overview that brings attention to new opportunities and risks in transatlantic relations in the next part. In the last analysis,
emphasis is given to targets which the EU want to reach in world politics in the future including Europe’s military reform, the limits of NATO-EU relations and the search for a new balance of power in the Euro-Atlantic security chain. The article concludes that searching for a balance between “NATO’s primacy against the EU” and “EU autonomy” in the Euro-Atlantic partnership continue and the Cyprus issue is not the only obstacle which limits NATO-EU relations.
Keywords:
USA, France, NATO, Military Intervention, EU, Turkey

The Afghanistan: Lessons from Australia’s Whole-of-Government Mission Report, commissioned by the Department of Defence, in coordination with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Australian Federal Police, outlines the strengths, good practices and challenges of Australia’s mission in Afghanistan at the whole-of-government level.
While each overseas mission has its own particular circumstances and context, there are important lessons that we can take away from the Afghanistan experience.
This Report highlights 17 such lessons to enhance how we work across government and improve cooperation for complex missions of the future.
Key lessons include:
• Involving all relevant departments and agencies in whole-of-government policy development and planning from the outset;
• Establishing a senior level inter-agency group to oversee policy development and provide a high-level nexus with the National Security Committee of Cabinet and the Secretaries’ Committee on National Security;
• Recognising the value of civil-military co-leadership in the field;
• Agreeing principles and protocols be developed at the outset of the mission to define working relationships and responsibilities between different services and agencies; 
• Undertaking collective mission preparation involving military, civilians and police, including exercises focused on developing cross-agency relationships at the headquarters level;
• Establishing a cross-agency public affairs capability to highlight the whole-of-government nature of the mission;
• Synchronizing posting and deployment cycles for civilian, military and police personnel;
• Tasking the Australian Civil-Military Centre with providing a standing whole-of-government lessons learned capability for overseas missions.

Forze armate dotate di mezzi, sistemi d’arma, capacità operative e livelli d’addestramento adeguati, prontamente impiegabili in ambito NATO nei termini richiesti, per lunghi periodi e al di fuori delle normali aree stanziali. Un dispositivo bellico superefficiente in grado di respingere eventuali aggressioni militari che si dovessero manifestare contro l’Italia e i suoi “interessi vitali”, sempre pronto a “rimuovere le minacce” e contribuire alla “difesa integrata” dei territori dell’Alleanza Atlantica e alla “lotta al terrorismo internazionale”. Sono alcuni degli obiettivi strategici prefigurati dal Libro Bianco per la sicurezza internazionale e la difesa 2015 per quelle che dovranno essere le strutture militari nazionali del prossimo ventennio. Il sogno di un’Italia media potenza internazionale ma sempre più ancorata all’Alleanza Atlantica e al paese leader, gli Stati Uniti d’America.

Western governments and publics need to better see through the self-serving rationale of the Kremlin’s actions, the gambler’s attitude of Russia’s shrewd “political technologists” and the cold calculations of Russia’s superrich power holders. So far, non-NATO eastern Europe, the southern Caucasus and Central Asia provide a sufficient playground for Moscow’s neoimperial sports, designed to distract Russia’s population from the large-scale theft of national resources by state officials that continues to go on across the vast country. Moscow will continue to try to control the reflexes of the West as much as possible by military provocations, and keep the temperature high. It will go on unsettling Brussels and Washington by other means too, so as to prevent sober analysis, intergovernmental unity, strategic coherence and sustained counteraction by the West. Yet, given its multifarious economic ties with the West, the Russian elite will also make sure to let the confrontation not get out of control, so as not to risk a showdown. In our own interests, we should rise above these petty games, avoid military competition, instead employ our multiple economic instruments, and as Galeotti put it, “stop playing nice” with the Kremlin. As soon as Russia’s elite gets this message, we will see quick improvement in the Donbass, Syria and elsewhere.

1 Jednocześnie nie jest tak, że tożsamość jest czymś na tyle zmiennym, że aż chimerycznym. Edmund Husserl określał to pojęcie jako "świadomość trwania" -mimo zmian zachodzących w otoczeniu oraz ewolucji samego podmiotu, przez cały okres funkcjonowania zdaje on sobie sprawę z istnienia własnego "ja". M. Malicka, Ja -to znaczy kto?,

The major goal of the article is to present political and economic effects of NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan for neighboring Pakistan. In vital political interest of Islamabad is to have as friendly government in Kabul as it is possible. Present one is not like that. President Ghani and chief executive Abdullah are seen as pro Indian politicians as well as their political supporters form the former Northern Alliance and their predecessor Hamid Karzai. There are strong evidences for New Dehli's high involvement in Afghanistan (e.g. National Army Training, investment in iron ore mines, and building strategic road to connect Afghanistan with Iranian harbor omitting Pakistan). It makes serious concerns among Pakistani politicians and the army high-brass. Islamabad is trying to build friendly relations with Russia for the first time in its history, to counterbalance US-India close-up politics which has been started in 2008 by signing nuclear cooperation accord. Such cooperation will supplement close relations between Pakistan and China called usually as "all-weather friendship".

Ни один из этих шести сценариев не обнадеживает. Первый, сохранение «серой зоны», сегодня кажется наиболее вероятным. Но он, возможно, с учетом известного прошлого опыта, в конечном счете – тупиковый. Остается неясным, может ли даже более сильная чем сегодня ассоциация с Западом, адаптация к новым вызовам после 2014-го года и консолидация постмайдановского украинского государства в рамках этого сценария заменить или компенсировать официальную и устойчивую институциональную интеграцию Украины, Грузии и Молдовы в более или менее значимую международную коалицию до такой степени, что безопасность этих трех стран существенно усилится. Остальные пять сценариев, напротив, дают некоторые международно-правовые механизмы серьезного обеспечения безопасности в сегодняшней «серой зоне». Они бы принципиально поменяли всю геополитику Восточной Европы путем подписания разного рода новых больших договоров. Но эти сценарии, которые в тех или иных аспектах выгодны Украине, Грузии и, частично, Молдове, сегодня мало реалистичны, если не фантастичны. Тем не менее, эти пять сценариев в той или иной мере могут стать возможными в будущем, если произойдут существенные изменения во внутренней или внешней политике тех или иных вовлеченных в восточноевропейский регион стран и организаций.

NATO's push to reinforce the resilience and sovereignty of Ukraine and Georgia could provide an opportunity for a joint military engagement of the secondary partners – Armenia and Azerbaijan.
Adopting the strategy of deterrence and dialogue visa -vis Russia at the Warsaw Summit, the North-Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) simultaneously came up with an extended assistance initiative for Ukraine and Georgia – the westward looking partners that have been the most afflicted by Moscow's destructive posture. The Alliance has stepped up efforts to enhance the military capabilities of these aspirants both to meet NATO criteria, as well as to bolster their defensibility and operative readiness, aimed at making potential aggression appear too costly to be worthwhile. NATO's push to reinforce the resilience and sovereignty of Ukraine and Georgia could potentially provide an opportunity for a joint military engagement of the secondary partners – Armenia and Azerbaijan. Its quest to forge an integrated force featuring both allies and partners that will operate coherently is likely to encourage Yerevan to set the stage for security cooperation with Tbilisi, as a measure to underpin Armenia's sovereignty. Yerevan may be particularly influenced by the Enhanced Opportunities (EO) partnership, which was offered to Georgia within the framework of NATO's Partnership Interoperability Initiative (IPI), what amplifies its politico-military value for the Alliance. In addition, Tbilisi's increasingly functional role for NATO in the Black Sea could give fresh impetus to Yerevan to diversify its security priorities and rebalance its over-dependence on Russia through the fostering of credible strategic ties with Georgia. Almost simultaneously Levan Izoria and Vigen Sargsyan recently headed the Defence Ministries of Georgia and Armenia correspondingly. Both are obviously determined to deepen the partnership with NATO meanwhile opting for fostering a new paradigm of bilateral politico-military cooperation between Tbilisi and Yerevan.

This report is about how NATO might adapt to a shifting strategic environment. The strategic environment that is currently unfolding seems likely to be characterized by
complexity and increased diversity in both power and principle. The report focuses on how the Alliance needs to respond to the on-going changes by moving forward at the upcoming Warsaw Summit from the decisions taken at the September 2014 summit in Wales. The report starts from the premise that, although the decisions taken in Wales were important and long overdue, they are not sufficient to facilitate NATO’s continued adaptation to a fundamentally changed strategic environment. The challenge for NATO in the future will be to find a way to contribute to European and global security in a strategic environment in which the Alliance and ‘the West’ have a
diminished role among new and (re)-emerging actors and in which liberal values and Western principles for order-making can no longer be assumed to be universal. The report suggests that NATO should assume the development of a future strategic
environment that can best be described as a ‘multi-order world’. NATO should prepare for such a multi-order world by collective defence initiatives from the Wales Summit and by revitalizing NATO’s partnership policy. The report suggests that ‘going back to basics’ by concentrating on collective defense would be an inappropriate response, as the new strategic environment requires the Alliance to undertake change in all of its three core tasks if it is to remain relevant in a ‘multi-order world’.

Montenegro’s recent accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) sent an important political message to Russia’s post-Soviet neighbors: NATO’s door remains open to new members no matter the security environment. This signal will likely propel many post-Soviet countries to revitalize their relationships with the Alliance. In particular, it will likely trigger the reinvigoration of discussions over Georgia’s almost two decades-long bid for NATO membership.
Since 2002, close strategic cooperation with the United States and a determined pursuit of NATO membership have comprised the key pillars of Georgia’s security policy. With Alliance membership constituting a top priority objective, Tbilisi’s NATO aspirations have become a critical instrument in its foreign policy decision making. Notably, these aspirations serve as a framework for Tbilisi’s regional relationships: Georgia has cultivated good, neighborly relations with Alliance member Turkey and NATO partners, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Conversely, Russia’s vocal antagonism toward NATO enlargement has contributed to Georgia’s hostile relations with its large neighbor to the north.

Una delle più micidiali fonti cancerogene e di altre nocività diffuse sul territorio d'Italia (come di altri paesi) è proprio l'apparato militare (basi, depositi, dispositivi ecc.). Da sempre nocivo e devastante, dopo la seconda guerra mondiale questo apparato è diventato sempre più generatore di morte e altre conseguenze negative a causa dell'assoggettamento dell'Italia all'alleato dominante (gli USA) direttamente o attraverso il simulacro della NATO 2. Questa subalternità totale nel campo militare legittima anche l'impegno super esoso nelle cosiddette missioni militari all'estero e la produzione e commercializzazione di armamenti (spesso come subappaltatori degli USA e di alti paesi NATO) sino ai corteggiamenti e sotterfugi per venderli anche a chi alimenta il terrorismo 3. Gli stessi militari e i loro familiari, come la popolazione che abita attorno ai siti della NATO e delle forze armate sono alla mercé di un apparato militare cancerogeno. Tuttavia le autorità hanno sempre fatto di tutto per negare questo danno alla salute e all'ambiente sino al punto di ostinarsi a non voler riconoscere le morti e gli ammalati di cancro a causa dell'uranio impoverito fra gli stessi militari (fa eccezione la Relazione dell'apposita Commissione parlamentare 4. Peggio, ogni volta che la popolazione locale ha cercato di protestare contro le conseguenze nefaste dell'apparato militare la risposta pronta è stata sempre la repressione brutale come se si trattasse di pericolosi sovversivi o addirittura terroristi. Come sempre gli armamenti e gli apparati militari non possono che produrre morte anche quando non sono in azione. E allora cos'è uno stato di diritto e delle autorità politiche e amministrative che fanno finta di ignorare ma autorizzano e sono indiscutibilmente responsabili di un apparato che produce morte fra la popolazione e disastro ambientale e arriva persino a legittimare la repressione brutale di chi protesta per la difesa della vita e del futuro stesso della società? A conferma dell'abituale servilismo delle autorità politiche e amministrative italiane rispetto agli USA, di fronte all'invito a firmare la bozza di trattato per proibire l'arma nucleare votata il 7 luglio a larghissima maggioranza all'ONU, l'Italia non ha ancora firmato dichiarando che non firma perché lo smantellamento va fatto giorno per giorno con i paesi che hanno l'atomica. Questo è l'approccio sempre fallimentare nei passati 30 anni. Intanto l'Italia aumenta la spesa già enorme per gli armamenti, per l'apparato militare, per le missioni militari all'estero e per sostenere la NATO.

In early March, Georgia’s Defense Ministry announced the details of the NATO-backed Noble Partner-2017 multinational drills, scheduled for July 30. Armenia and Azerbaijan are set to participate in the exercises, along with 11 other NATO partners and allies. Noble Partner will be the first large-scale practical NATO initiative gathering Georgian, Armenian and Azerbaijani troops to perform a common task. Moreover, Montenegro's NATO accession seems to have renewed the impetus for the South Caucasian states to reengage with the Alliance. However, the question is whether Yerevan and Baku are capable of defying Russia’s potential reaction to their renewed endeavor to cooperate with NATO in terms of joint exercises.

On November 12, 2016, Vladimir Putin officially approved a government proposal to form a permanent joint Russian-Armenian ground force. This is the second Russian initiative following the establishment of a united Russian-Armenian regional air defense system. As the crisis in Ukraine has expanded, the security thinking of the Russian leadership has undergone important changes regarding the imposition of actionable mechanisms intended to prevent allies such as Armenia from drifting westwards. By reinforcing existing military bases and simultaneously integrating Armenia’s armed forces into its Southern Military District (SMD) framework, Russia seeks to bolster its control over Armenia’s defense strategy and defense policy-making.

ın kuzey-doğusunda bulunmaktadır. Evros (Meriç) ile Nestos (Karasu) nehirleri arasında kalan 8.578 kilometre karelik bir alanı kapsamaktadır. Kuzeyi dağlık, güneyi ovalıktır. Batı Trakya doğudan Türkiye, kuzeyden Bulgaristan, batıdan Makedonya ve güneyden Ege denizi ile sınırlıdır. Bölge üç ilden oluşmaktadır. Bu iller doğudan batıya sırasıyla sunlardır: Evros (merkezi Aleksandrupolis, Dedeagaç), Rodopi (merkezi: Komotini, Gümülcine) ve Ksanthi (Merkezi: Ksanthi, skeçe). Batı Trakya'nın günümüzdeki nüfusu Yunan asıllı hıristiyanlardan ve Türk asıllı Müslümanlardan oluşmaktadır. Hatırlanacağı üzere, Lozan Barış Konferansı'nda Türkiye ile Yunanistan arasında varılan bir anlaşma gereği iki ülke arasında zorunlu ahali mübadelesi yapılmıştır. Ancak, İstanbul'un Rum nüfusu ile Batı Trakya'nın Türk nüfusu zorunlu mübadelenin dışında tutulmus ve bulundukları ülkedeki devletin güvencesi altında dinsel azınlık konumunda bırakılmıştır. Söz konusu azınlıklara azınlık ve yurttaslık hakları tanınmıştır. Uluslararası hukukta II. Dünya Savaşından sonra azınlık haklarının korunmasında tam anlamıyla farklı bir yaklaşım ortaya çıkmıştır. Öyle ki, azınlıklar artık dil, din, kültür ve gelenek farkına dayalı gruplar ve cemaatler şeklinde değil, bu tür gruplara mensup bireyler olarak koruma altına alınmıştır. II. Dünya Savaşından sonra azınlık haklarının bireysel bazda korunması amacıyla başta BM olmak üzere, Avrupa Konseyi ve AGT çerçevesinde yoğun çalışmalar yapılmış tavsiye kararları ve sözleşmeler kabul edilmiş ve azınlık grubuna mensup bireylerin temel hak ve özgürlüklerin korunması açısından bazı denetim mekanizmaları oluşturulmuştur. Avrupa Birliği üyesi olmak isteyen ülkelere, önkoşul olarak, o ülkelerdeki yaşayan azınlıkların sorunlarının çözümü istenmektedir. Aday ülkelerden, insan ve azınlık haklarına saygı gösterilmesi istenmektedir. Ancak Avrupa Birliği tam üyesi olan bir ülkeden yukarıdaki değerlere saygılı olması istenmiyor. Fakata Avrupa Birliği üyesi Yunanistan'ın kendi çıkarları söz konusu olduğunda azınlık ve insan haklarına saygılı olmadığı görülmektedir. Bu çalışmada Batı Trakya Türklerinin tarihsel gelişimi ve Türk varlığı kısaca inceledikten sonra Lozan Antlaşmasında Batı Trakya Türklerine tanınan

Armenia—Russia’s closest ally in the South Caucasus—appears intent on revitalizing its partnership with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). This agenda turned explicit on February 27–28, when Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan paid a visit to Brussels. Besides holding several important meetings with high-level European Union officials, including EU President Donald Tusk and High Representative Federica Mogherini, Sargsyan spoke in person with the North Atlantic Alliance’s Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg.

NATO's consistent and transformative identity made it sustainable for a period of seventy years. During this time interval, NATO had to cope with various threats which tested its durability. Throughout its historical voyage NATO has managed to reconstruct itself continuously; its security architecture, its strategic thinking, its institutional structuring, and its functions. Current issues within NATO notwithstanding, Turkey has consistently shown great commitment to the material and nonmaterial requirements, goals, and identity of the Alliance. Turkey's policy of fostering cohesion within the alliance has helped it overcome past and current obstacles; Turkey's historical commitment to NATO remains valid and should not be underestimated.

After World War II European Security was challenged by a number of factors. To the east stood massive Soviet presence consolidating its gains through the creation of puppet regimes throughout Eastern Europe. Western Europe was so economically devastated and military weak that it could not balance Soviet power alone. Economic disaster, fragile democracies and dispirited populations also made the West European states susceptible to internal Soviet-backed communist influence and destabilizing nationalism. Nowadays, the threats are so much different than that time, and the capabilities are improved, and yet, the Alliance is facing new challenges and difficulties to implement its projects, due to few internal dissensions. The strength of NATO is given by its unity, however, member states perceive the severity of various security risks and threats differently, due to their geographical position, economic interdependence or historical background. NATO Allies have to tackle this issues that have challenged the cohesion of the Alliance and find new ways to map out NATO's strategic direction for the future and reaffirm the commitment of the Allies to each other security. In the recent years the European Union has been buffeted by a range of crisis-the euro crisis, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and just few days ago, the "Brexit".