Diachronic Typology

Morphological strategies for inflectional exponence have traditionally been associated with different stages in the evolution of languages. Moreover, the so-called morphological cycle (or the typological cycle in morphology) is claimed to involve a unidirectional sequence of changes that leads from isolation to agglutination (separative exponence in inflection) and subsequently to fusion (cumulative exponence). But this rigid schema happens to exclude a wealth of diachronic developments that are solidly attested in the history of various languages: the shift from cumulative toward separative exponence perhaps constitutes the strongest challenge to the unidirectionality hypothesis implied by the classic typological cycle. Here I survey the data illustrating agglutinative developments inside fusional systems, a task that first requires a canonical definition of morphological techniques. Then the mechanisms underlying this significant typological change are classified and analyzed in detail. The final part of the article is devoted to discussing the possible causes behind the reversal of the morphological cycle. The diachronic evidence at our disposal points to a rather clear differentiation between the language-internal causes that seem to determine the shift from agglutinative to fusional structures and the language-external causes (contact influence of a particular kind) that commonly lie behind the reverse morphological change.*

The present paper provides a typological study of the semantic shift from ‘word’ or ‘speech’ and from speech act verbs to nouns with the meaning ‘thing’. The evidence for such a shift was found in various Indo-European and Semitic languages, as well as in Japanese, Hurrian, and Chatino. This semantic shift is unidirectional. The meaning ‘thing (material object)’ can be developed from ‘word’, ‘speech’ or verba dicendi only through the stage ‘matter’. The semantic change in question can have an areal nature. Ancient Near East is an area where it is especially common.

Chapter 6 (by Santazilia) is a study of the Basque noun morphology, which sets out the noun paradigm of historical Basque and the structure of its NP, and then goes on to list the explanations proposed so far for every aspect concerning the formation of that paradigm: first the number/definiteness axis, and then the individual cases, classifying these into primary cases (grammatical and local), secondary cases (those built upon the allative and the genitive), and pseudo-flectional morphemes or non-cases.

The aim of this article is to provide an overview of the main sources of antipassives based on a 120-language sample. The sample includes the 48 languages with an antipassive in the WALS (Polinsky 2013) + 72 further languages in which an antipassive or a functionally equivalent construction is attested (e.g. deobjective constructions, unspecified object constructions, etc.). The diachronic sources of antipassives are identified drawing on two kinds of evidence: (i) etymological reconstructions based on the comparative method; (ii) synchronic resemblance between (some features of) the source construction and (some features of) the target construction. Four main diachronic sources are recurrent in the sample: (i) agent nominalizations; (ii) generic/indefinite items filling the object position (e.g. person for animate objects, (some)thing for inanimate objects); (iii) action nominalizations, sometimes accompanied by a light verb like ‘do’; (iv) morphemes encoding reflexive/reciprocal actions. For each of these sources, a diachronic scenario is proposed through which the antipassive construction might have come into existence. The article also explores the hypothesis that at least some of the functional and structural differences among antipassive constructions across languages may be explained by taking into account the diachronic sources of these constructions.

This article examines various aspects of the reconstruction of the passive in Proto-Indo-European (PIE), foremost on the basis of evidence from the Indo-Aryan (Early Vedic) and Greek branches. In Proto-Indo-European the fundamental distinction within the verbal system is between the active and middle, while specialized markers of the passive are lacking and the passive syntactic pattern is encoded with middle inflection. Apart from the suffix *-i̯(e/o)- (for which we cannot reconstruct a passive function in the proto-language) and several nominal derivatives, we do not find sufficient evidence for specialized passive morphology. The role of the middle (and stative) in the expression of the passive in ancient IE languages raises important theoretical questions and is a testing ground for the methods of syntactic reconstruction. We will examine the contrast between non-specialized and specialized markers of the passive in Early Vedic and Greek. Most Indo-European languages have abandoned the use of middle forms in passive patterns, while Greek is quite conservative and regularly uses middle forms as passives. In contrast, Indo-Aryan has chosen a different, anti-syncretic, strategy of encoding detransitivizing derivational morphology, though with the middle inflection consistently preserved in passive ya-presents. These two branches, Indo-Aryan and Greek, arguably instantiate two basic types of development: a syncretic type found in many Western branches, including Greek, and an anti-syncretic type attested in some Eastern branches, in particular in Indo-Aryan.

Работа посвящена пассивным конструкциям в уральских языках.
Две основные цели работы: установить инвентарь пассивных показателей в уральских языках и обобщить их основные свойства и функции, а также предложить пути исторического развития конструкций с пассивными дериватами в тех языках, где они наиболее частотны.

Irrealis markers are characterized by the rampant heterogeneity of their distributional patterns and by the tendency to appear as portmanteau morphemes encoding other grammatical categories (e.g. person). These and other characteristics may find an explanation in diachronic terms, by taking into account the sources from which irrealis markers derive. In this article, the most frequent sources of irrealis markers are identified by means of a diachronic-typological survey based on a 100-language sample: these include lexical verbs such as ‘go’, ‘want’ or ‘be’, former subordinate clauses that come to be used as main clauses through insubordination and deictic expressions that refer to distant elements. Considering the diachrony of irrealis markers allows us to explain some of their properties such as, among others, (i) their distribution across the domain of non-actualized situation types, (ii) the primacy of certain non-actualized situation types that happen to work as bridgeheads in the diachronic development from the source to the target irrealis marker, (iii) the frequent co-encoding of person and reality status by means of the same markers, and (iv) the existence of ergativity splits involving irrealis clauses. The diachronic-typological survey conducted in this article has some implications on the debate on the validity of reality status as a grammatical category with two opposite values of realis and irrealis: it will be argued that the diachronic scenarios leading to the emergence of irrealis markers are not substantially different from those known from the literature on the emergence of modal markers, which makes reality status superfluous as an independent grammatical category.

Antipassive constructions may be polysemous, with aspectual and modal functions other than patient demotion, and may differ with respect to the way agents and patients are coded. This paper explores the hypothesis that at least some of these differences can be explained by taking into account the diachronic sources of these constructions, which hold the key to some regularities. The sample includes the 48 languages with an antipassive in the WALS (Polinsky 2013) + 50 languages in which an antipassive or a functionally equivalent construction is attested. These functionally equivalent constructions are generally not labelled as antipassives in grammatical descriptions, and alternative labels such as depatientive, deobjective, unspecified object construction, etc. are used. The diachronic sources of all these constructions are identified drawing on two kinds of evidence: (i) etymological reconstructions based on the comparative method; (ii) synchronic resemblance between (some features of) the source construction and (some features of) the target construction. Four main sources are found to be recurrent in the sample: (i) agent nominalizations; (ii) generic/indefinite elements filling the object position (e.g. person for animate objects, (some)thing for inanimate objects); (iii) action nominalizations, either alone or accompanied by a light verb like ‘do’ ( do the washing); (iv) morphemes encoding reflexive and/or reciprocal actions. For each of these sources, a diachronic scenario is sketched through which the antipassive construction might have developed out of the source.

In this chapter we set out to discuss some issues concerning the diachrony of non-verbal predication. The first issue is what diachronic sources can be singled out for copula constructions. Secondly, we discuss how predicative inflection constructions, as defined by the Position Paper (Creissels, Bertinetto, and Ciucci, this volume), emerge, based on the available evidence. Thirdly, we try to answer two related questions, namely whether or not non-verbal sources of copula constructions tend to acquire verbal characteristics in the course of time, and, conversely, whether or not verbal sources of copula constructions tend to lose verbal characteristics when developing into copulas. The chapter is organized as follows. Section 2 deals with the main sources of copulas attested cross-linguistically. These include verbal sources such as existential and postural verbs, as well as verbs meaning 'become', 'come' and 'see', and non-verbal sources such as demonstratives, third person pronouns, and indefinite articles. Section 3 discusses the processes through which predicative inflection constructions come about, while Section 4 is devoted to morphosyntactic changes that characterize the various diachronic trajectories from the source to the target. Other issues such as the sources of functive marking (i.e. the use of markers functionally similar to English as) are also discussed in Section 4. Finally, some conclusive remarks are presented in Section 5. 2. Sources of copulas This section is devoted to a survey of the main sources of copulas. In §2.1, we will discuss copulas originating from verbs, in §2.2, non-verbal sources of copular elements. 2.1. Copulas from verbs Various verbs are attested across languages as sources of copulas. These include existential and postural verbs, change of state predicates such as 'become', as well as less expected sources such as perception verbs, verbs meaning 'have', and verbs meaning 'do/make'. In the following subsections, we will discuss each of these sources in detail, with a view to sketching possible diachronic scenarios through which they have evolved into copulas. 2.1.1. Copulas from existential verbs Copulas may derive from verbs meaning 'live', 'be alive'/'be there', 'exist', and the like. For the purposes of this chapter, we group these verbs together under the label of 'existential verbs'. These verbs are generally used in what Creissels (2019) calls inverse-locational constructions, a sub-type of locational predication (see also the Position Paper). In some languages, they are also used as copulas in other semantic types of non-verbal predication, such as inclusion and identity predication, and/or in possessive predication. This makes it possible to hypothesize a diachronic pathway from existential verbs to copula in which these verbs are first used as copular elements in inverse-locational predications. A case in point is Mohave, as discussed by Munro (1977a). In Mohave, the copula construction has the structure in (1): (1) Mohave (Yuman; Munro 1977a: 445) John k w aθʔide:-č -ido-pč J. doctor-SBJ 3SG-COP-PFV 'John is a doctor.' In (1), the lexical element bearing the subject suffix-č is the one meaning 'doctor', i.e. the nucleus of the predicate phrase, and not the subject of the predication (John). Moreover, the structure in (1) violates the positional constraint whereby the element marked as subject in Mohave must appear in the first position in the clause. To account for these peculiarities, Munro (1977a) hypothesizes that the former subject of the copula in structures such as (1) is an embedded verbless sentence John doctor (a type of juxtaposition construction that is still possible in Mohave as a non-verbal predication strategy), and what synchronically functions as a copula was originally an existential predicate. Thus, according to her analysis, the construction exemplified in (1) would represent an originally existential construction that could be paraphrased as "There is [John [is] doctor]". Since subjects of embedded clauses in Mojave and other Yuman languages are not č-marked (Munro 1977: 451), this would explain why John, the subject of (1), does not bear the subject suffix-č. Moreover, the fact that the subject marker is attached to the predicate noun finds a straightforward explanation under this analysis: it "follows the predicate noun simply because that noun is the last element of the embedded sentential NP" (Munro 1977: 451). 1 An argument in favor of such a reconstruction is provided by the behavior of non-3 rd person subjects in copula constructions: in these cases, as exemplified by (2a) and (2b), respectively, the copula may either agree with the notional subject (1 st /2 nd person) or may maintain 3 rd person agreement. The latter is the original agreement pattern with an embedded sentence functioning as subject of the existential predication. The fact that the copula may also agree with a 1 st person subject suggests that the reinterpretation of the former complex existential construction as a simple copula constructionwhereby the predicate nucleus shifts to the nominal elementis in progress: (2) Mohave (Munro 1977a: 453) a. ʔin y ep k w aθʔide:-č ʔ-ido-pč 1SG doctor-SBJ 1SG-COP-PFV 'I'm a doctor.' b. ʔin y ep k w aθʔide:-č -ido-pč 1SG doctor-SBJ 3SG-COP-PFV 'I'm a doctor.' In one of the copula constructions of Chalcatongo Mixtec exemplified in (3a), the copula is ko(o) /žo(o) (respectively potential and realis), an existential verb that is still used with its original function, as in (3b), and for inverse-locational predications, as in (3c): (3) Chalcatongo Mixtec (Amuzgo-Mixtecan; Macaulay 1996: 129-130) 'I live in the house my father built.' a. kisi žó= xáá pot exist=3SG new 'The pot is new.' b. ko sãã̀ ñã́žĩũ exist.POT many people 'There will be a lot of people.' c. inì kaxá wã́ã žoo tenànà inside box ART exist tomato 'In the box there are tomatoes.' 2.1.2. Copulas from verbs meaning 'become' Verbs meaning 'become' are a common source of inchoative and change-of-state auxiliaries. Hengeveld (1992: 253-254; see also Heine and Kuteva 2002: 64) mentions two languages in which a verb meaning 'become' has taken on copular functions. One of them is Ngalakan, where the inchoative suffix-men ('become, get') may be used statively in specific tenses that inherently disfavor a change-of-state reading, such as the past imperfective or the future. As a matter of fact, the forms in (4a) and (4b), as opposed to the simple (zero-marked) present in (4c), depict the situation in its static phase rather than in the dynamic process of change: (4) Ngalakan (Gunwinyguan; Merlan 1983: 57-58) a. ϕ-ŋolko-men-iñ 3SG-big-COP-PST.CONT 'He was big.' b. gu-ϕ-ṇoṇʔṇoṇʔ-men-a CL-3SG-small-COP-FUT 'He will be small.' c. ϕ-ŋolko-men 3SG-big-COP 'He is getting big.' For a similar development from a 'become' verb to a copula in Uralic, see Ajanki-Forslund and Laakso (this volume). 2.1.3. Copulas from verbs meaning 'come' A grammaticalization path involving a verb meaning 'come' as the source of a copula is discussed by Nordhoff (2011). This path is attested in Sri Lanka Malay, where the copula is homophonous with the conjunct participle of the verb dhaatang 'come', and is used for naming people and for group assignment. In (5a), dhaatang is used with its original function, while in (5b) its use as a copula is exemplified: (5) Sri Lanka Malay (Malayic; Nordhoff 2011: 106-107) a. oorang mlaayu siithu=dering dhaathangapa cinggala man malay there=ABL come.CP Sinhala raaja=nang=le anà-banthu king=DAT=ADD PST-help 'The Malay men came from there and helped the Sinhalese king.' (Lit. 'Having come from there, the Malay men…') b. kàthama aanak dhaathangapa klaaki first child COP male 'My oldest child is a boy.' According to Nordhoff (2011: 120), the grammaticalization path at issue involves a first stage in which the participle of the verb 'come' is reinterpreted as a resultative marker ('having come' > 'having become'), and a second one in which a resultative is reinterpreted as a stative marker ('having become' > 'being'), as in the case discussed in §2.1.2. The Sri Lanka Malay copula is limited to identity predication and to a subset of inclusion predication, namely indicating "membership in ethnic, professional or gender classes or groups" (Nordhoff 2011: 107). This limitation is possibly a case of persistence of the original meaning of the source, names of professions and groups being the bridgeheads in which the reinterpretation has taken place. Another language in which the verb meaning 'come' has developed limited copula functions is Romanian, where it is used, among other kinds of predicates, with kinship terms as in (6): Ion îmi vine cumnat John 1SG.DAT comes brother-in-law 'John is my brother-in-law.' A copular prefix derived from a verb meaning 'go' is attested in Nahavaq (see below, Section 3.1). 2.1.4. Copulas from postural verbs ('sit'/'stand'/'lie') Postural verbs, i.e. verbs meaning 'sit', 'stand', 'lie' etc., are subject to two distinct evolutions (see Heine and Kuteva 2002: 278, 282). They may lose their specific postural meaning and acquire the function of a general locational copula. One case in point is Arrernte, where aneme, 'sit', can be predicated of any entity to indicate its relation to some specific locus of existence: (7) Arrernte (Central Pama-Nyungan; Goddard and Harkins 2002: 227) picture wall-kerleke ane-me picture wall-CONNECT sit-NPP 'There's a picture on the wall.' Postural verbs may also acquire non-locational uses such as inclusion or identity predication. 3 This is shown by the well-known case of the Spanish copula ser, in whose irregular paradigm forms of the Latin verbs sedēre 'to sit' and esse 'to be' are conflated. In Chantyal, the root ci-'sit' has acquired copular functions paraphrasable as 'to be in a profession': (8) Chantyal (Bodic; Noonan and Grunow-Hårsta 2002: 87) (27) Joóla Fóoñi (Central Atlantic; Denis Creissels, personal...

In some languages, arguments in inverse constructions happen to be marked in the same way as possessors or there is some morphological material shared by the inverse construction and possessive constructions. This synchronic connection between inverse and possessive constructions has led some scholars to hypothesize, more or less dubitatively, that these inverse constructions might have stemmed out of nominalized VPs, a kind of nominal construction in which arguments may be marked as possessors. An evolutionary pathway leading from nominalized VPs to passive constructions is also repeatedly mentioned in the literature on passives, so that it is legitimate to wonder whether there is any relationship between the two pathways. This article sets out to provide an answer to this question. It will be argued that the existence of both such pathways is far from being proven, based on the available evidence. Such a conclusion, though negative, represents a warning against the risk for diachronic typological studies to hypothesize evolutionary pathways based on slender grounds or on simplistic reconstructions.

This paper gives an overview of the change of typological features that occurred in Ethio-Semitic language history. The following fields are covered: Word order, adpositions, determination, case marking, relative clauses, coordination, verbal system, compound verbs, phonology. Finally, the role of language contact for typological change is discussed.

A review of Thomas (Talmy) Givón's latest book on the life cycle of adpositions. The review of the book discusses adpositions, preverbs, prefixes and their (cross-linguistic) diachronic relationship. Givón places a particular emphasis on the data from Homeric Greek which he discusses at length. He also provides a new theory of the 'augment' which I critically discuss.

The particular affinity linking together glottality and nasality seems to be responsible for various phonetic phenomena in different languages. In sound changes associated to what has been termed ‘rhinoglottophilia’ (Matisoff 1975) the two logically possible diachronic pathways show up: from glottality to secondary nasalization, on the one hand, and from nasality to secondary laryngealization, on the other. The innovations concerned can thus be considered symmetrical, a feature that is rarely found in sound change. Basque diachronic phonology provides an interesting new instance of rhinoglottophiliac effects.

The Pavia Diachronic Emergence of Alignment (DEmA) database is a new resource for the study of the diachrony of alignment patterns cross-linguistically. In this paper, we offer a description of DEmA, its structure and the choices that have been made in its construction. The main goal of DEmA is to offer a platform that makes it possible to investigate the sources and processes out of which new alignment patterns come into being across languages. In order to do so, each instance of the emergence of a construction with a new alignment pattern is decomposed
into a number of well-defined parameters pertaining to the initial situation in the language, the developmental mechanisms leading to the new alignment pattern, and the effects of the change. These various parameters are effectively implemented into a searchable format. This systematization enables users to easily retrieve and compare various type of information concerning the emergence of alignment patterns in the world’s languages.

Zusammenfassung Die Frage nach der Klassifizierung der west-und südjütischen Dialekte (zu deren Lage s. die Karte 0.1 im Anhang) und der Differenzierung zwischen Erbe und Entlehnung hat die Sprachgeschichtsschreibung wie die Dialektologie seit den Tagen Jacobs Grimms immer wieder beschäftigt. Die nachfolgende Untersuchung verzichtet jedoch auf (kultur)histo-rische und ideologisch motivierte Argumente. Sie will vielmehr eine Entscheidungsgrund-lage liefern, die ausschließlich auf strukturellen Gesichtspunkten beruht. Nach einer Sich-tung der am häufigsten vorgebrachten Argumente wird ein Katalog mit den wichtigsten Merkmalen des West-und Südjütischen vorgelegt, die dann im Einzelnen bewertet werden. Als Ergebnis zeigt sich, dass diese jütischen Varietäten auf einer westgermanischen Grund-lage beruhen, deren genetisch-typologische Disposition durch Kontakte zwischen genetisch verwandten Sprachen über den Nordatlantik und die Nordsee hin weiter verstärkt wird. Dem nachhaltigen Einfluss des Niederdeutschen zur Hansezeit kommt, strukturell betrach-tet, lediglich eine stabilisierende Wirkung zu, da bereits vorhandene westgermanische Merkmale nur verstärkt werden. Schließlich wird eine Erklärung dafür geliefert, weshalb sich ein diglossisches Verhältnis zur dänischen Hochsprache insbesondere im südjütischen Sprachgebiet halten kann, eben weil strukturelle Divergenzen gleitende Übergänge zwi-schen diesen Varietäten kaum zulassen und diese Dialekte weiterhin identitätsstiftend sind. 1 1 Problemstillingen Når genetisk naert beslaegtede sprog kommer i kontakt med hinanden, bliver det svaert, ja ofte umuligt at skelne klart mellem (oprindeligt) genetisk slaegtskab og (senere) kontaktpåvirkning. Dette har konsekvenser for sprogklassificeringen mel-lem naert beslaegtede sprog, specielt når de har en faelles geografisk graense, som fx de jyske og de øvrige danske dialekter (jf. også nedertysk med en permeabel graense mod de højtyske dialekter). I det 19. og 20. århundrede, altså i nationalstatens blomstringstid, blev klassifi-cering af de vest-og sønderjyske dialekter til et nationalt problem for danskerne, specielt efter de to slesvigske krige og saerlig i tiden fra 1864 til 1920, da hertug-1 Hjertelig tak til Karen Margrethe Pedersen (Københavns universitet: Nordisk Forskningsinstitut) for mange verdifulde kommentarer og henvisninger. Tak også til Kirsten Lyshøj (Aarhus univer-sitet: Jysk Ordbog) for teknisk hjaelp ang. dialektkortene.

Chapter overview: preliminaries; Middle as a cluster of deagentivized (Intransitivized) syntactic patterns; Middle types/patterns; Middle voice in Indo-European and beyond: The range of variation; Middle and reflexive in a diachronic perspective
Concluding terminological remarks: Reflexive sensu stricto vs.
"reflexive" as a cover term

This contribution focuses on the relationship between reanalysis and ambiguity. According to the classical view, reanalysis is made possible by the potentially ambiguous character of surface output. This view has been challenged on the grounds that the ambiguity of linguistic items is usually a result of (rather than a prerequisite for) reanalysis. As I will show, the traditional notion of ambiguity – generally defined as ambiguity of the linguistic code – fails to capture relevant aspects of the topic. Hence, my discussion will also take pragmatic underdetermination into account, which is defined in terms of implicature and inference. In the second part of the article, I will argue that reanalysis is rooted in language usage and is brought about by the hearer. Moreover, all reanalyses are usually controlled by one of two possible principles: the Principle of Relevant Usage Effect and the Transparency Principle. Based on an overview of examples from lexical, morphological and syntactic change I will show that reanalysis can, but need not, be triggered by code ambiguity or pragmatic underdetermination. By the same token, code ambiguity can, but need not, be a consequence of reanalysis. Despite the apparent difficulties in pinning down a systematic one-to-one relationship between ambiguity and reanalysis, I will propose a unified usage-based account for the various types of reanalyses discussed in this paper.

Antipassives have different structural and semantic properties and are used under different conditions across languages. They also show a few universal tendencies: for instance, they generally correlate with imperfec-tivity. Both the diversity and the universal tendencies of antipassives have fostered a variety of analyses of this construction type in the formalist and the functional-typological frameworks. In this article, these analyses will be surveyed with a view to establishing their explanatory potential and will be compared with a diachronic-typological account of how antipassives diverge and what they have in common. It will be shown that at least part of this diversity finds a straightforward explanation once the sources of the antipassive are taken into account, and that most of the semantic and distributional universals of antipassives are persistent features of their sources.

In addition to its central role in the organization of gender systems and its numerous effects on different parts of the grammar, animacy reveals itself as a significant, sometimes even determinant factor in diachronic processes like the reduction of morphological complexity. Complexity in the realm of inflection may be defined as the extent to which formal distinctions in paradigms are semantically or phonologically unmotivated and therefore largely unpredictable on extramorphological grounds. Animacy and natural (or sex-based) gender emerge in certain cases as features capable of constraining this kind of complexity by offering a transparent semantic criterion that helps substantiate several formal distinctions in languages, thereby reducing the amount of morphological complexity or unpredictability inherited from earlier stages in the evolution of different linguistic systems.

Functional approaches account for language universals and patterns of cross-linguistic variation by deriving them from more general aspects of language use. The most important factors that are responsible for universals and variation include:

The present paper deals with two reflexive pronouns that are attested in Vedic Sanskrit, tanū́- and ātmán-. It is demonstrated that the former is employed both in reflexive usages properly speaking (of the type "John scolds himself"), and in emphatic usages (of the type "Peter repaired his car himself"). The emphatic analysis
(not widely recognized in the standard Sanskrit grammars) gives the key to the interpretation of several obscure passages. The paper presents data relevant to the understanding of the syntax of constructions with tanū́- and ātmán- (nominal and adverbial usages, rules of agreement in number with the antecedent, heavy reflexive constructions with svá- ‘own’) ‘own’). In the middle Vedic period, tan - is ousted by ātmán-, while in the second most ancient Vedic text, Atharvaveda, both tanū́- and ātmán- can be employed within the same clause, giving rise to a heavy reflexive construction. One of the typologically remarkable usages attested for tanū́- is a construction where this pronoun occurs in the vocative case (this chariot will carry me – itself! (i.e., without horses)), used for special emphasis. The paper concludes with a diachronic survey of the functions of the two reflexive pronouns throughout the history of Vedic and a summary of the attested paradigm.

This paper deals with one of the aspects of the diachronic study of case, variation and competition of two or more cases in some particular function(s). The paper studies both formal parameters (markedness of case forms, interaction between declensional types) and functional features (overlapping of case semantics, semantic roles encoded, semantic specificity of cases) relevant for
case competition. On the basis of evidence from languages with well-attested documented history, I outline possible approaches to the study of a tentative hierarchy of parameters that play an important role for the choice of case in the situation of competition and can be used to make plausible suggestions on the
outcome of case competition.

This paper aims at tracing the origin of the emergence of a new tense in the history of Eastern Aramaic, the bases of which are the historical passive participle (qṭīl) with a conjugation that originated from a cliticization of a datival pronominal expression (lī). In many of the Eastern Neo Aramaic dialects the descendants of these forms exhibit features of an ergative system, in expressing the past tense. Studies often focus on the final stage of this process when the tense is established. The current paper, however, focuses on the previous stages of this diachronic process. Thus, it is about the origin of the use of the dative with the passive participle (the qṭīl lī construction) with a special interest in Syriac and Jewish Babylonian Aramaic (=JBA). 
In the past scholars repeatedly argued that the use of the dative indicates that originally this was a "possessive-perfects". In this paper I make the case that the qṭīl lī construction is definitely not a possessive one. Instead, I will argue, that this is a regular passive construction. Accordingly, the passive participle has the function of expressing the tense-aspect while the datival expression  denotes the agent. In light of this, I propose that the use of the dative to denote the agent developed from its ability to mark a non argument experiencer. With certain verbs, particularly in passive constructions, it wasanalyzed as an argument-dative denoting the agent (in the sense of the subject of the active sentence). In this case we are dealing with a shift from a Non-Argument-Dative to an Argument-Dative. At the next stage, the requirement of anticipatory pronouns to agree with all definite arguments, laid the foundation for the new inflection in the Neo Eastern Aramaic dialects.
Previous studies argued that the Aramaic development was a result of contact with Iranian languages. I point to a new parallelism between the development that occurred in the history of the Eastern Aramaic dialects and the development in some of the Iranian languages. I claim, however, that we are dealing with a case of “convergence” in the limited sense of the term, since languages in the same area, show similar developments through internal and external factors.
The various discussions throughout the paper are of significance beyond the scope of the Aramaic construction for the following issues: 1) the cross-linguistic distribution of possessive-perfect constructions; 2) the origin of an ergative system; 3) the existence of a formal distinction between argument and adjunct; and  4)  a presentation of a case of “convergence”.

According to Willet (1988:55), evidentiality is “the linguistic means of indicating how the speaker obtained the information on which s/he bases an assertion”. In short, it may also be said to indicate one’s information source (Willet 1988: 51; Aikhenvald 2004: 3). Most of the Tibetic evidential distinctions much like conjunct-disjunct oppositions in other Himalayan languages seem to be informed by the speaker’s involvement in the event profiled in a statement (DeLancey 1986, 1992; Hale 1980). Both types of distinctions may be said to involve “egophoric” and “allophoric” markers, that is, markers which mainly occur when the speaker respectively is and isn’t the subject in a statement (Tournadre 1991, 2008; Floyd, Norcliffe & San Roque 2018). The present paper shows that a majority of the evidential distinctions found in the Greater Himalayan Region (GHR) contrast ego- with allophoric markers, but that the contrasting markers nowhere strictly keep to their respective domains. Instead, we may distinguish different types of distinctions based on what the markers mean in their “atypical environments.”

The original 20-minutes presentation with voiceover is found here: https://osf.io/zxe25/

Linguistic Typology at the Crossroads (LTC) is a new OA journal dedicated to the crossroads where linguistic typology meets its neighboring fields.

Submissions for the second issue and subsequent issues are now open.
We especially encourage submissions investigating typological questions in the light of methods and data coming from neighboring fields, such as historical linguistics, sociolinguistics, psycho- and neurolinguistics, corpus linguistics, and computational linguistics.

Настоящая работа преследует три цели: во-первых, дать предварительный общий обзор неопределенных местоимений парагвайского гуарани, прежде никогда не становившихся предметом специального исследования; во-вторых, описать базовый синтаксис специализированных отрицательных местоимений; в-третьих, предложить гипотезу касательно пути возникновения последних.

The paper tries to account for several instances of emerging suppletion by establishing a cross-linguistic tendency of suppletion replication in grammaticalization. It can be shown that words which acquire new grammatical functions and therefore enter a different class of lexemes tend to copy suppletion patterns already present in other members of this class. This development can be triggered by factors of different nature, either internal to the language in question or rooted in contact between different languages or dialects of the same language. The suppletion replication tendency is demonstrated on several cases of grammaticalization of demonstrative or relative pronouns into 3rd person pronouns. This typologically common development is known to have led to the creation of new suppletion in several languages of Europe. In the present paper, three particularly telling cases from Slavonic, dialects of Lithuanian and early West Germanic dialects spoken on the continent are discussed in detail.