Satyrs

Эту книгу составили написанные в 1997-2021 годах статьи и заметки А. Ю. Балакина, публиковавшиеся в русских и зарубежных научных изданиях на протяжении последних двух десятков лет. В первом разделе собраны статьи о Пушкине и его ближайшем литературном окружении; во втором-в основном работы текстологического характера, связанные в первую очередь с датировкой и атрибуцией произведений классической русской литературы, а также разыскания в области биографики. В приложении к одной из статей полностью публикуется поэма А. Ф. Воейкова «Искусства и науки» (1817-1823).

OF THE DISSERTATION Faces in the Frame: Masks and Heads in the Boundaries of Roman Art By Mieke Paulsen Bahmer Dissertation Director: John Kenfield III Satyric and comedic masks, in addition to lively-seeming heads that could almost be masks, appear with pattern-like regularity wherever the Romans had a foothold; however, the near instinctive impulse to assign a straightforward, Hellenistically-derived Dionysiac message to the borders where these faces reside has rendered both masks and heads almost invisible to further iconographic study. The masks are more thoroughly examined as remnants of Classical theatre than in studies of antique mosaics, while the heads that supplant them are treated neither in theatrical studies nor, aside from stylistic analyses, in art historical scholarship. The assumption that satyrs (and their depictions) in the Roman world retained the same meanings and functions that had been given to them by their Greek originators ignores fundamental distinctions b...

In 1982 Myra Shackley published "The Case for Neanderthal Survival: Fact, Fiction or Fraction?" in the journal Antiquity, followed by a book the next year Still Living? Yeti, Sasquatch and the Neanderthal Enigma. While focusing on recent alleged sightings of the almas (a hairy human-like creature) across Central Asia as a possible relict population of Neanderthals surviving in remote mountainous areas, she also discussed Boris Porshnev's (1968) theory that there might have been Neanderthal survival in other parts of the world such as forests and mountains in Greece, furthermore that satyrs in Greek myth, rather than being imaginary creatures, were based on sightings of relict Neanderthals, albeit distorted, as stories about them were retold. This paper examines evidence for the satyr-Neanderthal relict hominoid hypothesis (based on classical artwork and ancient literary descriptions of satyrs) concluding like Shackley did, Porshnev's theory "deserves serious consideration".

In 1525, Isabella d’Este’s son, Federico, commissioned architect Giulio Romano to build him a pleasure palace at the family’s stables at the south end of Mantua. Giulio took the mantle of Mannerism from the late Andrea Mantegna and created a masterwork of iconographically rich trompe l’oeil frescoes on the interior surfaces. Two of the corner rooms are particularly significant, the lyrical room of Amor and Psyche, and the Room of the Fall of the Giants, which depicts a massive architectural collapse. The palace’s outer walls manifested a bizarre articulation — including falling triglyphs and rising keystones — that scholars have debated the meaning of for years. This essay shows the complex interconnections within the complex, the city, and the Roman classical heritage, by which these façades form a manifesto, in which Giulio Romano confronts the meaning of architectural language as well as the role of the architect as intermediary between Form and Matter.

Andrea Palladio’s research and work concerning the Roman tradition of theatre most famously resulted in the Teatro Olimpico, completed by his protégé, Vincenzo Scamozzi. However, another work, the Villa Rotonda, distills and transposes Palladio’s ideas in response to its particular site and landscape, and explains the villa’s particular morphology. Palladio left one conspicuous clue to what he was up to, right in the dead centre of the plan: A mysterious mask, grinning up at the visitor from the marble floor.

Platon dans sa République déclare: « Façonnons par la pensée une image de l’âme, pour que celui qui tient ces propos réalise ce qu’il dit. – Quelle image ? – Une image, comme celle de ces natures antiques dont les mythes rapportent la genèse : la Chimère, Scylla, Cerbère, et un certain nombre d’autres êtres constitués d’un ensemble de formes naturelles multiples réunies en un seul être». Force est donc de constater que cette volonté créatrice fait intrinsèquement partie de l’être humain.
Cette volonté créatrice est fruit de l’imagination, qui selon le Vocabulaire Européen des Philosophies de Barbara Cassin dérive d’imaginatio, terme découlant d’imago qui évoque l’effigie, le portrait. La racine grecque phantasia dont la traduction française est la lumière s’est, elle, développée dans le sens de fantaisie, fantasme. « La différence phantasia / imaginatio, dont témoignent les difficultés que les Latins ont éprouvées à traduire le grec, est celle entre la force créatrice des apparitions et la faculté reproductive des images, chacun des termes pouvant lui- même être travaillé du dedans par cette tension et les jugements de valeur qui s’y attachent.... Cette même tension détermine la place de l’imagination dans le jeu des facultés et des modalités d’être au monde. Est-ce une faculté nécessaire à l’exercice des autres facultés, entre passivité et activité, ou, comme dit Pascal, une maîtresse d’erreur et de fausseté?».
Créativité, imagination, fantaisie et fantasme, il y a un peu de tout ceci dans cette création humaine que sont les hybrides et dès lors s’intéresser à eux, à leur genèse, c’est s’intéresser aux tréfonds de l’âme humaine. D’où viennent donc les créatures hybrides ? Pourquoi les hommes ont-ils imaginé des individus nouveaux en agglomérant des parties de ceux qu’ils pouvaient voir autour d’eux? Comment leur est venue l’idée d’assembler des parties hétéroclites pour en faire un nouveau tout, une création inédite, créée non pas par la divinité mais par eux-mêmes ? Tant de questions qui vont bien plus loin que le simple motif décoratif qui ornera les palais de la Renaissance. Au-delà des Grottesches, des grotesques, dont le nom dérive précisément du fait que ces motifs sont des créations qui s’inspirent de ce que les artistes ont découvert en visitant les grottes romaines, des caves qui par effondrement des voûtes antiques donnaient un accès direct aux palais romains, dont la fameuse Domus Aurea, la Maison Dorée de Néron ornée de ces créatures monstrueuses, ces hybrides furent un des premiers indices des civilisations anciennes que virent les érudits du XVIe.

This paper puts forward a qualitative and quantitative analysis of the iconography of chelys-lyres and barbitoi associated with satyrs and Dionysos in late 5th and early 4th century Attic vase-painting, in an attempt to confront independent visual evidence with the textually-driven narratives on musical hierarchies and polemics in Classical Athens. The author identifies a coherent lineage of vase-painters which introduce the lyre in the semantics of Dionysiac iconography in the late 5th and early 4th century BC, escaping the musical polarizations associated with the critics of New Music – thus illuminating a largely invisible segment within the Athenian society in a time of political and socio-cultural turmoil.

Cette étude s'intéresse à la manière dont les costumes des satyres sont représentés en images, depuis la représentation des drames satyriques athéniens (à partir du vase de Pronomos) jusqu'aux figurations romaines de "coulisses" théâtrales dans lesquels des personnages dionysiaques tombent le masque (autour de la mégalographie de la Villa des Mystères et de la mosaïque de la Maison du Poète Tragique). Plus que des indices sur les costumes effectifs revêtus par des acteurs (en particulier à Rome où il n'y a pas de drame satyrique), ces dispositifs mettent en évidence l'actualisation idéale de la performance théâtrale.

The article examines a group of images on Athenian ceramic vases in which pointed amphorae are depicted in various usages. This iconography appears primarily in the contexts of both the symposium and the komos, whose participants, along with members of the Dionysian thiasos, are shown sitting, leaning, playing, beating, and masturbating with this vessel. The utilization of this specific mundane object in such a manner is explored in light of psychologist James J. Gibson's term 'affordance', which refers to the potentialities held by an object for a particular set of actions, stemming from its material properties. Two additional terms, discussed by Beth Preston, that may help in analyzing the images are 'proper function' referring to the normative usage of objects, and 'system function', referring to the unorthodox usage of objects. The affordances of the amphora, stemming from its shape and material and the inherent potentialities for action, are perceived and exploited by the users. Though not from the outset designed as a chair, a toy, or a sexual device, in the hands of these figures and within the specific space of the symposium and the komos, the ordinary pointed amphora takes on those functions. Thanks to the Athenian vase painters, we are able to register and visualize latent affordances of the amphora that previously lay out of sight. It seems that in the context of the Athenian symposium and komos, what matters is the possibilities for action and that they be stretched to the maximum.

From the frenzied witnesses of musical inventions in Athenian satyr plays to the Hesiodic “good-for-nothings” and Telestes’ treatment of Marsyas as a “handclapping beast”, satyrs seem to cover a rather narrow spectre of musical competence in the archaic and classical Hellenic poetic tradition. Yet Attic vase-painting makes out of satyrs one of its most frequent and enduring musical actors, clearly surpassing in numbers the occurrences of any other hybrid figures or animal musicians. Previous literature has explored the satyrs’ broad connection to music and the animal world, but the aim of these particular images remains little understood: are they mere visual puns, do they outline lineal or inverted paradigms of musical performance? Putting this question on firmer methodological ground, this paper will take a systematic approach to the relations, correspondences and construction of meaning around satyr musicians, as framed within the overall visual syntax and three-dimensionality of Attic painted vases.

The scene is one of the several and different representations of the Dionysiac sphere, in which Satyrs, Silens, Maenads and Dionysus himself are inserted in an idyllic-sacral setting. The plate, however, offers an iconographic motif well known in the Hellenisitic-Roman tradition, the boiling of the wild boar. Finally, the attempt made to provide an overview about "Campana" reliefs in ancient Apulia. 

Dioniso Il contributo fornisce l'inquadramento di una inedita lastra Campana, conservata nei depositi del Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Taranto. La scena presentata rientra tra le vaste e variegate rappresentazioni di ambito dionisiaco, in cui Satiri, Sileni, Menadi e Dioniso stesso sono inseriti in un'ambientazione idillico-sacrale. La lastra ripropone, tuttavia, un motivo iconografico ben noto nella tradizione ellenistico-romana, la bollitura del cinghiale. Si tenta infine di fornire il quadro delle attestazioni di prodotti di tale categoria nella Apulia antica.

Satyric and comedic masks, in addition to lively-seeming heads that could almost be masks, appear with pattern-like regularity wherever the Romans had a foothold; however, the near instinctive impulse to assign a straightforward, Hellenistically-derived Dionysiac message to the borders where these faces reside has rendered both masks and heads almost invisible to further iconographic study. The masks are more thoroughly examined as remnants of Classical theatre than in studies of antique mosaics, while the heads that supplant them are treated neither in theatrical studies nor, aside from stylistic analyses, in art historical scholarship.
The assumption that satyrs (and their depictions) in the Roman world retained the same meanings and functions that had been given to them by their Greek originators ignores fundamental distinctions between the two cultures. This study follows in the tradition of scholars who have jettisoned the belief that iconological interpretation inevitably accompanies iconographic appropriation.  This study uses the distinctly Roman cultural background that led to the use of masks as border motifs in early imperial Roman mosaics, and the ways in which that cultural heritage may have influenced the a preference for more lifelike and idealized heads instead of masks, to gain insight into the role and function of the supernatural wilderness in Roman life and iconography.

Platon dans sa République déclare: « Façonnons par la pensée une image de l’âme, pour que celui qui tient ces propos réalise ce qu’il dit. – Quelle image ? – Une image, comme celle de ces natures antiques dont les mythes rapportent la genèse : la Chimère, Scylla, Cerbère, et un certain nombre d’autres êtres constitués d’un ensemble de formes naturelles multiples réunies en un seul être». Force est donc de constater que cette volonté créatrice fait intrinsèquement partie de l’être humain.
Cette volonté créatrice est fruit de l’imagination, qui selon le Vocabulaire Européen des Philosophies de Barbara Cassin dérive d’imaginatio, terme découlant d’imago qui évoque l’effigie, le portrait. La racine grecque phantasia dont la traduction française est la lumière s’est, elle, développée dans le sens de fantaisie, fantasme. « La différence phantasia / imaginatio, dont témoignent les difficultés que les Latins ont éprouvées à traduire le grec, est celle entre la force créatrice des apparitions et la faculté reproductive des images, chacun des termes pouvant lui- même être travaillé du dedans par cette tension et les jugements de valeur qui s’y attachent.... Cette même tension détermine la place de l’imagination dans le jeu des facultés et des modalités d’être au monde. Est-ce une faculté nécessaire à l’exercice des autres facultés, entre passivité et activité, ou, comme dit Pascal, une maîtresse d’erreur et de fausseté?».
Créativité, imagination, fantaisie et fantasme, il y a un peu de tout ceci dans cette création humaine que sont les hybrides et dès lors s’intéresser à eux, à leur genèse, c’est s’intéresser aux tréfonds de l’âme humaine. D’où viennent donc les créatures hybrides ? Pourquoi les hommes ont-ils imaginé des individus nouveaux en agglomérant des parties de ceux qu’ils pouvaient voir autour d’eux? Comment leur est venue l’idée d’assembler des parties hétéroclites pour en faire un nouveau tout, une création inédite, créée non pas par la divinité mais par eux-mêmes ? Tant de questions qui vont bien plus loin que le simple motif décoratif qui ornera les palais de la Renaissance. Au-delà des Grottesches, des grotesques, dont le nom dérive précisément du fait que ces motifs sont des créations qui s’inspirent de ce que les artistes ont découvert en visitant les grottes romaines, des caves qui par effondrement des voûtes antiques donnaient un accès direct aux palais romains, dont la fameuse Domus Aurea, la Maison Dorée de Néron ornée de ces créatures monstrueuses, ces hybrides furent un des premiers indices des civilisations anciennes que virent les érudits du XVIe.

In Archaic Athenian vase-painting, silens (satyrs) are often sexually aroused, but only sporadically satisfy their desires in a manner acceptable to most Athenian men. François Lissarrague persuasively argued that the sexuality of silens in vase-painting was probably laughable rather than awe-inspiring. What sort of laughter did the vase-paintings elicit? Was it the scornful laughter of a person who felt nothing in common with silens, or the laughter of one made to see something of himself in their behavior? For three reasons, I argue for the latter interpretation. First, some vase-paintings are constructed so as to invite the viewer to adopt imaginatively the persona of a silen. Second, parallels for the less-than-triumphant sexuality of silens occur in Archaic iambic poetry. Like the vase-paintings, the poetry was often constructed so that performers of the poems are incorporated into the narratives as all-too-human protagonists. Third, certain formal features of classical satyr-play encouraged the audience to identify with the point of view of the satyr-chorus, while others reminded it that there were better role models than silens. In all three media, a negative characterization of male characters or silens is combined with a manner of presentation that invites the viewer or performer to see himself among those characters despite their negative traits. That form of humor may have been common in Archaic symposia, but its presence in satyr-play suggests that it may also be a fundamental characteristic of silens. THE SEX LIFE OF SILENS IN VASE-PAINTING Perhaps the most remarkable characteristic of the sexuality of the part-horse, part-man creatures known as silens (also known as satyrs) is its inexhaustibility, I have received helpful suggestions from many people on this paper. I thank Sarah Peirce, Ann Steiner, Richard Hamilton, and Jeffrey Rusten for comments on drafts of the paper. I also thank the anonymous readers for Classical Antiquity for their detailed suggestions. I thank Mark Griffith in particular for his thoughtful comments, helpful suggestions, and the opportunity to read his forthcoming paper.

Les satyres, joyeux compagnons enivrés de Dionysos, ne font a priori pas bon ménage avec l'austère Sparte. Ce postulat a conduit à les ignorer considérablement dans les études relatives à l'art laconien. Les satyres ont principalement été étudiés au sein de l'iconographie attique, parfois corinthienne, mais très peu au sein de l'imagerie laconienne, et pour cause : ils y sont rares.

The present contribution deals with a fragment of a marble statue group (Figs 1-4) catalogued in the Inventory book of the Sculpture Collection of the National Archaeological Museum under Inv. no. 7397. Preserved is the well polished naked body of a youthful Satyr, securely identified by the remains of a tail on the waist, and the left arm of another, larger, figure, which passes behind the neck and leans on the left shoulder of the Satyr, holding a wreath. Although the group is said to be from Aydin (ancient Tralleis) in Asia Minor, my research has revealed that it comes from Hermione in the Argolid. Based on the preserved indications, it is concluded that the group Inv. no. 7397 was free-standing, smaller than life size. It was not possible to reconstruct the iconographic type of Dionysus/Bacchus, i.e. if he was standing or stumbling. Because of stylistic criteria the statue group, a high quality work of the Athenian workshop, should be dated to the Late Hadrianic – Early Antoninian Period.

In the famous passage devoted to the myth of Marsyas (Met. VI, 399-400), Ovid creates a ambiguity about the river derived from the tears of the friends of the satyr. This article discusses the relationship between the elements of the physical  geography and the elaboration of a poetic  and metaliterary space.

Résumé: En 2010, lors des fouilles tuniso-allemandes (Institut Archéologique Allemand et Institut National du Patrimoine) dans la cité numido-romaine de Simitthus (Chimtou, Tunisie), la tête d‘un satyre a été trouvée. La tête de marbre blanc provient d‘une muraille médiévale dans le secteur du »temple du culte impérial« de Chimtou. La comparaison de la découverte de Chimtou avec d‘autres satyres a permis d‘établir un rapprochement avec un groupe de sculpture en ronde-bosse, en se basant sur la cassure au niveau du haut de la tête, là où était posée la main de la ménade qui tire la tête du satyre et l‘incline, et sur le traitement caractéristique des boucles de la chevelure : la tête pourrait être une réplique romaine du fameux groupe érotique du type Ludovisi de l‘époque hellénistique représentant un satyre et une ménade.

Vol. LIIn.s. 2 2001 ESTRATTO <LERMA" di BRETSCHNEIDER -ROMA THE SATYR AND DOLPHIN GROUP. UN ADDENDUM Un recenle sopralluogo in un magazzino del Museo Nazn àlc Eirusco di Vi a Gìulì,ì, hr consentito di dntracciarc la tllù del Sdtìr unl Dolphin Group (tigg. I2) da S. Oresle r, pubblicata nel 1924 da G. Bendinelli (rîas. J) ed invrno cercata da hngo tempo. Conser'lara all'intcno di ùna cassa contenenÌe materiali da Gudldo Ta dino -Contrada Malpasso. Ìa hlr;' risulta. nell'inventario del Museo di Villa Giu lia, àcquiltata da Fnncesco Mrncinelli Scolti, il 12 narzo del 1923 (Buono 808)'.

cation: we may not be able to say very much about the particular opinions of specific artists or beholders, but pictorial representations are often constructed in such a way that the actual viewer is invited to adopt a specific, identifiable point of view.

Antonopoulos Andreas P., Christopoulos Menelaos M., and Harrison George W. M. (eds.), Reconstructing Satyr Drama. MythosEikonPoiesis 12. Berlin – Boston, MA: De Gruyter, 2021, pp. 539-566.

This contribution demonstrates that the traces of satyr dramas are similar in nature to the tragic vestiges in the Bibliotheca, even if they have not sparked the same interest in modern research. Examination of episodes with satyrs also indicate the degree to which and ways in which the Bibliotheca can contribute to a reconstruction of several satyr dramas known only in fragments. Finally, they illustrate the second life of satyr dramas as material for mythographic consumption.

In the Ichneutai (lines 176-202) someone (most likely Silenos) calls by name individual Satyrs of the Chorus. This is the only passage from the surviving satyric corpus that preserves names of members of the Chorus, nonetheless giving names to Satyrs is common in vase-paintings. The article describes this practice, correlates it to the equivalent one of comedy, and also to the complete absence of naming choreuts in tragedy, and goes on to analyse every name occurring in the Ichn. The scene in question is a parody of a hunt with hounds (see n. 9), with Silenos in the role of the hunter and the Satyrs playing the hounds. For this reason, the specific names are a mixture of traditional names for Satyrs and names for dogs (as known to us from ancient sources, as well as the visual arts). The paper elucidates the etymology of problematic names, offers new insight into the reference of some names, contributes important details on all of them, gives a rough translation of each name, and generally displays the links that these names have with both the satyric and the canine nomenclatures.

International audienceCette étude s&#39;intéresse à la manière dont les costumes des satyres sont représentés en images, depuis la représentation des drames satyriques athéniens (à partir du vase de Pronomos) jusqu&#39;aux figurations romaines de &quot;coulisses&quot; théâtrales dans lesquels des personnages dionysiaques tombent le masque (autour de la mégalographie de la Villa des Mystères et de la mosaïque de la Maison du Poète Tragique). Plus que des indices sur les costumes effectifs revêtus par des acteurs (en particulier à Rome où il n&#39;y a pas de drame satyrique), ces dispositifs mettent en évidence l&#39;actualisation idéale de la performance théâtrale

Resumo: O objetivo deste estudo é realizar uma análise linguístico-literária e comparativa entre o livro III da Eneida, de Virgílio, e a sátira 2.8, de Horácio, buscando identificar os recursos utilizados na epopeia que retomam os elementos presentes na referida sátira. Pretendemos entender como o cenário catastrófico do banquete de Nasidieno, anfitrião hostil, de comportamentos viciosos, que figura na sátira 2.8, é reapresentado no livro III da Eneida, em que Eneias é continuamente interrompido por Celeno, impedindo, assim, as tentativas do herói de realizar um jantar sagrado no local para fundar a Nova Troia. Para tanto, trabalharemos com nossa tradução instrumental dos trechos que se fizerem pertinentes para a análise, e nos serviremos do aporte teórico de Carratore (1962), D'Onofrio (1968), Oliveira (2014), e outros, que nos auxiliarão a perceber características próprias de cada um dos textos que analisaremos, além da intertextualidade que os vincula.

Abstract: The main purpose of this study is to conduct a linguistic-literary and comparative analysis between book III of the Aeneid, by Virgil, and the satire 2.8, by Horace, aiming to identify the resources used in the epic that reinstate the elements presented in the referred satire. We intend to understand how the catastrophic scenario of Nasidienus' feast, hostile host, of vicious behaviors, that figures in the satire 2.8, is restated in the book III of the Aeneid, in which Aeneas is constantly interrupted by Celeno, thus preventing the hero's attempts to hold a sacred dinner on the site to found the New Troy. Therefore, we will work with our instrumental translation of the excerpts that are relevant for the analysis, and we will use the theoretical contribution of Carratore (1962), D'Onofrio (1968), Oliveira (2014), and others, which will help us