Sarkozy

Du 27 juin au 7 juillet 2023, notre pays a connu un déferlement de violences qui, de l'avis de nombreux acteurs ou observateurs, était inédit par son ampleur et son intensité. Ces émeutes n'étaient pas la réplique mimétique de celles, pourtant majeures, que notre pays a connues en 2005. En quelques nuits d'affrontements, elles ont excédé, en violence et en destruction d'équipements publics ou commerciaux, les trois semaines de violences urbaines qui avaient conduit à déclarer en octobre 2005 le régime de l'état d'urgence prévu par la loi du 3 avril 1955. Pourtant, près d'un an après ces événements, si des stigmates sont encore visibles sur les bâtiments qui ont été les cibles de ces mouvements, l'existence semble avoir repris son cours normal, sans difficulté apparente. Or, malgré cette apparente résilience, ces émeutes ne sauraient être considérées comme un simple fait divers et, de ce fait, sitôt oubliées. C'est pour trouver des éléments d'explication que la commission des lois a créé, dès le 12 juillet 2023, une mission d'information transpartisane 1 , dotée de prérogatives de commission d'enquête le 17 octobre 2023. Celle-ci s'est attachée à dresser le constat de ces événements : ses protagonistes, leurs motivations et les réponses apportées par les pouvoirs publics, au niveau local comme au niveau national, pour faire face aux violences et aux destructions qu'elles ont engendrées. Des travaux menés par la mission, il ressort que la mort de Nahel Merzouk a été l'élément déclencheur d'un mouvement qui n'avait, en définitive, que peu à voir avec cet événement tragique et qui ne portait pas de revendications identifiées.

O artigo teve como objetivo investigar a ascensão de Marine Le Pen, do partido de extrema-direita Frente Nacional, nas eleições francesas de 2012. Busca-se compreender como Le Pen, através da comunicação e da propaganda, se vale da construção de uma imagem, aparentemente descolada dos conteúdos fascistas, para revitalizar uma ideologia reacionária no em meio a pretensa despolitização “pós-moderna”. Investiga-se o alçamento de capital político de Le Pen via mecanismos do espetáculo (Débord) e do mito (Barthes), sem perder de vista a
gênese do fascismo e os rumos atuais da política. Conclui-se que o programa de Marine, apesar de se anunciar como novo e de pautar a agenda política, inscreve-se num fundo histórico tipicamente fascista, ao herdar e perpetuar sua ideologia.
Palavras-chave: Extrema-direita; França; Frente Nacional; Marine Le Pen;
Campanha presidencial

It has been done the complex study of the functioning and development prospects of the Union for the Mediterranean. Based on the analysis of national and foreign historiography it considers creation and development of organization, its goals and priorities, an attitude to European leaders about the necessity to cooperate with Mediterranean countries. It was found that the Union for the Mediterranean was established in order to support the overall immigration policy, economic and trade development, common law, the environment and common development. The authors emphasize that in order to maintain the viability of the Union for the Mediterranean EU should use more differentiated and thematic approach, which based on security and cooperation, energy agreements, cooperation on food and more targeted financial assistance.

Sus trabajos académicos atienden en buena parte la representación del pueblo gitano en medios de comunicación, en conexión con la influencia política e histórica. Ha participado en foros relacionados con ello como el congreso Cadaad 2016 (Sicilia, Italia) o los seminarios Language, Ideology and Power en Lancaster University (UK). Forma parte como investigador del proyecto Prodis-net y es periodista desde hace más de 20 años.

O texto apresenta uma análise sobre a violência e a sociedade contemporânea, com foco na situação na França, abordada no sub capítulo VIOLENCE ET SOCIETE AUJOURD’HUI do livro "Rio de Janeiro e Paris: a juventude apache do cinema na periferia", 2016.  A autora Giovana Zimermann,  menciona que a violência não poupa nenhuma sociedade ou civilização, afetando pessoas de diferentes idades e gêneros. A obra "Violence et société aujourd'hui" de Yves Michaud é mencionada como um ponto de partida para entender a relação entre violência e sociedade.
O autor destaca um episódio específico de violência urbana ocorrido na França em 2005, conhecido como "revolta dos jeunes de banlieue". Jovens das periferias francesas saíram às ruas, atearam fogo em carros e causaram danos a instalações públicas, levantando questionamentos sobre suas motivações e o porquê de direcionarem a violência para seus próprios bairros em vez de áreas mais ricas.
O texto menciona o caso de dois adolescentes, Zied Benna e Bouna Traoré, que foram eletrocutados em uma subestação de energia enquanto fugiam da polícia. O então Ministro do Interior, Nicolas Sarkozy, defendeu os policiais e alegou que os adolescentes estavam fugindo de outros jovens, não da polícia. Sarkozy adotou medidas como o toque de recolher e o uso da lei de estado de urgência para lidar com a violência urbana, o que gerou controvérsias.
O autor também menciona o filme "La Haine" de Mathieu Kassovitz, lançado em 1995, que aborda questões de violência e marginalização nas banlieues francesas. O filme despertou debates e reflexões sobre a situação social e política na França.
O texto ressalta a importância de compreender a história e seus eventos passados para entender o presente. Cita Walter Benjamin, que afirma que nada do que aconteceu no passado deve ser considerado perdido para a história, e que o passado se torna citável para a humanidade redimida.
Por fim, o texto menciona um dossiê publicado em resposta à crise de violência nos subúrbios franceses em 2005, com o objetivo de mostrar que a luta contra a discriminação era uma luta de toda a sociedade francesa. O estereótipo do jovem da banlieue como perigo urbano também é abordado, destacando como essa imagem evoluiu ao longo da história da França.
Em suma, o texto analisa a violência e sua relação com a sociedade contemporânea, especialmente na França, abordando casos específicos, debates políticos e reflexões sobre o estereótipo do jovem da periferia.

Décrypter le discours de Macron à l'Elysée passe par une approche comparative et en l'occurrence généalogique. C'est dans la comparaison historique systématique et raisonnée avec de Gaulle, Pompidou, Giscard, Mitterrand, Chirac, Sarkozy et Hollande que se trouve la clef du mystère verbal que constitue le nouveau président. Discours de gauche ou discours de droite ? Discours vertical ou discours horizontal ? Discours jacobin ou discours girondin ? Lors de son investiture à l'Elysée, le 14 mai 2017, il ne manque pas de mentionner ses 8 devanciers avant d'endosser solennellement son costume : Je songe au Général de Gaulle, qui oeuvra pour redresser la France et lui rendre son rang dans le concert des nations. Je songe à Georges Pompidou, qui fit de notre pays une puissance industrielle majeure. À Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, qui sut faire entrer la France et sa société dans la modernité. À François Mitterrand, qui accompagne la réconciliation du rêve français et du rêve européen. À Jacques Chirac, nous donnant le rang d'une nation sachant dire non aux prétentions des va-ten -guerre. À Nicolas Sarkozy, ne comptant pas son énergie pour résoudre la crise financière qui avait si violemment frappé le monde. Et je songe bien sûr à François Hollande, faisant oeuvre de précurseur avec l'Accord de Paris sur le climat et protégeant les Français dans un monde frappé par le terrorisme. 1 L'hommage aux Pairs paraitra peut-être convenu puisque Nicolas Sarkozy en 2007 et Français Hollande en 2012 l'avait déjà prononcé presque mot pour mot, 5 ans et 10 ans auparavant 2 , mais une hypothèse forte voit le jour : loin d'être une nouveauté, Macron Ces mots que Macron emprunte à Sarkozy. Discours et intelligence artificielle Corpus, 21 | 2020

When the FN was founded in the early 1970s it was widely irrelevant. However, over the past three decades, the party has managed to enter into and reshape mainstream French politics. In the 1980s, economic, social, and political transformations aided the FN in their popularization. This paper looks at how similar transformations in the 21 st century have enabled this neonationalist party to gain such unprecedented electoral success. More precisely, this paper looks at how these factors, identified as the 2008-2009 global economic crisis, changing immigration trends, and the presidencies of Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande, have all interacted and intersected to create a favorable climate for the rise of the FN by promoting fear and a sense of crisis.

In October 2005, the predominately Arab-immigrant suburbs of Paris, Lyon, Lille and other French cities erupted in riots by socially alienated teenagers, many of them second-or third-generation immigrants. For many French observers, it was a painful reminder that France's immigration policy had, quite bluntly, failed. The grand French ideal of égalité, the equality of all citizens of the Republic, itself a by-product of France's colonial past, demonstrated its incompatibility with twenty-first century reality. The French immigration experience is markedly different than those of other European countries, as France's is tainted by colonial history, republican idealism, a rigidly centralized government structure, and deep-seeded traditions of xenophobia. Indeed, the nineteenth century French policy of the mission civilicatrice (civilizing mission) still influences French policy toward its immigrants today: rather than accept cultural differences, the French government demands that all its citizens adhere to a rigid and exclusive "French" identity. As such, the children of the generation of immigrants that the French government actively brought to France to fuel its postwar expansion now find themselves unemployed and socially marginalized. Government social structures meant

Aquest treball presenta una analisi critica del discurs de les politiques linguistiques de Franca relatives a la integracio d’immigrants. Segueix l’evolucio dels debats de politica linguistica i analitza com aquests han mutat progressivament des de la integracio dels immigrants al control dels immigrants, convertint-se en la ideologia dominant en l’actualitat i creant un lligam entre aquests dos camps anteriorment separats. Aquest treball analitza empiricament els requisits linguistics obligatoris adoptats pels immigrants que pretenen entrar a Franca, residir-hi, reunir-s’hi amb la familia, o naturalitzar-s’hi. Tambe analitza de forma empirica el discurs i els dispositius narratius emprats per a invocar els mites i les convencions, identitats i valors nacionals, destinats a legitimar aquest enfocament linguistic utilitari. Conclou que aquest nou instrument –la llengua– revela un pensament estrategic per part de les elits politiques de Franca consistent a utilitzar un discurs politic...

This paper presents a discourse analysis of French language policies regarding the integration of immigrants. It traces the evolution of policy debates on language and analyzes how these have progressively mutated from immigrant integration to immigrant control, becoming the current dominant ideology and creating a linkage between these two previously separate domains. The paper empirically analyzes the compulsory language requirements adopted for immigrants seeking to enter France, or reside, be reunited with family or become naturalized there. It also conducts an empirical analysis of the rhetoric and narrative devices employed to invoke national myths, conventions, identities and values aimed at legitimizing this utilitarian approach to language. It concludes that this new instrument -language- reveals strategic thinking by the French political elites to use a politically accepted discourse -that of integration, participation and inclusion- to achieve the potentially objectionabl...

According to traditional knowledge, Fagonia cretica has medicinal potential, especially against cancer and tumors. In the present study, this information was analyzed at laboratory level by performing cytotoxic, antitumor (potato disc) and DNA damage assay. Significant cytotoxic activity was found against brine shrimps at LD50 118.89 ppm, while antitumor assay showed that the extract inhibited tumor induction on potato discs. Significant antitumor activity was found against all the tumor-inducing Agrobacterium strains tested (At6, At10 and At77), with maximum tumor inhibition (77.04%) against At10. However, the extract did not show any lethal activity against Agrobacterium tumefaciens strains, and furthermore, no DNA damaging activity was observed. The overall results indicate a strong anti-cancerous potential of this plant.

This report involves an assessment of the legislative progress achieved towards a proactive immigration policy regarding those described as ‘third country nationals’ (TCNs) entering into and residing legally in the European Union (EU). We also evaluate the extent to which the attacks of 11 September 2001 in the US had a real impact on the legislative developments and policy agenda in relation to this area.

This report involves an assessment of the legislative progress achieved towards a proactive immigration policy regarding those described as ‘third country nationals’ (TCNs) entering into and residing legally in the European Union (EU). We also evaluate the extent to which the attacks of 11 September 2001 in the US had a real impact on the legislative developments and policy agenda in relation to this area.

We examined 529 specimens of Mus domesticus and Mus macedonicus from Turkey, in terms of their morphological, bacular, and phallic aspects. The zygomatic index (ZI) varied from 0.32 to 0.47 in M. domesticus, and 0.60 to 0.85 in M. macedonicus. The head plus body length/tail length (H+B/T) index varied from 0.87 to 1.05 in M. domesticus, and 1.08 to 1.78 in M. macedonicus. The zygomatic plate is straight or convex in M. domesticus and M. macedonicus. The ventral wing of the parietal is generally tortuous in M. domesticus and is protruding or straight in M. macedonicus. The anterolabial cusp on M 1 is missing or indistinct in M. domesticus and is forwardly prominent in M. macedonicus. Characteristics of the baculum and phallus did not differentiate M. domesticus from M. macedonicus.

Anionic sites on bacterial envelopes of Streptococcus β-haemolyticus and Staphylococcus aureus ATCC 6538 P were investigated on materials fixed with Karnovsky fixative containing the cationic dyes ruthenium red (RR) or alcian blue (AB). Electron dense granules and short fibrils were found to be irregularly distributed around the cells on the glycocalyces of both genera. An electron dense stained reaction with RR or AB on the cell membrane and glycocalyx indicates the presence of rich anionic sites on these structures. Electron microscopic observations demonstrate that anionic sites in the glycocalyx are responsible for the adherence phenomenon during the formation of microcolonies. For structural improvement of bacterial envelopes, the RR procedure was more effective than the AB procedure.

Ditrichum pusillum (Hedw.) Hampe has been collected for the first time from the Western Black Sea region of Turkey. A description of the species is given, along with notes on the ecology and a discussion of the phytogeographic significance. This note will provide better knowledge of the moss flora of Turkey.

Mole voles, genus Ellobius, are Palearctic region animals distributed from East Anatolia to Mongolia (1-8). Gromov and Baranova (9) stated that the genus Ellobius has existed since the mid-Pleistocene. Pleistocene remains of Ellobius spp. were found from Konya-Akflehir-Dursunlu in Turkey (10).

Aquest article és una reflexió al voltant del concepte d'urbanització difusa. L'anàlisi es complementa amb dos casos d'estudi en el territori portuguès: un a l'escala regional de la urbanització rural difusa i l'altre al nivell del creixement perifèric de les grans metròpolis. En l'un i en l'altre es procura aclarir la identificació dels processos i de les formes i la presentació d'algunes polítiques d'intervenció. Paraules clau: Portugal, urbanització difusa, ciutat difusa, xarxes de mobilitat, polítiques urbanes. Resumen. Formas y escalas de urbanización difusa. Interpretación en el NO de Portugal Este artículo es una reflexión entorno al concepto de urbanización difusa. El análisis se complementa con dos casos de estudio en el territorio portugués: uno a escala regional de la urbanización rural difusa y el otro a nivel del crecimiento periférico de las grandes metrópolis. En uno y en otro se procura clarificar la identificación de los procesos y de las formas y la presentación de algunas políticas de intervención. Palabras clave: Portugal, urbanización difusa, ciudad difusa, redes de movilidad, políticas urbanas. Résumé. Formes et échelles d'urbanisation diffuse. Interpretation dans le NO portugais Cet article est une réflexion sur le concept de urbanisation diffuse, en ajoutant deux études de cas dans le NO portugais: le premier à l'échelle régionale de la urbanisation rural diffuse; le second correspondant à la croissance périphérique de la métropole de Porto. Dans les deux cas on présent des exemples de politiques d'intervention. Mots clé: Portugal, urbanisation diffuse, ville diffuse, réseaux de mobilité, politiques urbaines.

Sus trabajos académicos atienden en buena parte la representación del pueblo gitano en medios de comunicación, en conexión con la influencia política e histórica. Ha participado en foros relacionados con ello como el congreso Cadaad 2016 (Sicilia, Italia) o los seminarios Language, Ideology and Power en Lancaster University (UK). Forma parte como investigador del proyecto Prodis-net y es periodista desde hace más de 20 años.

Alemtuzumab, a highly effective treatment for multiple sclerosis (MS), predisposes to Graves' disease (GD) with a reportedly indolent course. To determine the type, frequency and course of thyroid dysfunction (TD) in a cohort of alemtuzumab-treated MS patients in the UK. Case records of alemtuzumab-treated patients who developed TD were reviewed. 41.1% (102/248; 80F, 22M) of patients developed TD, principally GD (71.6%). Median onset was 17 months (range 2-107) following last dose; the majority (89%) within 3 years. Follow-up data (range 6-251 months) was available in 71 cases, of whom 52 (73.2%) developed GD: 10 of these (19.2%) had fluctuating TD. All 52 GD patients commenced anti-thyroid drugs (ATD): 3 required radioiodine (RAI) due to ATD side-effects, drug therapy is ongoing in 2; of those who completed a course, 16 are in remission, 1 developed spontaneous hypothyroidism, and 30 (64%) required definitive or long-term treatment (RAI n=17, thyroidectomy n=5, long-term ATDs n...

Joan M. Oleaque-Moreno es profesor ayudante doctor en la Universidad Internacional de Valencia, donde dirige el Máster Universitario en Comunicación Social de la Investigación Científica. Sus trabajos académicos atienden en buena parte la representación del pueblo gitano en medios de comunicación, en conexión con la influencia política e histórica. Ha participado en foros relacio-nados con ello como el congreso Cadaad 2016 (Sicilia, Italia) o los seminarios Language, Ideology and Power en Lancaster University (UK). Forma parte como investigador del proyecto Prodis-net y es periodista desde hace más de 20 años. Resumen Se examina el tratamiento de los gitanos en la prensa de referencia española durante su expulsión de Italia y Francia en 2008 y 2010, durante los gobiernos de Sarkozy y Berlusconi, por ser España vista como un potencial territorio receptor de esta minoría migrante. Para la realización del estudio, se analiza la cobertura de los diarios El país, ABC y La vanguardia. El interés del caso radica en que es considerado un precedente de las tensiones que ha generado la llegada de refugiados en los últimos años. Los métodos utilizados son el análisis cuantitativo del corpus lingüístico en 474 textos y un análisis crítico del discurso en una selección de los mismos. Los resultados muestran una asociación de la minoría migrante con polémica y marginación, y que el tratamiento se aleja de las pautas trazadas por los libros de estilo para la cobertura de minorías en los medios analizados. Palabras clave Abstract This paper aims to examine the treatment of gypsies in the Spanish press during their expulsion from Italy and France in 2008 and 2010, under the governments of Sarkozy and Berlusconi, because Spain was considered a potential receiving territory of this migrant minority. For the study, the newspapers El país, ABC, and La vanguardia were selected. The interest in this case is that it can be considered an antecedent to the tensions that the arrival of refugees in recent years have generated. The methods used were the quantitative analysis of the linguistic corpus in 474 texts and a critical analysis of the discourse in a selection of the sample. The results show an association of the migrant minority with controversy and marginalization, and that the treatment moves away from the guidelines drawn by the style books of the newspapers taken into consideration.

EuVI Elemzések, 2021.01.09. ; http://europavarietas.org/euvielemzesek

A Macron-féle politikai ciklus lényege abban ragadható meg, hogy a francia politikai palettán a megújított, antiszemita és rasszista felhangoktól megvált (dédiabolisation) korábbi szélső-jobboldali FN (Nemzeti Front) az immár radikális jobboldali RN (Nemzeti Tömörülés, 2018-) és a ciklus alatt folya-matosan jobbra tolódó új centrumpárt, a LREM (Lendületben a Köztársaság, 2016-) bipoláris vezető szerepe alakult ki.

1. Abstract This chapter analyses the individual status of a Third Country National (TCN) from a standpoint which highlights the creation and the conditioning of this status by European institutions and laws. It is divided into two sections. The first discusses TCNs under European Union (EU) law, to determine how this individual status has been established through the formation of the EU and is today formally recognised and regulated through EU law. The interplay between EU nationals' and TCNs' rights and freedoms is then examined further in the second section which focuses on TCNs' right to marry in the member state of Malta. This section broadly addresses the clear tension between the universal character of human rights and the systems for their implementation and enforcement within member states; which are mainly national in character and addressed to citizens and this notwithstanding the EU's accession to the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR). More specifically, the interrelationship between TCNs' rights to marry and to exercise freedom of movement within member states, as well as the constraints which condition their access to such rights, provide a deeper understanding of the juridical implications of the individual status of TCN within the EU.

Since 2009, the “Blue Card Directive” has become one of the most important elements of the EU’s legal immigration scheme for attracting the best immigrants to Europe. Taking advantage of its current revision, this contribution takes a legal theoretical look at the Directive. Drawing upon the republican conception of freedom defined as the absence of arbitrary interferences, this paper argues that, while headed in the right direction, the proposed Directive fails to fully operationalise the EU’s commitment to respecting equal freedom. For this argument, the contribution identifies key rationales in the Blue Card Directive and uses these rationales to assess the revision of the Directive and identify lessons learnt. This argument adds to the limited doctrinal contributions on the Blue Card Directive and illustrates the contribution of a republican approach to EU migration law.

La propagande de Daesh veut à tout prix donner l'impression que son projet politico-religieux du califat s'inspire des préceptes coraniques et de la voie prophétique. Pour ce faire, l'organisation terroriste met en place un dispositif discursif à connotation religieuse qu'elle déploie principalement dans ses publications écrites (Dabiq et Dar al Islam notamment). L'analyse de ce discours révèle la récurrence d'une orientation takfīriste (excommunicatrice) qui rejette toute forme d'altérité : mécréants, apostats, idolâtres, etc., et légitime son extermination. En s'appuyant sur une double approche critique, à la fois sociologique et exégétique, la présente contribution envisage d'étudier cette orientation, ses origines idéologiques, ses mécanismes et ses objectifs. L'approche socio-sémiotique se proposera de décoder le discours takfīriste daeshien pour comprendre les principes de domination, de différenciation et de hiérarchisation sociale 1 qui le structurent. L'approche exégétique vise de son côté à démonter les mécanismes de décontextualisation/recontextualisation des référents scripturaires ou historiques convoqués par Daesh afin de légitimer ou motiver ses actions violentes. Abstract. The propaganda of Daesh definitely wants to give the impression that his political-religious project of the caliphate is inspired by the Qur'anic precepts and the prophetic way. To do this, the terrorist organization sets up a discursive device with a religious connotation that it deploys mainly in its written publications

MKI Tanulmányok T-2009/4

Az alábbi elemzés célja a francia EU-elnökségi periódus vizsgálata a világpolitikai események és saját belpolitikájuk néhány fontosabb eseményének tükrében. A francia elnökséget a szlovén előzte meg, és – 2009 januárjától – a cseh követi, mindazonáltal mindkettő felett bizonyos szintű patrónusi szerepkört próbál(t) meg gyakorolni, akár a kelet-közép európai térségben új szövetségesek keresésével, hogy a trojka három elnöksége alatt a francia célok megvalósulása zökkenőmentesen haladjon. A jövő kérdése, hogy ez a fajta együttműködési rendszer mennyire jelent konkurenciát a hagyományosnak nevezhető, többé- (de inkább) kevésbé működő olyan térségi együtt- működésekre nézve, mint a visegrádi vagy az Euromed Partnerség. Mennyire eltökélt, hosszú távú francia koncepciók állnak az új lépések mögött, és mennyire a pillanatnyi ér- dekközösség tartja, tarthatja ezeket életben? E kérdésekre napjainkban még nehéz biztos válaszokat adni, de számomra inkább törékeny koncepcióknak tűnnek...

Through the vehicle of Nicolas Sarkozy’s so-called “Dakar Address,” we will analyze the West’s persisting lack of insight into the need for Western decolonization. We will attempt to identify the dangers that come from this refusal, such as the continued adherence to colonial patterns, the enduring self-understanding as being superior compared to Africa, and the persisting unwillingness to accept colonial guilt. Decolonization must be understood as a two-fold business. Decolonization means overcoming endured and perpetrated violence. It is not only important that the colonially oppressed regain strength, it is equally important that the perpetrators of colonial violence understand their excess of violence and work on rendering its return impossible. We explain how Western thinking remains dangerous and untrustworthy if it rejects its own decolonization. Finally, we will draw attention to a fundamental pattern of Western thought that clashes with the fundamental values of the West: contempt. In a final step, we suggest how this contempt can be overcome through desuperiorization and the establishment of elative ethics.

The issue of illegal migrant workers is not a new phenomenon in developed countries, such as European countries, known as destination countries for migrants to seek better life. In the Netherlands, in particular, we find a big number of Indonesian migrants who stay and work without proper documents. These workers exist since the 18th century up to nowadays, especially since the establishment of the European Union (EU) which opens up European countries’ internal borders, specifically known as the ‘schengen countries’. Migrants could easily travel from one ‘schengen country’ to another. This is done by most illegal Indonesian migrants in the Netherlands. They come mostly to European countries such as France and Germany as a tourist and thereafter go to the Netherlands to stay and work illegally.
For developing countries such as Indonesia, the issue of illegal migrant workers is not really common. The existence of Chinese Illegal migrant workers has become a great issue in Indonesia at the end of the year 2016. Unlike the Indonesian workers in the Netherlands, the Chinese workers are invited by the company to come and work in Indonesia ‘temporarily.’ It is allowed since the contract of work between the Chinese investors and the Indonesian government includes ‘turnkey project’ clause which allow Chinese investor to provide Chinese workers to work in their projects in Indonesia and to transfer their knowledge to local workers. A problem comes when these Chinese migrant workers stay even after their visa is expired and keep working in Indonesia.
The situation of Indonesian illegal workers in the Netherlands can be compared to the existence of illegal Chinese migrant workers in Indonesia. The free movement regulation of EU can also be studied by Indonesia by opening its border to other countries within Asia and to ASEAN countries. This paper will describe the background that drive migrants to stay and work illegally in another country and compare the law on migrant/ foreign workers and immigration law in EU, in particular in the Netherlands as well as the free movement regulation and its impact.

Pendant que l'un règne sur les étés de la Côte d'Émeraude, l'autre séjourne aux frais d'amis prévenants dans l'une des villégiatures les plus exclusives de Nouvelle-Angleterre. C'est le spectre de la ploutocratie qui ressurgit, sans que la gauche française ne sache véritablement si elle doit et comment donner de la voix.

La han atacado, denunciado, condenado, con todos los pretextos, bajo todos los regímenes, con las mejores o las peores intenciones, por malas razones y a veces inclusos por buenas. Exiliaron a los poetas, quemaron sus libros -o simplemente expresaron el deseo de hacerlo. Son 2500 años en que la literatura está sujeta a todas las críticas ya todas las acusaciones de parte de filósofos y teólogos, de curas y pedagogos, de científicos y sociólogos, de reyes, de emperadores e incluso de presidentes.

De Platón a Nicolás Sarkozy, este libro provee todas las piezas de ese juicio asombroso, hace el retrato de una increíble galería de grotescos y de ridículos, y retrasa a su manera otra historia de la literatura occidental desde los orígenes, plena de ruido y de furor, de estupidez, de ignorancia, con sus querellas y sus combates, sus derrotas y sus triunfos, sus estrategas, sus traidores y sus héroes.

Con el odio a la literatura se revela la cara oculta de la historia de la literatura -la que le da tal vez su sentido verdadero.

TABLA DE CONTENIDO

Introducción. LITERATURA Y ANTILITERATURA

Prólogo. UNA PALABRA VENIDA DE OTRO LUGAR
Escena ordinaria de la guerra de Troya. Lo que vive Treuco. Deíctico, locomotora y par de tijeras. Lo que vive Helena. La Odisea como meta-epopeya. La Musa. Historia de flores y de Mamuts. El aedo chamán. Relatos de posesión. Danzar sobre el Parnaso. El verso y el trance. Elogio del autodidacta.

Primer juicio. AUTORIDAD 
Héctor saliendo de un sombrero. Génesis de la literatura. El poeta desnudo y exiliado. Parábola de los dos reyes. Jenófanes de Colofón. Autoridad en materia de elefantes que se balancean. Violencia de Heráclito. La vaca de Arquíloco y los piojos de Homero. Tres intentos de definición de la literatura. Un arma de seducción masiva. La mentira, privilegio de Estado. Versatilidad del poeta. La verdad es una idea nueva. Cómo la filosofía reescribió La Odisea. El primer auto de fe. El viejo orador celoso. Un mundo sin revelación. La revolución cultural del presidente Platón. Sin República en la República. Jesús y Pablo contra los letrados. El sorprendente ascenso del novelista católico. Tres santos al rescate de la literatura. Mala conciencia de Isidoro. Un salmo antiliterario. ¿Vale más quemar a los herejes o a los gramáticos? Santidad del barbarismo. A Dios no le preocupa la gramática. Los poetas son paganos. Cómo Tomás de Aquino salvó la literatura. La antiliteratura en Roma.

Segundo juicio. VERDAD
Cinco horas en Cambridge. Donde John F. Kennedy hizo una breve aparición. Una falsa simetría. La homofobia acorde con la antiliteratura. Que la literatura nos lleva directamente a Auschwitz. Benda, un moderado que se ignora. Los escritores son cobardes. Adorno. Una esperanza de Nobel para el barón Snow. Leavis finalmente llegó. Tercera cultura en tercer reino. Arnold y Huxley. La risa homérica del señor Renan. Los niños que se chupan el pulgar. ¿El señor Spock interesado en la literatura? El topógrafo y los poetas. Dios, ¡Qué aburrida la poesía! Traducción sin originales. Abrazo a la poesía, pero para sofocarla. Volver a Platón. Cuando los poetas atacaban a la filosofía. El ideal clásico del hombre sin letras. La taza de café contra la taza de té. El behaviorismo de Homero, Shakespeare y algunos otros. El mito del escritor loco y del nazi amante de literatura. Las luchas por el territorio.

Tercer juicio. MORALIDAD
Madame Bovary en el siglo XVII. Historia de familia. Que se puede ser al mismo tiempo helenista, protestante, liberal y galante. Calvinismo de Sócrates. El hijo prodigio, y la metodología que va con ello. La mejor helenista de Francia. El hijo pródigo y parricida. Los poetas contra natura. La escuela del vicio. David y Moisés, ¿eran ellos poetas? Inmoralidad de la forma y futilidad de la poesía. Una condena burguesa de la literatura. Donde un joven y simpático campeón de la causa literaria hace su entrada. De la cremación de libros heréticos. Un santo patrón y mártir de la antiliteratura. Hacer el tonto con el tonto. Contra la castración de los escritores. El censor censurado. El duelo de los hijos. Versatilidad de Virgilio. Ideal de una poesía seria y sincera. Racine hijo y padre. Psicoanálisis de la antiliteratura. Una crisis de adolescencia prolongada. Un queso de olor pronunciado. Inestabilidad de la lección moral. Todo lector es inmaduro. Un concurso de antiliteratura. Cómo la poesía derribó dos imperios. Hipótesis de poeta zapatero. Rousseau, incendiario de bibliotecas. El ablandamiento literario. Premisas del arte por el arte. Mardi gras en Florencia. La hoguera de las vanidades. Orfeo, el primer sodomita. Las verdades que no hay que decir. Un ciudadano es siempre menor. Irracionalidad de la poesía. Apología de una literatura soviética y sulpiciana. Respuesta de un discípulo a su maestro. Las intrigas virtuosas no tienen ninguna virtud. De la utilidad de las malas pasiones. Platón atrapado en flagrante delito de poesía. Lectura de novelas y la enfermedad del Alzheimero Cuando el veneno es también la cura.

Cuarto juicio. SOCIEDAD
Sueños de auto de fe. ¿Qué mandato para los escritores? La cajera y La Princesa de eleves. Contra la lectura obligatoria de las obras maestras. Cuando un presidente se mortifica por una princesa. Un enigma de la historia literaria. Cuestiones de cultura general. De minimis non curat praetor. ¡Madame de La Fayette, aquí estamos! Francia, nación literaria. Cinco desdichados proustianos alrededor de una mesa. ¡El odio a la literatura! "A pesar de que sea para los doctos un argumento jocoso..." El poeta y el Rey-Sargento. La venganza de un príncipe. Aparición furtiva del Emperador. Variaciones sobre el tema "Si yo tuviera hijos" Prohibición de estudiar la gramática. El odio por los libros y por la manía de escribir. Un profesor de equitación sin educación. Adiós a la poesía y la antinovela. Boína verde de los poetas y estrella amarilla. Una solución final. La antiliteratura se burla de la antiliteratura. La ofensiva de los sociólogos. El nacimiento de los cultural studies. Una colusión antiliteraria objetiva. La literatura como instrumento de segregación. Crítica de la escuela republicana. Antiliteraturas democrática y aristocrática. La literatura nunca tiene razón.

Conclusión. LA CARA OCULTA DE LA LITERATURA

Agradecimientos

Notas

For the last 2,500 years literature has been attacked, booed, and condemned, often for the wrong reasons and occasionally for very good ones. ‘The Hatred of Literature’ examines the evolving idea of literature as seen through the eyes of its adversaries: philosophers, theologians, scientists, pedagogues, and even leaders of modern liberal democracies. From Plato to C. P. Snow to Nicolas Sarkozy, literature’s haters have questioned the value of literature―its truthfulness, virtue, and usefulness―and have attempted to demonstrate its harmfulness.

Literature does not start with Homer or Gilgamesh, William Marx says, but with Plato driving the poets out of the city, like God casting Adam and Eve out of Paradise. That is its genesis. From Plato the poets learned for the first time that they served not truth but merely the Muses. It is no mere coincidence that the love of wisdom (philosophia) coincided with the hatred of poetry. Literature was born of scandal, and scandal has defined it ever since.

In the long rhetorical war against literature, Marx identifies four indictments―in the name of authority, truth, morality, and society. This typology allows him to move in an associative way through the centuries. In describing the misplaced ambitions, corruptible powers, and abysmal failures of literature, anti-literary discourses make explicit what a given society came to expect from literature. In this way, anti-literature paradoxically asserts the validity of what it wishes to deny. The only threat to literature’s continued existence, Marx writes, is not hatred but indifference.


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction
Words from Elsewhere
First Trial: Authority
Second Trial: Truth
Third Trial: Morality
Fourth Trial: Society
Conclusion
Notes
Acknowledgments
Index

माहेश्वराणि चतुर्दश सूत्राणि व्याकरणशास्त्रे ख्यातानि। वर्णसमाम्नायज्ञापनपरेषु प्रत्याहारप्रयोजनकेषु तेषु रामकथाऽपि सङ्केतीताऽस्ति।
māheśvarāṇi caturdaśa sūtrāṇi vyākaraṇaśāstre khyātāni varṇasamāmnāyajñāpanapareṣu pratyāhāraprayojanakeṣu teṣu rāmakathā'pi saṅketītā'sti

The 2006 French Immigration and Integration Law restructured existing French legislation concerning immigrants and their integration. It promotes a strategy consisting of 'selective immigration', mandatory integration for long-term residents and 'co-development'. Which factors have contributed to this policy change? This working paper examines the substance of the law and the context through which it has been presented and debated. It finds that domestic factors are largely responsible for the introduction and passage of the law. In particular, within the context of the upcoming 2007 French Presidential election, this paper highlights the role that Nicolas Sarkozy has played in the recent policy change. This preference for the national approach implies that the EU will continue to encounter difficulties in its attempts to construct a common EU migration policy.