Public order policing

Convocation Address at Bethel University, August 29, 2016 about recent troubles in Minnesota, particularly the shooting of Philando Castille, and our responsibility as followers of the Gospel. There is an audio link also available. After you click the link, it's the first one in the queue; fast-forward to 15:00:  https://itunes.apple.com/us/itunes-u/2016-2017-chapel-college-arts/id1148681753?mt=10

Stop and Search: the anatomy of a police power, edited by Rebekah Delsol and Michael Shiner, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan,2015, 228 pp., £65 (hardback), ISBN 978-1-137-33609-5
The police practice, or tactic, of stopping and searching people in public places, the subject of this collection of essays by nine contributors, is of central importance to policing in all parts of the world (p.170).  It is ‘one of the core methods of British policing’ used over a million times a year (according to police records; there may be many more unrecorded stops: p.19I). It can determine the attitudes towards the police and the state that employs them and adversely influence the future careers, including criminal careers, of large numbers of individuals (p.119). It can alienate whole communities from the societies that surround them, leading the police, other state institutions, and the media to place them under suspicion as potentially dangerous and posing a threat to civilised life (pp.103,145). It can be an immediate cause of violent disorder and riots (pp. 36, 161).

Suçun işlenmeden önlenmesi çalışmaları, modern toplumlarda kolluk kuvvetlerinin asli vazifeleri arasında ön plana çıkan görevleri arasındadır. Suçun önlenmesi anlamına gelen proaktif polislik, polisin suç işlenmeden önce harekete geçmesidir. Bu tür polislik, suçla  mücadele herkesin sorumluluğu temeline dayanan çok kurumlu yaklaşım ve suçu sosyal bir problem olarak algılayıp kontrolünü de sosyal yöntemlerle mümkün gören önleme stratejilerini de içinde barındıran bir yöntemdir. Bu nedenle, suçla mücadele sorumluluğu, ilgili diğer resmi kurumlar, sivil toplum kuruluşları ve daha genel olarak halkla paylaşılmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, Toplum Destekli Polislik (TDP) tanımı yapılmış, TDP ortaya çıkışını hazırlayan nedenler ve TDP faaliyetlerinde yöneticilerin rolü belirtilmiş ve TDP faaliyetlerinin faydalarına ilişkin bölüm yazarının bir süre müdürlüğünü yaptığı Diyarbakır TDP Şubesinde kendisinin ve şube personelinin yaşamış olduğu bazı anılara örnek olarak yer verilmiştir. Bahse konu anılarda; toplumda yaşanan bütün sorunları kendi sorunları olarak gören, okula gidemeyen bir çocuğun acısını içinde duyan, evinde şiddet gören kadının feryadını, mağduriyet yaşayan bir ailenin ve sokaklarda yaşama mecburiyetinde kalan kimsesizlerin acısını yüreğinde duyan, sadece bir olay meydana geldiğinde olaya müdahale eden değil, her zaman vatandaşların dertlerine ortak olan, hastalandıklarında geçmiş olsun ziyaretine giden, vefat etmeleri durumunda yakınlarının acılarını paylaşmak için taziye ziyaretinde bulunan, halkın bayramlarına ve özel günlerine katılarak onlarla bütünleşmeye çalışan, suça bulaşan veya bulaşma riski yüksek olan çocuk ve gençlerin tespit edilerek onların nasıl meslek sahibi yapılmaya çalışıldığı ve benzeri konular anlatılmıştır.

ALINTILAMA ÖNERİSİ
Terkeşli, R. (2014), Toplum Destekli Polislik ve Örnekleri , Harmancı, F. M; Gözübenli, M. ve Zengin, C. (Ed.),"Güvenlik Sektöründe Temel Stratejiler" içinde (s.57-81). Nobel Yayınevi, ISBN:978-605-133-960-3


BİR BÖLÜMÜ BURADA YER ALAN KİTABIN TAMAMINA AŞAĞIDAKİ LİNKLERDENULAŞABİLİRSİNİZ
https://www.academia.edu/43834170/G%C3%BCvenlik_Sekt%C3%B6r%C3%BCnde_Temel_Stratejiler
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/294836329_Guvenlik_Sektorunde_Temel_Stratejiler

The publication contains basic information about crisis management and hypothetical examples of crisis situations. The presented exercise scenarios concern various types of threats, thanks to which a wider perspective on the presented issues becomes possible. They were used as a background for didactic classes in the subject of Management in crisis situations over the past few years.

Publikacja zawiera podstawowe wiadomości dotyczące zarządzania kryzysowego oraz hipotetyczne przykłady sytuacji kryzysowych. Zaprezentowane scenariusze ćwiczeń dotyczą różnych rodzajów zagrożeń, dzięki czemu możliwe staje się szersze spojrzenie na prezentowaną problematykę. Były one wykorzystywane jako tło do zajęć dydaktycznych z przedmiotu Zarządzanie w sytuacjach kryzysowych, na przestrzeni kilku ostatnich lat

«Quello che è accaduto è un massacro. Questa è la parola. Nella mia memoria ciò che più mi colpisce è che non sento che un rumore, il rumore dei bastoni sulle teste, sui corpi. Il tonfo secco dei bastoni che si abbattono sui corpi disarmati. Con Jean-Philippe ci siamo trovati gli unici due in piedi nella strada con un branco di poliziotti che picchiavano, che picchiavano come boscaioli. Non si sentiva neanche urlare. All’angolo della via Serpente vedo il mio amico Jean-Philippe in piedi, le mani nelle tasche, che grida ‘assassini’ e si fa subito circondare da quattro poliziotti finché un graduato intima: ‘i bianchi no’». Così l’editore militante François Maspero ricordava il massacro del 17 ottobre 1961, intervistato trent’anni dopo nel documentario di Mehdi Lallaoui Il silenzio del fiume (1991). Quella notte a Parigi, nell’indifferenza quasi generale, si consumò la più grave repressione poliziesca e razzista di una manifestazione nella storia dell’Europa dopo la seconda guerra mondiale. La polizia aggredì sistematicamente e preventivamente un corteo disarmato e pacifico di algerini, con un bilancio impressionante: centinaia i morti e i dispersi, migliaia i feriti, undicimila i fermi.

Focusing on the moment when social unrest takes hold of a populace, Law and Disorder offers a new account of sovereignty with an affective theory of public order and protest.

In a state of unrest, the affective architecture of the sovereign order begins to crumble. The everyday peace and calm of public space is shattered as sovereign peace is challenged. In response, the state unleashes the full force of its exceptionality, and the violence of public order policing is deployed to restore the affects and atmospheres of habitual social relations. This book is a work of contemporary critical legal theory. It develops an affective theory of sovereign orders by focusing on the government of affective life and popular encounters with sovereignty. The chapters explore public order as a key articulation between sovereignty and government. In particular, policing of public order is exposed as a contemporary mode of exceptionality cast in the fires of colonial subjection. The state of unrest helps us see the ordinary affects of the sovereign order, but it also points to crowds as the essential component in the production of unrest. The atmospheres produced by crowds seep out from the squares and parks of occupation, settling on cities and states. In these new atmospheres, new possibilities of political and social organisation begin to appear. In short, crowds create the affective condition in which the settlement at the heart of the sovereign order can be revisited. This text thus develops a theory of sovereignty which places protest at its heart, and a theory of protest which starts from the affective valence of crowds.

This book’s examination of the relationship between sovereignty and protest is of considerable interest to readers in law, politics and cultural studies, as well as to more general readers interested in contemporary forms of political resistance.

Nell’ambito di un lavoro orientato a comprendere il ruolo della rule of law sull’equilibrio fra sicurezza e libertà nell’ambito di sistemi democratici di qualità, il presente capitolo si propone principalmente di offrire una panoramica, comparativa e diacronica, sull’andamento di quelle che sono le minacce alla sicurezza che gli stati (Italia, Francia, Spagna, Germania, Regno Unito, Polonia) devono affrontare.
L’obiettivo non è meramente descrittivo, ma chiama in causa una prima ricognizione, che sarà poi sviluppata nei capitoli successivi, sul ruolo della rule of law, correlando le variazioni riscontrate negli indici di criminalità con possibili contemporanee variazioni su due fronti che potrebbero agire quale variabile indipendente sull’andamento dei crimini: da un lato le trasformazioni nelle condizioni ambientali (cambiamenti
culturali, ma soprattutto economici), dall’altro i mutamenti di carattere politico-istituzionale. All’interno di quest’ultimo caso, un’ulteriore distinzione importante è quella fra gli interventi che mirano a influire sulle condizioni ambientali (politiche sociali) e gli interventi che mirano a
influire direttamente sull’impianto istituzionale (politiche di sicurezza).

1. Misurare le minacce alla sicurezza per valutare la qualità democratica
2. L’evoluzione del tasso di criminalità
3. Criminalità comune
3.1. Reati contro il patrimonio
3.2. La reazione non istituzionale al crimine: legittima difesa e giustizia sommaria
3.3. Reati contro la persona
4. Criminalità organizzata
4.1. Il problema di una definizione comune
4.2. Le nuove frontiere tra criminalità organizzata e criminalità finanziaria
4.3. La prostituzione
4.4. I reati legati agli stupefacenti
5. Criminalità politica
5.1. Violenza politica, scontri di piazza e repressione
5.2. La minaccia terroristica
6. I crimini d’odio: razzismo, xenofobia e omofobia
6.1. Pregiudizio e violenze fino al 2008
6.2. Dopo il 2008: la crisi economica e il capro espiatorio
7. Conclusioni

This is my syllabus for the introductory class at Cornell University on the criminal justice system. I rewrote it substantially for S 2021 to allow a great deal more discussion of the historic and current role of policing in America, and to broaden the discussion of the reform/abolition debates.

Violence breeds insecurity in Nigeria. Lack of security of lives and property of the citizenry is a severe hindrance to meaningful development. A climate of fear will frighten domestic and foreign investors. At the heart of many of these conflicts is access to resources and control over the distribution of benefits. This struggle for resources has led to a broad sense of insecurity, opportunism, and the pursuit of self-help strategies across the country. Some of the causes of violence include god fatherism, poverty, unemployment, money and politics, corruption, small arms proliferation, the rise of armed groups, religious-based violence, election fraud and etc. These issues represent dividing lines in communities that have led to heightened tensions between and within groups. Therefore, this paper examines the root causes of violence vis-à-vis insecurity, its effects, and proffer strategies that will make Nigeria a safe place to live.

Expert Opinion on the Disorder at the Euro2020 Final at Wembley. This opinion was prepared for Baroness Casey of Blackstock's Independent Review of the Euro 2020 Final for the Football Association and published as Addendum 4 to the Casey Report. It provides opinion on the:
(1) “The foreseeability or otherwise of England fans travelling to Wembley without tickets ahead of the Euro 2020 Final”.
(2) “The foreseeability or otherwise of attempts by ticketless England fans to enter Wembley Stadium on the day of the Euro 2020 Final.”
(3) “The foreseeability or otherwise of disorder among England fan outside Wembley Stadium ahead of, during and after the Euro 2020 Final”.
(4) “What if any measures could have prevented disorder among England fans outside Wembley Stadium ahead of, during and after the Euro 2020 Final”.

The full report and addendums can be located here: https://www.thefa.com/news/2021/dec/03/baroness-casey-review-uefa-euro-2020-final-20210312

On 24th March 2020, the first nationwide complete lockdown was announced by the Prime Minister of India for 21 days which was later extended to 31st May 2020. Consequently, thousands of migrant workers placed in big cities had no other option but to go back to their native villages. Their journeys back to villages-thousands of kilometres on bicycles or foot due to the non-availability of public transport amidst the travel ban-were driven by the compulsions of food and shelter. In one of many heart-wrenching incidents, sixteen laborers were run over by a freight train (all passenger trains in the wake of lockdown had been halted) while they were resting on the railway tracks. The images of the Roti (Indian bread) on the railway track strewn across were beamed on the national news channels, as a telling commentary of the unimaginable hardships of these workers. Ironically, in the eyes of law, they were trespassers under the Indian Railways Act, 1989. The Indian Railway did not pay any compensation to the victims. Their act also violated the Indian Disaster Management Act, 2005 and Indian Penal Code, 1860-the law for the breach of lockdown guidelines and the law for disobedience of order by public servants respectivelyfor having decided to travel amidst a travel ban. The semiotics of law-making acts 'criminal' bereft of 'moral culpability' are seldom questioned on their supposed amoral foundations. Pandemic exhibited that social fissures not only condition the individual or community actions but also the actions of the State. Minorities especially Muslims were at the receiving end of State's selective enforcement of lockdown laws in India. The various instances in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic expose the hollow claims of equality before the law and the equal protection of laws as a constitutional promise to every citizen. This article aims to unravel the ostensible and the actual moral exhibition of such Indian laws through the lens of several incidents during the nationwide lockdown in India. This paper would argue that this constructed positivist amorality needs to be deconstructed to unearth the power imbalance that it seeks to hide.

Lo Stato esercita la sua sovranità ammettendo ed escludendo gli stranieri. Con quali poteri? Con quali condizionamenti dell’Unione europea? E quali sono i diritti che gli stranieri possono far valere nei confronti dello Stato? Al fondo di questa dialettica, vi sono interrogativi che toccano le fondamenta dello Stato e delle libertà individuali. Esiste un potere dello Stato-nazione di “difendersi” dall’immigrazione? Ed esiste un limite oltre il quale le ragioni della difesa (nazionale o statale) non possono prevalere sulle ragioni della libertà?

Dolgozatomban az európai, ezen belül a kiemelten a hazai tömegkezelés témakörével foglalkozom. Az első fejezet ezen tevékenység nemzetközi, európai és hazai jogi hátterét mutatja be, részletesebben foglalkozva a vonatkozó magyar jogi normákkal. A második fejezet a tömeggel kapcsolatos kutatások történeti hátterét világítja meg és summázva bemutatja a legújabb kutatási eredményeket, koncepciókat. A harmadik fejezet a tömegrendezvények osztályozásával foglalkozik a méretük, illetve a jogi megítélésük alapján.
A következő fejezetben a tömegrendezvények biztosításának tervezését vizsgálom, melynek során bemutatom a – több európai tagállamban elfogadott és alkalmazott – IPO Modellben meghatározott elemeket. Itt kiemelem a kockázatelemzés fontosságát, illetve ismertetem ennek tartalmi elemeit. Szintén e fejezetben írok röviden az alkalmazott tervezési folyamatokról.
Az ötödik fejezetben a biztosítási feladatok végrehajtását és az ezek során felmerülő problémákat mutatom be. A bemutatott hazai és nemzetközi problémakörök (jogi, műveleti, vezetési, végrehajtási, technikai és képzési) rendkívül szerteágazóak, ám egymással összefüggenek.
A befejező részben a fentiekben bemutatott problémakörök, hiátusok kiküszöbölését elősegítő eredmények és ajánlások kerültek megfogalmazásra. Kitérek a nemzetközi és hazai jogi környezetben rejlő előrelépési lehetőségekre, majd részletesen taglalom a tömegkezeléssel összefüggő eljárásokkal kapcsolatos alternatívákat a tervezési folyamatokban, a parancsnoki állomány kijelölése és képzése során, a művelet értékelésével kapcsolatban, a rendbiztosi intézmény és a de-eszkalációs csoportok vonatkozásában. Bemutatom a legjobb gyakorlatokat a bűnügyi felderítés, a dokumentáció, a médiakezelés (különös tekintettel a közösségi médiára), valamint a csökkentett energiájú lövedékek alkalmazásával kapcsolatosan, majd – a fentiek alapján – röviden írok a tömegkezelés során általam legmegfelelőbbnek értékelt stratégiai gondolkodásmódról is.

'Gobernadores' es un estudio original sobre el franquismo en Barcelona entre 1939 y 1977. El libro pretende analizar el régimen "desde su interior", explicando el pasado a través de los gobernadores civiles y de las políticas que, durante décadas, desarrollaron en la provincia de Barcelona. No es posible entender la dictadura franquista sin tener en cuenta el funcionamiento del poder provincial. En ese marco, los todopoderosos gobernadores civiles franquistas garantizaron la implantación, funcionamiento y pervivencia del régimen. Fueron hombres estrechamente comprometidos con el "Nuevo Estado" desde los días de la guerra civil. Ellos fueron los encargados de controlar y encarnar la maquinaria del Estado, garantizando la satisfacción de los intereses de las bases sociales del régimen. Y por supuesto, fueron los responsables de asegurar el "orden público" y reprimir cualquier conato de oposición o disenso contra la dictadura hasta, incluso, más allá de la muerte de Franco. Aquella Barcelona franquista, desde la de las cartillas de racionamiento de los años cuarenta hasta la del movimiento obrero, vecinal o estudiantil de los últimos años, sale a nuestro encuentro con este libro elaborado por cuatro investigadores del Centre d’Estudis sobre les Èpoques Franquista i Democràtica (CEFID), de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

Public Order, Private Rules:
Representations of the Crowd and Behavioural Recommendations in Italian Police Handbooks

This article aims at contributing to the debate on policing protest, focusing on police knowledge and its role in the management of public order. To this end, the article, by means of the conceptual tools provided for by critical discourse studies, examines some police handbooks. Although these textbooks allow a reader to observe only part of the whole of police knowledge and do not supply a completely realistic description of actual practices of the operators, they do show an interesting perspective on public order and its management. The police handbooks on which the article focuses express both an articulate philosophy of security and a quite clear idea of the role played by police forces in keeping public order. Moreover, they examine fieldwork procedures in depth, show detailed descriptions of crowds and their behaviours, and describe for operators the attitudes they must exhibit while performing these services. More in general, police handbooks give precious information on the discretionary power that characterizes police activities in policing protest.

This thesis analyses criminal justice discourse as it relates to offensive language crimes in Australia. Across Australia, and elsewhere, it is a crime to use offensive, indecent or obscene language in or near a public place. These crimes are governed by broadly drafted provisions that allow police and judicial officers significant discretion in determining offensiveness. Although offensive language crimes can theoretically target a multitude of words and phrases, in practice, the laws are used to police and punish a small selection of swear words. Provisions that circumscribe offensive speech have a linguistic dimension. This dimension has been under-theorised in previous scholarship on the topic. Accordingly, my thesis places language at the centre of offensive language crimes, by interrogating how such crimes are represented and legitimised as a particular discursive formation within the criminal justice system. My thesis asks two questions: Firstly, how is offensive language represented in criminal justice discourse? Secondly, how are offensive language crimes legitimised in criminal justice discourse? I employ a distinct approach to these questions by employing critical discourse analysis (‘CDA’) as my primary methodological tool. CDA is not strictly a ‘method’, but rather, a loosely grouped body of work that views language as both shaping and shaped by society. Analysts works from the premise that we cannot neutrally represent reality. Instead, we construct (and reconstruct) reality, including social identities, subject positions, social relationships and systems of knowledge and belief, through language. I use the phrase ‘criminal justice discourse’ to describe socially constructed ways of signifying reality, through language, in the criminal justice system. My thesis situates its linguistic analysis of offensive language crimes in broader social, political and historical contexts. I draw into the frame linguistic research on swearing, and literature relating to metaphors, purity and disgust. The thesis structure is based on the following themes: language interpretation in the courts; swearing, danger and disgust; context; objective standards; and power, order and authority. These themes are derived from my doctrinal analysis of offensive language crimes and ideas that inform and legitimise the criminal punishment of swearing. My thesis reconceptualises how offensive language is interpreted in the criminal law. I extend existing scholarship by highlighting how criminal justice discourse creates and entrenches power inequalities, augments judicial discretion, ignores difference and promotes unfairness. I demonstrate how discourse shapes perceptions about things, people, ideas and words that are deemed ‘out of place’ and worthy of criminal sanction.

在高度都市化和生活压力巨大的现代社会，精神疾病的盛行率不但高涨，精神疾病患者与一般民众互动的机率也跟著提高。当有涉及精神病患的危机事件突发时，几乎都是刑事执法人员抵达最早抵达现场进行控管。他们需要处理的紧急状况包括了从正企图自高楼跃下自杀的妇人到在购物中心持枪威吓他人的年轻人。即便在日常巡逻途中，他们也要处理骚扰路人却又无家可归的精神病患或是协助迷路走失的老年失智者。如果第一线警员没有接受适当的心理健康培训，误解精神病患者的意愿可能会导致至关生离死別的错误，误判问题的本质也会找出错误的对策使得问题不得解决、民众的挫折不满。本文将简单的介绍美国设会所面临的挑战和美国地方警察所做出的回应。

The policing of peaceful public assembly during the Covid-19 pandemic has been one of the most central challenges to police legitimacy. This is arguably because mass gatherings are assumed to carry a high risk of contagion yet, at the same time, peaceful public assembly is a protected human right. In this article, we explore this issue by using a case study to provide a detailed chronological interactional analysis of the policing operation surrounding a highly controversial public assembly that took place on Clapham Common in March 2021 in London, England. We explore the utility of a research and theory-based model for public order policing in pandemics as a framework for understanding the way the event evolved and identifying what lessons can be learnt for policing assemblies, both in future pandemics and more generally. We contend that ambiguity in the application of emergency powers and the potential for heavy fines to be applied using the legislation created a divergence between stakeholders and culminated in a leadership vacuum among protesters. Moreover, the context of acute political sensitivity led to a highly centralized public order operation that limited the capacity of police to enact dialogue-based solutions when leadership (re)emerged during the event. We conclude by discussing the implications of our analysis for understanding the inherent dangers of regulatory frameworks that place too heavy a burden of discretionary power into the hands of police in determining whether public assemblies are 'lawful', and under what conditions they can occur.

W artykule analizowano wpływ założeń kopenhaskiej szkoły bezpieczeństwa (Copenhagen School) i human security na koncepcję bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego. Zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego godzą nie tylko w państwa, lecz także w jednostki, wartości, które postulują zarówno szkoła kopenhaska, jak i human security. Wewnętrzne bezpieczeństwo jednostek dotyczy tych instytucji i działań, które mają na celu ochronę ludzkiej przestrzeni życiowej.

On August 23, 1908, just one month after the restoration of the constitutional regime, İstanbul fell victim to conflagration that had erupted in Çırçır (Fatih) and burnt many neighbourhoods to the ground. There followed many small fires which sparked panic and anxiety among the populace as they were thought to have been intentionally set by arsonists. The arson panic occasioned contention over the meaning of the fires. It led to the spread of rumors that both the Çırçır fire and arson attacks had been organized and conceived by disgraced spies of the Palace in order to bring back the old regime –despotism (istibdat). Contrary to what people thought and believed regarding the perpetrators and their alleged intentions, the Ottoman press and the new provisional government did not incriminate the spies, but instead, attributed the arsons to ex-convicts who had been released from prisons following the proclamation of general amnesty at the end of July and “vagrants” who had come to İstanbul from Anatolia after the revolution.
In this article, I analyse these rumors by situating them in the post-revolutionary and the post-disaster context of İstanbul so as to shed some light on this extraordinary episode in the late Ottoman history. My purpose is not to prove or disprove the validity of rumors, but rather to examine why such rumors erupted at this specific moment, how various actors (people, press and government) perceived and interpreted the arsons, and how this perception had an impact on mass behavior as well as on the political agenda of the post-revolutionary government. The rumors of arson circulating in İstanbul started a public discussion about the inefficacy of the police to fight crime and led people to take security matters into their own hands. Growing concerns over security of life and property and the discourse on “dangerous classes” legitimized authoritarian responses under the pretext of appeasing public disquiet and restoring public order in the capital city and ultimately, provided the government with a rationale to redefine the limits of liberties in the age of liberty.

Die Gefährdung der öffentlichen Sicherheit und Ordnung ist ein omnipräsentes Thema kommunaler Politik. Im dazugehörigen Diskurs wird es möglich, obdachlose Personen von Individuen, deren Sicherheit existentiell gefährdet ist, zu Subjekten zu machen, die das Sicherheitsempfinden der Mehrheitsgesellschaft bedrohen.

Purpose -This study seeks to examine what theory of crowd psychology is being applied within public order police training in England and Wales and what accounts of crowds, police strategies and tactics subsequently emerge among officers who undertake this training. Design/methodology/approach -The study uses a multi-method approach including observations of public order training courses, interviews with students and instructors, and the dissemination of questionnaires. Findings -The analysis suggests that a form of crowd theory associated with the work of Gustave Le Bon has become institutionalised within police training. This in turn is leading to a potentially counter-productive reliance on the undifferentiated use of force when policing crowds. Practical implications -The study illustrates that such training outcomes not only are counter to the recent developments in evidence, theory and policy but also undermine the police's ability to develop more efficient and effective approaches to policing crowds. Originality/value -The study provides a systematic review of public order training which demonstrates how crowd theory is used as a rationale and justification for the use of tactics based on undifferentiated force. It makes suggestions for improving police training so that updates in policy and theory can be translated into operational practice.

This book provides a comparative and transnational examination of the complex and multifaceted experiences of anti-labour mobilisation, from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s.

It retraces the formation of an extensive market for corporate policing, privately contracted security and yellow unionism, as well as processes of professionalisation in strikebreaking activities, labour espionage and surveillance. It reconstructs the diverse spectrum of right-wing patriotic leagues and vigilante corps which, in support or in competition with law enforcement agencies, sought to counter the dual dangers of industrial militancy and revolutionary situations. Although considerable research has been done on the rise of socialist parties and trade unions the repressive policies of their opponents have been generally left unexamined. This book fills this gap by reconstructing the methods and strategies used by state authorities and employers to counter outbreaks of labour militancy on a global scale. It adopts a long-term chronology that sheds light on the shocks and strains that marked industrial societies during their turbulent transition into mass politics from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s.

Offering a new angle of vision to examine the violent transition to mass politics in industrial societies, this is of great interest to scholars of policing, unionism and striking in the modern era.

On 5 February 1995, four Romani men noticed a strange traffic sign, erected on the path to their segregated neighbourhood in the Austrian town of Oberwart. On the sign was written 'Roma back to India'. When they tried to remove the sign, a powerful bomb exploded. The four Roma were killed on the spot.

In 1983 the British police adopted their first public order policing manual, laying the foundations of a secretive archive. The manuals and training materials produced in the intervening years provide an untapped repository of affective thought. This article reads the 1983 and 2016 training materials for their atmospheric insights. It develops the term police ‘atmotechnics’ to describe interventions that are specifically designed to affect the crowded atmosphere of protest or other disorder. The manuals reveal a gradual shift from interventions designed to evince fear and awe, to ones that seek to calm crowds. But more importantly, they underline a shift from a linear understanding of atmotechnics (as a prelude to ‘the use of force’), to an affective feedback loop where specialised officers are deployed to ‘sense’ mood changes among crowds, allowing senior strategic and tactical decisions to take account of atmospheric conditions.

Topics such as public security and intelligence are talked about almost everybody and are daily present on newspapers columns. The activities of secret services, always working on the evaluation of threat levels, are nowadays an highly interesting topic too as the international scenario is getting more complex because of issues such as terrorism and radicalization processes.
The attempt to use new tools to support public security activities has been analysed from different perspectives in order to give a solid base to the Digital Humint. From one side, the research in- tends to give an overview about the security and insecurity perception, introducing trust as a mea- suring factor, bringing in some of the theories and tools related to public security management. However, it is likewise necessary to focus the attention to all the aspects that make SOCMINT not only a networks analysis discipline, but also a real rip-off instrument for targeting and understand- ing relevant information within them.
The peculiarity of risks related to the manifestation that took place the 1st of May in Milan has been monitored through a systematic press review and social media analysis, that is Open Source Intelligence and Social Media Intelligence.
The primary aim of the research was to investigate what kind of relevant information could be extracted by analysing networks, how those results could be used and to which extent they could be generalized to address other similar events. It is important to mention that the analysis was done being completely aware that Social Media Intelligence is not, and cannot be considered, as a per-se instrument but that it has to be brought within the wider intelligence cycle as a source of information otherwise inaccessible.
However, this research aims at testing this assumption by considering the possibility to use the gathered information for the evaluation, without any other source, of specific aspects, such as for example events or users that can have links with the population taken into account by the analysis.

El imaginario colectivo imperante sobre el franquismo ha tendido a ver una frontera muy definida entre el período de posguerra y las décadas finales de la dictadura. Esta diferenciación parte de una realidad incuestionable, que atañe no sólo al régimen de Franco: el mundo en el que —y, en parte, del que— éste había nacido era sustancialmente distinto al de los años sesenta y setenta. Hay, además, en el caso del franquismo, un factor de fondo que imposibilita una plena equiparación entre ambos contextos: la brutalidad represiva que acompañó la insurrección de julio de 1936, la guerra y los años de construcción del Nuevo Estado, con un balance —hoy ya cerca de ser definitivo— de alrededor de 150.000 fusilados (un tercio de ellos, asesinados a partir del 1 de abril de 1939). Con todo, el acento que las primeras obras sobre el franquismo pusieron en estas diferencias fue seguramente demasiado enfático. En el ámbito de la represión, prevalece todavía una visión poco actualizada, en la que se da por sentada una enorme distancia entre las prácticas prevalentes en las distintas etapas de la dictadura. Las investigaciones de los últimos años, aunque mucho más incipientes que en otros terrenos, ofrecen elementos más que suficientes para, por lo menos, matizar el imaginario del franquismo del desarrollismo como un régimen amable, casi diametralmente opuesto al de la posguerra. A pesar de los cambios sustanciales que separaban ambos momentos históricos, el de su asentamiento y el de sus últimos compases, el franquismo mantuvo hasta el final —bien que redimensionada— su impronta represiva, así como su aspiración a vigilar hasta el mínimo detalle cualquier expresión de disentimiento que pudiera abrir alguna grieta en sus cimientos. Sin embargo, éstos aparecían, a la altura de la muerte de Franco, seriamente malmetidos. La “defensa del régimen” se hacía, consecuentemente, cada vez más a la desesperada. En resumen, puede afirmarse que el sistema de represión y control social de la dictadura no distó en exceso del de regímenes como el nazismo, el fascismo italiano o el estalinismo. Quedan todavía muchos detalles del engranaje por conocer, pero la foto de conjunto tiene que ser hoy muy distinta a la que estábamos acostumbrados a ver.

This article intervenes in discussions about the circulation of policing knowledge and the politics of expertise. As part of a broader conversation about transnational reconfigurations of state power, critical scholars have drawn attention to the influence of global policing "models" and "pri-vate" experts in shaping policy. They show how such figures and forms of knowhow symbolically enforce urban order and dispossess marginalized communities under conditions of neoliberal crisis. While incisive, these approaches can unduly portray expert authority as boundless and unassail-able. This article argues that a sustained theoretical engagement with questions about controversies and failure opens up fruitful avenues to unsettle the perceived smoothness, inevitability, and omnipotence of experts in relation to politics and governing. Drawing on insights from actor-network theory (ANT), it situates deference to global experts as interventions that seek to enact and police the terms of "reality" concerning urban order. This approach allows us to better understand how such interventions work but also how they misfire and come undone. These claims are developed through a close reading of UK Prime Minister David Cameron's attempt to solicit policy advice from renowned global "supercop" William Bratton in the aftermath of the 2011 England riots. The riots that swept across England in August 6-11, 2011, began following a protest over the police killing of Mark Duggan, a Black British man, outside a police station in Tottenham. They later spread to other parts of London, as well as Birmingham, Nottingham, West Bromwich, Bristol, Liverpool, Wolverhampton, Manchester, and Salford. These events took place alongside the rollout of a vicious austerity program and amidst rising public concerns about an increasingly racialized, violent, and unaccountable police posture. This article is concerned with the riots' aftermath and one aspect in particular. Once order was restored, then UK prime minister David Cameron called for the adoption of US anti-gang approaches. He appealed to global "supercop" William Bratton, chairman of the private security consulting firm Kroll Associates and closely associated with the "broken windows" theory of criminality and "zero tolerance" policing. On the face of it, this move was hardly new or even noteworthy at all. Bratton is cited as the "living incarnation of penal rigor" (Wacquant 2008, 57), and broken windows/zero tolerance are celebrated as global "models" or "best practices" in policing (Harcourt 2001). These models have been adopted around the world but with particular enthusiasm in England and Wales (Mawby 2008, 33), where state officials have engaged with US anticrime experts (including Bratton) since the 1990s (Jones and Newburn

O texto apresenta de forma sucinta os elementos e estratégias gerais que caracterizam o policiamento de proximidade. A partir dessa breve revisão com ênfase na doutrina da Polícia Militar de Minas Gerais, é evidenciada a possibilidade de se adotar os princípios do policiamento comunitário em um campo onde atualmente predominam as estratégias reativas de polícia: tropa de choque. Para demonstrar a validade dessa argumentação, são apresentadas práticas adotadas pela polícia em Belo Horizonte e em Vancouver, Canadá.

The Police Force is one of the oldest institutions in modern Sudan. Since its establishment in 1899, political instability and internal armed conflicts have beset the country. Security problems and political instability have played a determining role in putting a centralized and militarized model of policing at the top of the state's agenda. This type of policing prejudices the professional identity of police and presents it as an oppressive tool in the hands of the political apparatus of the state (Berridge 2011: 12). Moreover, it directly involves police in duties of a military nature, which usually at the expense of their professional duties. When security problems have receded, the Sudanese state has shown a strong tendency to restore the professional methods that had been neglected during times of disorder. This article aims to trace how centralize and military ideas have affected the police structure, role and practice, and the impact of these ideas on the establishment of authoritarian model of policing during the period between 1899 and today.

Istanbul's Great War: Public Order, Crime and Punishment in the Ottoman Capital, 1914-1918 is a study of the social and economic life in an imperial capital at a time when the first total war of history swept through Europe, hitting the entire Ottoman Empire up to its borderlands in the Arab Peninsula. The book focuses on the impact of wartime conditions on life in a city of nearly a million citizens, with a specific emphasis on public order, crime and punishment. The author, Deniz Dölek-Sever, takes us through a six-chapter panorama of four years of hardship in the Ottoman capital during the war, analyzing various aspects of public order, crime and punishment as experienced daily by both Muslim and non-Muslim inhabitants of Istanbul, and as perceived by the state. In doing so, her study uncovers inner workings of state officials’ policies on public order and crime. Tracing instruments of surveillance and control and various crime categories, and making extensive use of primary sources, the work provides a unique understanding of public order and crime, as well as practices of punishment in a period when the Committee of Union and Progress reigned over the political life of the Ottoman Empire. Istanbul's Great War is an attempt to bring a fresh approach to the current literature on wartime Ottoman Empire.

The article, based on previously obscure archival documents, provides a description and analysis of the measures taken by the Soviet Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) to uphold public order in Temirtau (Kazakhstan) after a mass riot was suppressed there in August, 1959.