Roman provincial administration

This paper addresses the issue of the historicity of another, older son of P. Quinctilius Varus who is attested in Joseph. AJ 17.288, but not in the parallel version at BJ 2.68. Modern scholarship, as evidenced by Ladislav Vidman (1998) and Klaus Wachtel (1999), finds itself at a loss as to which opinion, that of Walther John (1958) or of Meyer Reinhold (1972), to support. Whereas John rejects the evidence for an older son of Varus in AJ and proposes L. Nonius Asprenas (cos. suff. 6 CE) instead, Reinhold tersely rebuts John, supporting the validity of the text. This article examines the textual and prosopographical bases upon which scholars have built their cases for and against the existence of an older son of Varus. In the process, it is shown that there is greater reason to take the evidence for another son of Varus at face value than to follow John’s problematic argument, and further, that Reinhold’s article left unexamined significant details upon which his argument needed to be built.

n the middle of the second century AD, 1 Lucius Apuleius, standing trial before the proconsul of Africa Claudius Maximus on the charge of sorcery, began his defense speech by an address to «Claudius Maximus and members of the council». 2 Who were these members of the council and what was their role in his trial? It is the conventional view in modern historiography (and one that will not be challenged here) that the Roman governor, as well as the emperor and other persons of authority, including the paterfamilias in the domestic matters, pronounced decisions, judicial or otherwise, mainly in the presence of his con-1 Presumably in AD 158/9 (for the date, see Syme R. Proconsuls d'Afrique sous Antonin le Pieux // Revue des études anciennes. T. 61. 1959. P. 316 ff.; Thomasson B.E. Laterculi Praesidum. Göteborg, 1984. Vol. 1. P. 384 Africa 88). 2 Maxime Cl(audi) quique in consilio estis (Apul. Apol. 1.1). For parallel places with this common forensic expression in Cicero and in Apuleius himself, cf. Callebat L. La prose d'Apulée dans le De Magia: Eléments d'interprétation // Wiener Studien. Bd. 97. 1994. P. 150; Hunink V. Apuleius of Madauros: Pro se de magia (Apologia) / Ed. with a commentary. Amsterdam, 1997. Vol. 2. P. 10 ad loc. I am passing no judgement here on the relation between Apuleius' published speech (obviously a highly literary production) and the speech he delivered, if any: what matters for us here is the courtroom conventions.

My aim in this essay is to elucidate the meaning of the phrase collegia sodalicia, which occurs only in Digests 47.22.1 pr. (= Marcian F 73a Lenel), the introductory section of the Digests’ title De collegiis et corporibus (47.22).

In the first part of this essay, I outline some salient features of Marcian F 73a and briefly contextualize Marcian’s Institutes, the work of late Severan date from which Justinian’s compilers excerpted Digests 47.22.1 pr.-1.2.

In the second part, I demonstrate that the purported “sodalician associations” of Digests 47.22.1 pr. never existed. That phrase originated from a textual misunderstanding, which one can trace already in the Digests, if not before. I propose that Marcian wrote collegia sodaliciaue, “collegia or sodalicia”. I then segue to some of the implications my reinterpretation of Marcian F 73a holds for the study of associations in the Roman world.

Tios (Zonguldak-Filyos) kentteki arkeolojik kazılar 2007 senesinden beri Karadeniz Ereğli Müzesi adına, sırasıyla Prof. Dr. Sümer Atasoy ve Doç. Dr. Şahin Yıldırım’ın bilimsel danışmanlıklarıyla akropolis, antik liman, tiyatro ve nekropolis alanlarında yürütülmüş ve bölge tarihinin güncellenmesine olanak veren önemli buluşlara sahne olmuştur. Arkeolojik çalışmalara paralel olarak yürütülen epigrafik araştırmalar da kentten günümüze ulaşmış Hellenistik ve Roma dönemlerine ait mezar taşlarını, onurlandırma heykel kaidelerini, adakları, miltaşlarını, ticari ağırlıklarını ve diğer türlerdeki yazıtlı buluntuları gün yüzüne çıkarmıştır.

Bu buluntular arasından beyaz mermerden silindir bir onurlandırma heykel kaidesinin üzerindeki yazıtının ise sadece bu kentin değil aynı zamanda Anadolu’nun Roma tarihi açısından önem arz ettiği anlaşılmıştır. Zira antik literatürde sadece ünlü yazar Nikaialı Cassius Dio’nun (MS yak. 150-235) Roma tarihini kaleme aldığı eserinde (Rhomaika, 79.39.5) adı geçen Roma İmparatorluğu’nun Pontus-Bithynia Eyaleti Valisi Caecilius Aristo, bu unvanıyla ilk defa bu yazıtta belgelenmiş oldu. Yazıtın çevirisi şöyledir:

Tiosluların pek görkemli/gösterişli kenti, legatus Augusti propraetore (imparatorun praetor mertebesindeki elçisi) Caecilius Aristo’nun yönetim döneminde... (şu kişi/kişileri onurlandırdı)

Bilinen tarihe göre, Roma İmparatorluğu’nun iç savaşlarla çalkalandığı bir dönemde Roma İmparatoru Caracalla’yı, kendisinin tertiplediği bir suikastla (MS 08.04.217) öldürtmeyi başaran Macrinus imparator olmayı başarmıştı. Ancak bu kez kendisi Iulia Maesa’nın himayesinde olan torunu Varius Avitus’a yani namı diğer Elagabalus’a karşı Antiokheia’daki savaşı kaybetmiştir. Bir seneden biraz fazla tahtta kalabilmiş devrik imparator Macrinus bunun üzerine gizli bir şekilde Roma’ya gitmeye ve Senato ile halkı ikna ederek iktidarını yeniden elde etmeyi amaçlamıştır. Böylece kılık değiştirerek Kilikia, Kappadokia, Galatia ve Bithynia bölgeleri üzerinden Eribolon’daki (İhsaniye) limana ulaşmış buradan Kalkhedon’a varmıştır. İşte Cassius Dio tam da bu noktada Macrinus’un, Vali Caecilius Aristo’nun korkusundan (Eyalet Başkenti) Nikomedeia’ya girmeye çekindiğini belirtmiştir. Dolayısıyla, Dio’nun MS 08.06.218’den kısa bir süre sonrasını kayda geçen bu cümlesi, bugüne kadar Aristo’nun o dönemde bölge valisi olduğunun dolaylı yoldan belgesiydi. Ancak şimdi Tios’ta ortaya çıkan bu yazıtla, önceki kariyerinin ufak bir kısmı Roma’daki birkaç belgeden tanınan Caecilius Aristo’nun hem adı hem de eyalet valiliği doğrulanmış oldu.

Ce mémoire de master propose un examen des entrepôts publics en milieux urbain et militaire durant les Haut et Bas-Empire, en Gaule Belgique et Germanie inférieure. Pour cela, il a d’abord été nécessaire d’établir un catalogue de toutes les structures interprétées comme telles. Le corpus dressé a ensuite fait l’objet d’un examen des composantes architecturales, urbaines et géographiques.

As the Roman Empire pushed its frontiers beyond the Mediterranean world, imperial authorities from Augustus onward faced a serious challenge: information transfer. The government of the early Roman Empire was famously lean in its bureaucracy and relied on small teams of imperial specialists (hated as spies) and military officers selected by governors to carry official documents great distances. These individuals traveled using an ad hoc system designed to take advantage of whatever hospitality existed along the Roman roadways. Messengers commandeered food, buildings, animals, and even guides for most legs of their journey. Official travel passes issued with imperial and gubernatorial authority granted the messengers the power to conduct these impromptu seizures of valuable resources, but this led to a problem: forged travel documents and abuses of the system.

Such abuses placed onerous burdens on the citizens living under Roman rule, whose only recourse was to appeal to the emperors and governors for recompense. Literary sources from the Roman Empire lay out basic information about the imperial transport system, known as the vehiculatio, and other primary documents, including regulatory inscriptions and papyri, provide glimpses into how this system functioned (or failed) on the ground. The pleas of Roman provincials seeking restitution for excessive and unlawful vehiculatio requisitions continued throughout the early Roman Empire, as attested by fifteen documents selected for this analysis.

A look at these primary documents reveals two serious flaws in the imperial government of the ancient vehiculatio: 1) Roman emperors found fault with morally corrupt individuals and sought to punish these persons rather than investigate problems with the ad hoc transportation itself; 2) Roman emperors issued orders and proscribed punishments without properly considering the provincial governors’ practical ability to deal with problems on the ground. The mistake of the emperors was to adopt particular solutions to what was a systematic problem—a failure of leadership with broader implications about systematic problems in government throughout world history.

In 1990 werd te Tongeren langs de Rodekruislaan (perceel sectie D, 2ll n.6) een Romeins wijaltaar gevonden dat van bijzonder belang is voor de geschiedenis van de civitas Tungronrm en haar hoofdstad Atuatuca ('). De vindplaats ligt in de onmiddellijke nabijheid van de plaats waar in 1957 een fragment van een ander votiefopschrift werd gevonden (2). De verschillende archeologische vondsten laten toe te veronderstellen dat in dit gedeelte van de Romeinse stad een tempel of een heiligdom was gesitueerd.

This paper is the first study to map the transmission of the Appendices to the Lex Ro-mana Visigothorum. Based on full collations of all (8+3) known witnesses, it establishes the stemma codicum for the Appendices, which differs markedly from the stemma of the LRV text in the same MSS. Furthermore, the philological analysis shows that Appendix 3 is not so much a legal dossier as it is a medieval attempt to fill a lacuna, whereas the composite nature of Appendix 1 (= 1a+b) still leaves us with three Appendices. Moreover, Krüger and Mommsen were mistaken to claim that Vat. Reg. lat. 1128 and Hincmar of Reims relied on the Appendices. Finally, MS Berlin lat. fol. 270 must have been copied from MS Ivrea XXXV (17), which goes against palaeographers' communis opinio about their relative dating.

Although the province of Pontus-Bithynia formed the northeast boundary of the Roman state, it was governed as a senatorial province for a long time. During the historical process until Trajan's reign the Roman governors appointed to the province of Pontus-Bithynia were proconsules at the level of praetor. But after 75 A.D., from the last years of the emperor Vespasian's reign possibly until the Trajan period we see that the proconsules to be sent to the province were more experienced. In 110 A.D. emperor Trajan, by the decree of senatus appointed Pliny the younger governor with the title legatus Augusti pro praetore as if this were an imperial province, instead of a governor with the title procunsul. We mustn't infer from Pliny's unusual assignment that Pontus et Bithynia, a senatorial province, was turned into an imperial one. In this context, this study discuss the following questions: For which reasons was Pliny appointed to the province? What were the main problems of the province during the governorship of Pliny and what were the aims of emperor Trajan? From 159 A.D. onward at the latest the governors from the status ex-consul and with the title legatus Augusti pro praetore were appointed to the administration of the province. After the status of imperial province was given, the governors who had previously performed the same job in various provinces and naturally had a longer career were appointed to the province. This fact clearly illustrate the strategical importance of the province. As a result we deal with the governors' fields of responsibility in the province and their relations with the inhabitants of the province.

In 106 CE the Romans added the territories of the former Nabataean Kingdom to their empire, thus creating a new province called Arabia. Although we have no contemporary literary sources about the events connected with the annexation, the legend Arabia adquisita on the first issued coins, rather than Arabia capta, together with the Trajan’s decision not to take on the title of Arabicus, has led some scholars to believe that the annexation of the Nabataean Kingdom was substantially peaceful. Recent archaeological discoveries and inscriptions can, however, give us more information regarding the events that occurred during the early years of the 2nd century CE.

Estudio epigráfico de las inscripciones honoríficas y religiosas promovidas en la Tarraconense por los magistrados senatoriales, especialmente por el gobernador. Se puede comprobar cómo la administración romana trató de modo desigual a los habitantes de la costa mediterránea que a los del norte y noroeste peninsular.

The settlement of Atrans on the Trojane Pass was situated on an itinerary road, still in the territory of Celeia in the province of Noricum, but close to the Italian border. It was a customs station within the framework of the Illyrian customs, and its officials are attested in epigraphic sources. This contribution presents an analysis of written sources, stone monuments, and images, with the emphasis on the heritage of the researcher Walter Schmid and the plans from a rescue
excavation led by Mirina Zupančič. The authors attempt to reconstruct the topography of the Roman settlement, including the size, position, and function of twelve Roman buildings. Dated between the 1st and 4th centuries, small finds do not originate from well-documented contexts.

Riassunto: Il contributo verte su tre signacula bronzei rinvenuti a Menorca e Mallorca. L'analisi paleografica ed onomastica così come considerazioni sul testo epigrafico in parte anche simbolico consentono nuove considerazioni circa l'ambito d'uso e la cronologia dei pezzi. Abstract: The contribution focuses on three bronze signacula from Menorca and Mallorca. The palaeographic and onomastics analysis as well as considerations on the epigraphic text partly symbolic allow new considerations about the scope of use and the chronology of the pieces.

Edited by Aquilué Abadaís Xavier
Year: 2012
Publisher: L'ERMA di BRETSCHNEIDER
Series: Ciudades romanas de Hispania, 6
ISBN: 978-88-8265-725-3
Binding: Hardcover
Pages: 188
Size: 17 x 24 cm
Joan Manuel Tresserras, Presentació; Elsa Peretti, Presentazione; 1. Xavier Aquilué, Introducción histórica; 2. Alberto López Mullor, Historia de la investigación; 3. Xavier Aquilué, Topografiay evolución urbana; 4. Xavier Aquilué, Pere Castanyer, Marta Santos y Joaquim Tremoleda, Arquitectura oficial; 5. Joaquim Tremoleda, Edificios de espectáculos; 6. Marta Santos, Arquitectura doméstica; 7. Pere Castanyer, Necrópolis; 8. Josep Ma Nolla, El territorio; 9. Eva Ma Koppel, Marc Mayer, Pere P. Ripollès, La escultura, la epigrafía y la numismática; 10. Jordi Pardo, Museos y colecciones; 11. Carme Oliveras,Bibliografia; Laminas.

The city of Philadelphia in Lydia altered its name to either 'Neocaesarea' or 'Philadelphia Neocaesarea' after the emperor Tiberius who provided financial relief to cities of Asia Minor after the earthquake of AD 17. A newly discovered specimen of RPC I, 3017, and a reconsideration of the previously known obverse legend sheds further light. The newly discovered obverse die has the obverse legend TIBERION ΣEBAΣTON, and the reverse legend NEOKAICAPEIΣ. It is also proposed that the previously known obverse die with an uncertain legend is a garbled spelling of CEBACTON. A die study of 68 coins from 3 obverse dies and 7 reverse dies provide further confirmation. There has been uncertainty over the precise date when Philadelphia changed its name to, or supplemented it with, the title, Neocaesarea. The answer depends on whether the issue RPC I, 3017 should be given to the emperor Tiberius (AD 14-37), his grandson and heir apparent Tiberius Gemellus (AD 19-37/38) or to Britannicus. RPC I, 3017 is now relatively common (13 examples listed in RPC I online as of 2019; over 30 in coinarchives.com as of 2019). The obverse and reverse are commonly described as: Obv: TIBERION ϹƐΒΑϹΤΟΝ (?); bare head of Tiberius/Tiberius Gemellus to right? Rev: NEOKECAPEIΣ or NEOKAICAPEIC; winged thunderbolt.

The paper explores the formation of a colonial society at the Roman veteran colony of Augusta Emerita (Mérida, Spain). It examines the origins of the first colonists and their wives and then traces the political, social and religious organization of the new colony. It then assesses the impact of the selection of Emerita as the capital of the new province of Lusitania in c. 16 BC on local society at the colony.

The battle of Naulochus (36 B.C.) gave Octavian control over Sicily. In the following years the cities of the island were submitted to a political strategy characterized not only by an attitude of domination and conquest, but also by the search for forms of mediation and gradual inclusion of the inhabitants within the legal and institutional framework of the empire that Augustus was creating and that was defined in subsequent centuries.

Using the production and circulation patterns of the Asian cistophorus as
a case study, Hidden Power seeks
to develop a better understanding
of Roman monetary policy in
the province of Asia between its establishment in the 120s BC and the beginning of the Mithridatic Wars.
Hidden Power catalogues and illustrates some 1, 737 cistophoric tetradrachms and fractions from the mints of Ephesus, Pergamum, Tralles, Laodicea, Apamea, Adramyteum, Nysa, and Smyrna. Most of the
coins included in the study are late cistophori, issued between 134/3 BC and the 60s BC.
Appendix I provides a discussion of the late cistophori of Tralles struck after 89 BC, showing not only the direct correlation between cistophori and Roman military campaigns, but also Roman taxation.
In Appendix II, circulation data have been combined with data derived from the Tralles die study in order to calculate cistophoric production for the entirety of provincia Asia until the end of the late cistophori. This estimate provides a means to assess the financial impact of Roman taxation and exploitation by Roman imperatores over the course of the first half of the first century BC.

The history of the Roman urbanisation of the Dutch province of Limburg from the beginning of the Roman era until the 5th century. The region was part of the Roman civitates of Tongeren (B.) and Xanten (D.). Corrections on their supposed commun borderlines, maps of the vici and settlements on a commun scale, new ideas about the 4th century. Richly illustrated with new maps of the province Germania inferior, reconstructions of mausolea, the monumental Jupiter column/pillar of Maastricht.

Сохранивmиеся фрагменты по Palingenesia iuris civilis о. Ленеля) Перевод с латинского, вступительная статья и примечания А. Л. Смыш.л.яева Домиций Ульпиан и его трактат «Об обязанностях проконсула» Довольно многочисленные, но вместе с Te~[ отрывочные и противоречивые упоми нания об Ульпиане, дошедшие до нас в разнородных и не всегда достоверных трудах античных авторов, позволяют восстановить лишь отдельные вехи биографии знамени того юриста и государственного деятеля эпохи Северов. Ульпиан был уроженцем города Тира 1. Он родился В 60-х годах II в. н. э., . а в 80-х получил правовое образование у Папиниапа 2. В свою очередь и он занимался преподавание~[ права. Одним из его учеников был известный впоследствии юрист Ге реяний Модестин 3. Свои основные труды Улышан создал при Rаракалле и его ближай ших преемниках Макрине и Элагабале. 3а одно десятилетие (211-221 гг.) было написа-1 Он сам указывает на это в одном из своих сочинений (D 50.15 рг.). Далее сноски на Дигесты даются без указания источника. 2 И то И другоене твердо установленные факты, а ;Iишь предположения, осно ванные на косвенных данных. См. Ноnоге А. М. The Severan Lawyers: а preliminary survey.-SDHJ, 1962, 28, р. 207 f. 3 Об этом упоминает сам Ульпиан (47.2.52.20).

This work sets out to investigate official corruption in Late Antiquity in general, and in the office of the provincial governor in particular. In light of continued modern scholarship on the subject, as well as changing views concerning late antique governance as a whole, it seems worthwhile to present a study of this type. While attempting to reconstruct the locations of official abuse in the ancient world, this work seeks to emphasize how systemic features of Diocletian's provincial reforms, as well as the difficulties of oversight in the ancient world overall, led to the corruption about which our sources so consistently complain. The study primarily utilizes the works of a range of ancient authors from a number of different regions within the empire who lament corruption and its alleged effects. Legal edicts from emperors and inscriptions made by provincial governors are also employed, as well as modern studies on economic and social features of administrative corruption. The work is, however, largely preliminary. By arguing for the prevalence of official abuse, this study sets a foundation for further investigation into the role of corruption in late antique governance and into its effects on political, economic, social, and religious systems in that period.

A perspective on the nature of the Roman legal order in the provinces and the status of local laws and practices under Roman rule. These questions are explored through a series of case studies from Roman Egypt, including the well-known petition of Dionysia (P. Oxy. II 237).

Limes XXIII • Kapitel 2 • Session 1-Small-scale Rome? Public Buildings and Urban Features in Roman Military vici SUMMARY During the period AD 100/110-155/160 Heidenheim (Baden-Württemberg) was the main military base of Raetia garrisoning its strongest force, the ala II Flavia milliaria. Several stone buildings were excavated in the area immediately east of the fort and the nearby River Brenz. One of these was exceptionally large and had a symmetrical ground-plan. The interpretation of this monumental building ranges from a bathhouse to an administration building of the provincial government. The analysis of the excavations is a desideratum, but is planned. Prior to an analysis the arguments concerning the interpretation of the monumental building are revisited and confronted with the criteria determining praetoria recently stated by F. Schäfer. Hitherto, the monumental building has been assessed solely on its ground-plan and looked at isolated from its context. Including the evidence of the neighbouring housing with its complex stone buildings most of F. Schäfers criteria are fulfilled. There are links between the monumental building and the ala fort, but many questions remain unanswered. Im Kastell Aquileia/Heidenheim (Baden-Württemberg) war von ca. 100/110 bis 155/160 n. Chr. die ala II Flavia pia fidelis milliaria stationiert 1. Dieser 1000 Reiter starke Eliteverband war bis um 170 n. Chr. die schlagkräftigste und ranghöchste Einheit des rätischen Provinzheeres 2. Etwa 60-70 m östlich des Kastells, das sich über 58 ha erstreckte, befand sich ein ca. 75 m langer sogenannter Monumentalbau (Abb. 1), dem sich nordöstlich ein Komplex weiterer, vermutlich öffentlicher Steinbauten anschloss (Abb. 2,8-10). Funktionen, Genese und Zusammengehörigkeit dieser Gebäude sind unbekannt, da die umfangreichen Ausgrabungen noch der Auswertung harren. Die Interpretation des sogenannten Monumentalbaus ist umstritten. Waren seine Funktionen an die Garnison geknüpft oder erfüllte er diese (auch noch) nach deren Abzug? Im Vorfeld eines von den Verf. geplanten Auswertungsprojekts eröffnen Vergleiche mit ähnlichen Gebäuden sowie eine erste Sichtung des Fundmaterials neue Ansätze.

Cet article vise à déterminer si la Grèce était ou non une prouincia entre sa conquête par Mummius en 146 av. J.-C. et la réforme provinciale d’Auguste en 27 av. J.-C. et, si oui, quelle était sa dénomination et comment elle était administrée. Il reprend à nouveaux frais une question ancienne en montrant que les Romains créèrent en 146 une prouincia à laquelle ils donnèrent le nom de Graecia et où ils n’envoyèrent pas en permanence de (pro)magistrat, en dehors d’une période de crise comme à l’époque de Sylla. Faisant partie d’un réservoir de prouinciae individualisées, la Graecia possédait dès l’époque républicaine une identité administrative caractérisée notamment par l’existence d’une ère spécifique et un territoire dont les principaux contours peuvent être reconstitués. Elle était surveillée de loin par le (pro)magistrat placé à la tête de la province voisine de Macédoine. Une évolution décisive eut lieu en 46 av. J.-C., à l’initiative de César, quand elle fut gouvernée pour la première fois par un promagistrat, Ser. Sulpicius Rufus, qui y résida de façon permanente. La réforme augustéenne de 27 av. J.-C. acheva de transformer la Graecia en une province fixe. Elle lui réserva l’appellation officielle d’Achaia, forgée à partir du nom porté par le koinon, qui était devenu l’instance la plus représentative des Grecs. C’est le koinon qui donna à la province le nom qui fut le sien à l’époque impériale, et non l’inverse. L’article est accompagné d’une réédition de l’inscription IG VII 2413-2414, conservée à Thèbes, qui porte deux lettres de L. Mummius adressée aux technites dionysiaques (146/145 ou 145/144 av. J.-C.).

The Vindolanda Tablets are rightly famous for the insights they provide into the life of Roman auxiliaries on the province of Britain’s northern frontier around the turn of the first century AD. Various authors over the years have dealt with the archaeological excavations at Vindolanda, the evidence of army organisation, daily life on the frontier, military supply, literacy, and many other subjects—sometimes several of them at once. This study is not so ambitious, however, focusing solely on the various kinds of evidence provided for economic activity in the early Roman Empire.
Accordingly, the aim is to investigate how best to comprehend the economic system attested at Vindolanda and to consider the wider implications for studies of the ancient economy in general.

This is accomplished by a three-step approach: first, the nature of the Vindolandan evidence is assessed, and the state of research on both studies of the ancient economy and the economy of early Roman Britain is accounted for, so as to highlight the value of the Vindolanda Tablets and lay the ground for the interpretations which follow.

Secondly, the economic activities attested by the tablets are analysed in terms of market exchange, redistribution and reciprocity, and each category is developed to suit the unique character of the evidence. Moreover, select phenomena attested at Vindolanda are compared or contrasted with evidence from similar Roman frontier establishments in other places and periods of antiquity.

Third, a model is outlined which takes into account the different economic behaviours revealed by the tablets and attempts to fit them together into one coherent, economic system, whilst also relating the activities to questions of scale in the ancient economy; moreover, the conclusions drawn in the study are discussed and compared with those of the most important authors on the subject, and the value and potential of the findings made are put into a wider perspective.

This pdf contains abstract, table of contents, introduction and epilogue.