Politics and Public Policy

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31-05-89 Decreto por el que se aprueba el Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 1989-1994. Al margen un sello con el Escudo Nacional, que dice: Estados Unidos Mexicanos.-Presidencia de la República. CARLOS SALINAS DE GORTARI, Presidente Constitucional de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, en ejercicio de la facultad que me confiere el artículo 89, fracción I de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, y con fundamento en el artículo 9o. de la Ley Orgánica de la Administración Pública Federal y 9o., 21, 29, 30, 33 y 42 de la Ley de Planeación, y CONSIDERANDO Que corresponde al Estado conducir el desarrollo nacional, y planear, coordinar y orientar la actividad económica nacional, en el sentido que demande el interés general y en el marco de libertades que otorga la Constitución; Que siendo la planeación democrática el cauce de la rectoría del Estado en el desarrollo y responsabilidad del Ejecutivo a mi cargo conducir la planeación, las tareas de elaboración del Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 1989-1994 se han centrado en un amplio diálogo y consulta con la población; Que al efecto la Ley de Planeación ha institucionalizado los Foros de Consulta Popular para captar, en la integración del Plan, las aspiraciones, demandas y propuestas de la sociedad, y en el ámbito del Sistema Nacional de Planeación Democrática, fue instalado el Consejo Nacional de Concertación Económica, a fin de definir la temática y los lineamientos a seguir en los citados foros; Que el Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 1989-1994 se basa en los principios de nuestro Proyecto Nacional, contenidos en la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, por lo cual, la estrategia de modernización nacional que el propio Plan adopta, tiene como objetivos fundamentales, la defensa de la soberanía y la promoción de los intereses de México en el mundo; la ampliación de la vida democrática; la recuperación del crecimiento con estabilidad de precios y el mejoramiento productivo del nivel de vida de la población; Que a fin de cumplir con el mandato que la Ley de Planeación señala al Presidente de la República, de aprobar y publicar dentro del término que marca la propia Ley, el Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 1989-1994, he tenido a bien expedir el siguiente DECRETO ARTICULO PRIMERO.-Se aprueba el Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 1989-1994, cuya estrategia, objetivos y prioridades orientarán las actividades de las dependencias y entidades de la Administración Publica Federal. Los titulares de las dependencias y entidades de la Administración Pública Federal serán los responsables de adoptar las acciones y medidas encaminadas a la adecuada ejecución del Plan, en el ámbito de sus respectivas atribuciones y funciones.

Zum Zweck der positiven Selbstinszenierung setzen wir tagtäglich Masken auf, deren Aufgabe es ist, bestimmte Merkmale hervorzuheben und andere zu verschleiern. Bei diesen Masken handelt es sich laut Thomas Metten um Medien, die der Verkörperung des Bildes dienen und gleichzeitig als vermittelnde Kommunikationsmedien zwischen den Menschen stehen. Auch Joachim Westerbarkey bezeichnet sämtliche Medien als Masken, deren Aufgabe "Ablenkung durch Hinlenkung" ist.
Für das politische System, das dem medialen Informationen anbietet und im Gegenzug Publizität erhält, ist professionelle mediengerechte Aufbereitung von Inhalten und das Generieren eines wirksamen Images mittlerweile zur Erfolgsbedingung geworden. Die Politik muss sich notgedrungen massenmedialen Strategien der Berichterstattung anpassen und sie instrumentalisieren, um die ohnehin eingeschränkte Aufmerksamkeit ihrer Wähler gewinnen zu können.
In diesem Zusammenhang stellt sich die vorliegende Seminararbeit die Frage nach den Elementen solcher bewusster oder unbewusster Täuschungsmanöver, die für eine gelungene Inszenierung politischer Akteure unabdingbar sind, wobei Prozesse zwischen Medien und Politik erläutert werden, die das Ergebnis einer zunehmenden Mediennutzung sind. Schließlich wird die mediale Selbstdarstellung heutiger Politiker anhand des Beispiels Angela Merkel aus Erving Goffmans Bühnenperspektive heraus analysiert.

Este ensayo entonces, es escrito en el marco de la investigación: Políticas públicas y gobierno público en Medellín, estrategias de consolidación del derecho público con perspectiva territorial. Esta Investigación es desarrollada por el grupo de investigación de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana de Medellín, que desde el principio ha tenido como propósito fortalecer la línea de investigación de Derecho Público que caracteriza.a esta Facultad, mostrando la relación íntima existente entre las políticas públicas y el Derecho público, debido a que una vez se toma la decisión que da origen a la política pública, ésta se materializa, en la mayoría de los casos, a través de normas que entran a jugar parte dentro de lo que se considera como Derecho Público. Estas normas, además, son las que en determinados momentos le asignan a la sociedad la posibilidad de intervenir, así sea indirectamente, en la toma de decisiones por parte del Estado, siendo entonces esta intervención condición sin la cual no se podría hablar de la existencia de dichas políticas.

This essay, then, is written in the frame of the research: Public policies and public government in Medellín, strategies to consolidate public law with a territorial perspective. This research is carried out by the research group from the School of Law of the Autónoma Latinoamericana University from Medellín, which, from the beginning has hadas its purpose the strengthening of the line of research for Public Law1 which characterizes this school; showing the intimate relationship existing between public policies and public law since1 once a decision is made public policy is born. This materializes, in most ofthe cases1 through rules that play roles in what is considered Public Law.

What is the state of the research on crowdsourcing for policymaking? This article begins to answer this question by collecting, categorizing, and situating an extensive body of the extant research investigating policy crowdsourcing, within a new framework built on fundamental typologies from each field. We first define seven universal characteristics of the three general crowdsourcing techniques (virtual labor markets, tournament crowdsourcing, open collaboration), to examine the relative trade-offs of each modality. We then compare these three types of crowdsourcing to the different stages of the policy cycle, in order to situate the literature spanning both domains. We finally discuss research trends in crowdsourcing for public policy and highlight the research gaps and overlaps in the literature.

Approaching the 2014 Election, Indonesian pollsters have been keen to release their polis presenting similar trends in party electability among the three big parties. The majority o f pollsters favour the prospects o f the Gol­ kar Party fo r domination in the future election although large disparity concerning party electability exists across pollsters, and this has sparked serious questions. The paper critically assesses some o f the underlying logic o f polis by comparing them according to the poli methodology, pollsters 'profile, facts o f swing voters, the politics o f Consulting, and voters 'rationality. Central to the assessment is the argument that.firstly, similarity in deployingpoli methodology as well as investigation o f pollsters 'profiles which are not adequate to provide convincing answers on discrepancies ofparties' electability. Next, scrutiny o f swing voters also creates questions as large disparities in their numbers which do not reflect the Central facts o f nearly simultaneous polis. Critical observation leads to the argument that partisan polis constitute the root o f disparity. Divisions between pollster camps are useful to explain different interes ts beyondpolis discrepancy. As well, the paper argues that oversimplified analysis o f voters ' rationality have yielded misapprehensions concerning the unique characteristics o f Indonesian voters. Ultimately, the dominant deployment o f scientific approach (episteme and techne) in undertakingpolis has overlooked contexts, values, andpraxis o f voters as well as the issue o f power among pollsters. Abstrak Menjelang Pemilu 2014, lembaga-lembaga riset opini (pollsters) di Indonesia antusias mempublikasikan hasil-hasil jajak pendapat {poli) mereka. Para pollsters mempresentasikan tren nilai elektabilitas yang serupa untuk tiga partai besar. Mayoritas lembaga riset opini mengunggulkan Partai Golkar sebagai parpol yang memiliki kesempatan untuk unggul dalam pemilu mendatang. Meski demikian, hasil-hasil jajak pendapat menyisakan pertanyaan serius terkait besarnya disparitas nilai-nilai elektabilitas, padahal jajak pendapat dilakukan dalam waktu yang relatif bersamaan. Makalah ini menelaah secara kritis logika fundamental riset-riset jajak pendapat melalui klarifikasi metodologi, profil lembaga, data swing voters, politik konsultansi, dan rasionalitas pemilih. Hasil-hasil pokok terhadap kajian ini di antaranya, pertama, telaah atas metodologi yang digunakan dan profil lembaga riset opini tidak cukup kuat memberikan jawaban yang meyakinkan terhadap perbedaan nilai-nilai elektabilitas parpol yang dipublikasikan pollsters. Berikutnya, kajian terhadap angka swing voters menyisakan pertanyaan karena disparitas 1 1 Data-data hasil jajak pendapat atau survei opini yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini didasarkan pada publikasi yang dimuat oleh media-media online berbahasa Indonesia. Sebagian kecil data lainnya diunduh dari laman resmi lembaga-lembaga riset opini yang mempu­ blikasikan datanya. Penulis kesulitan mengakses data-data hasil riset opini yang langsung berasal dari laman resmi lembaga-lembaga riset opini tersebut karena hingga awal Bulan April 2013 hanya Saiful Mujani Research and Consulting (SMRC) yang mempublikasikan hasil jajak pendapat di laman resminya. Tulisan ini lebih tepat dikatakan sebagai proxy jawaban terhadap perbedaan elektabilitas partai-partai politik menjelang Pemilu 2014 berdasarkan hasil-hasil riset opini para pollsters.

Bringing together top scholars in the field, Universality and Social Policy in Canada (published by the University of Toronto Press in May 2019) provides an overview of the universality principle in social welfare. The contributors survey the many contested meanings of universality in relation to specific social programs, to the field of social policy, and, more generally, to the modern welfare state. In addition to universality, the related ideas of universalism and universalization are also discussed. The book argues that, while universality is a core value undergirding certain areas of state intervention—most notably health care and education—the contributory principle of social insurance and the selectivity principle of income assistance are also highly significant precepts in practice. This book was edited by Daniel Béland, Gregory P. Marchildon, and Michael J. Prince

What are the similarities and differences between crowdsourcing and sharing economy? What factors influence their use in developing countries? In light of recent developments in the use of IT-mediated technologies, such as crowdsourcing and the sharing economy, this manuscript examines their similarities and differences, and the challenges regarding their effective use in developing countries. We first examine each individually and highlight different forms of each IT-mediated technology. Given that crowdsourcing and sharing economy share aspects such as the use of IT, a reliance on crowds, monetary exchange, and the use of reputation systems, we systematically compare the similarities and differences of different types of crowdsourcing with the sharing economy, thus addressing a gap in the current literature. Using this knowledge, we examine the different challenges faced by developing countries when using crowdsourcing and the sharing economy, and highlight the differences in the applicability of these IT-mediated technologies when faced with specific development issues.

Sebagai bentuk afirmasi politis, lahirnya UU Desa menyediakan peluang untuk memperbesar akses, kontrol, dan manfaat bagi desa guna membangun tata kelola demokratis yang diorientasikan bagi tercapainya kemandirian desa. Setelah berjalan satu tahun, agenda advokasi isu pembaruan desa dihadapkan pada tantangan pada fase implementasi, Sejauh ini, respon para pemangku kepentingan masih sebatas memperkuat dimensi teknokrasi-adiministratif pelaksanaan regulasi tersebut. Para pemangku kepentingan tampaknya abai terhadap kebutuhan mengelola dimensi politis dalam fase implementasi. Bagaimanapun juga, kebijakan seharusnya dimaknai sebagai proses yang sarat dengan konflik dan lebih berwatak politis. Keberanian untuk menempatkan implementasi UU Desa tidak terbatas pada ranah administratif-teknokratis, namun juga ranah politis, akan sangat bermanfaat untuk mengawal keberhasilan UU Desa. Mengatasi tantangan tersebut, penting kiranya mengelola dimensi teknokrasi- administratif dan dimensi politis secara simultan guna mengawal fase implementasi UU Desa. Oleh karena itu, konsep tentang manajemen perubahan (change management) menjadi berarti. Dimana, para pemangku kepentingan dituntut tidak hanya adaptif, namun juga mampu menemukan kebutuhan perubahan. Pengelolaan dimensi teknokratis-administratif bebarengan dengan dimensi politik dalam mengawal UU Desa karenanya harus dipahami sebagai kebutuhan untuk melakukan perubahan (need for change), bukan keharusan untuk berubah (order to change).

The characteristic of classical public policy was the will to power by a government that authoritatively and centrally formulated its policies and implemented them in the society under its control. With the increase of emerging problems and challenges that are affecting other problems in a complicated and rhizome- like way, the complexity of the government's actions and their consequences has doubled as governments are forced to make changes in the nature of their public policy. This paradigm shift aimed at enhancing the capability and promoting government action in policy design and implementation implies a decentralized and network approach rather than a centralized and government-based one, an approach that focuses on a broad set of policy tools or technologies for public action, rather than the "institution" and "program", to solve public issues. More recent experiences are more inclined to the topic of 'policy baskets' or the arrangement of tools in 'policy blends' that form the content of a toolbox from which governments can choose and construct public policies. The present article, by adopting an epistemological approach, narrates the dimensions of this paradigm shift in identifying new public policy approaches; an attempt to understand the late logic of public policy knowledge based on the recreation of the role of government that has led to the emergence of new forms of network, multilevel and multipurpose governance.

Can Crowdsourcing be used for policy? Previous work posits that the three types of Crowdsourcing have different levels of potential usefulness when applied to the various stages of the policy cycle. In this paper, we build upon this exploratory work by categorizing the extant research with respect to Crowdsourcing for the policy cycle. Premised upon our analysis, we thereafter discuss the trends, highlight the gaps, and suggest some approaches to empirically validate the application of Crowdsourcing to the policy cycle.

The qualitative research addresses the political logic of why and how the incumbents succeed and fail in direct election for regional heads (pilkada) in emerging democratic Indonesia. De Mesquita et al. (2003) believe that, to survive in office, a leader needs to offer a benefit at least equal to the greatest possible benefit offered by a potential challenger. Particular to the pilkada cases in Indonesia, Erb and Sulistiyanto (2009) elaborate several factors connected to " reward and punishment " logic that may lead to the incumbents' survival and failure in re-election bids. This study expands the logic by revealing that populism, rivalry, and tangibility are the core strategies for the successful incumbents in retaining their offices in four rural and urban regions in East Java. Particularly, the survival of an incumbent hinges on his capacity to manage rivalry risks, namely the capability to manage support and opposition both from formal and informal actors through fair or unfair means. These strategies, then, foster the success of patronage-based winning tactics to retain public office in the pilkada. To better assessment, it calls for the importance of democratic accountability as a complementary perspective (to consolidology) in measuring the progress of democracy in the country.

Lessons from the Post-War Balkans. Part 6 of the book Islam and Tolerance in Wider Europe (ed. Pamela Kilpadi). Includes the articles: * 'Interethnic Policymaking for Interethnic Tolerance' by Islam Yusufi * 'Islam in Southeast European Discourse: Focusing on Traditions of Tolerance' by Simeon Evstatiev * 'Religion, Media and National Security in Albania' by Aldo Bumci * 'Stumbling Block on the Road to Democracy: Security Sector Reform in Serbia' by Mladen Momcilovic * 'Local Governance Reform in Kosovo: Milestones for the Promotion of Tolerance' by Algirdas Petkevicius

In this chapter Paul Carr reveals a controversy at the heart of Canadian educational policy making. The unacknowledged power and privilege of'whiteness' and the ways in which white people can define the agenda to support their own power, leads to marginalisation of minority groups and contributes to continuing racism in society. He critiques the complacency of public education in its attempts to inculcate social justice and democratic values in the absence of proper accountability and transparency.

* This research was selected for the special issue of the International Federation for Information Processing (IFIP), Working Group 8.6 2007 annual conference (see the entry for this conference). This publication is part of the special issue.

Given the importance of contextual influences on the diffusion of innovations, the theories and methodologies that take context into account are increasingly relevant to research and practice. One such approach, the systems of innovation approach, considers context to be a cascading set of effects arising from various participants and innovations surrounding the production and diffusion of a focal innovation. Based on this approach, we focus on a public program involved in the diffusion of e-business systems to small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). E-business systems are complex innovations, and the contextual influences are particularly important here, because SMEs often lack the knowledge and resources to strategically adopt, modify, and use these innovations. Using the systems of innovation approach, we examined the contexts around public program interventions with an SME in order to explain their form and influence on e-business adoption processes. The empirical findings suggest that many public programs fail to effectively deliver interventions because program contexts restrict program personnel's ability to completely assess and respond to the range of adopter needs. While some aspects of the program contexts can be altered by the program directors, others are further removed and are currently beyond our collective control at this point-in-time. The implications for diffusion research and practice are discussed.

Crowdsourcing is rapidly evolving and applied in situations where ideas, labour, opinion or expertise of large groups of people are used. Crowdsourcing is now used in various policy-making initiatives; however, this use has usually focused on open collaboration platforms and specific stages of the policy process, such as agenda-setting and policy evaluations. Other forms of crowdsourcing have been neglected in policy-making, with a few exceptions. This article examines crowdsourcing as a tool for policy-making, and explores the nuances of the technology and its use and implications for different stages of the policy process. The article addresses questions surrounding the role of crowdsourcing and whether it can be considered as a policy tool or as a technological enabler and investigates the current trends and future directions of crowdsourcing.

向来平静的新中双边关系近年来正在 经历一段少见的摩擦。虽然新加坡 并不是南海领域争议的一方，但是新中之间 所产生的张力，却主要来自南海纷争，特别 是两国对联合国海洋公约(UNCLOS)的诠 释和对中国在南海填盖人工岛礁的态度。新 中观点落差背后是双方对现有国际秩序、国 际法、海事管理，以及新加坡与美国战略合 作的认知差异。既使新加坡政府认为自己的 观点反映了该国在华府与北京之间“不选 边”的长期立场，但是海事和航海权益的问题仍然可能把新加坡卷入美中紧张关系。

This is a Mandarin version of the piece, "Diverging Paths? Singapore-China Relations and the East Asian Maritime Domain," first published with the National Bureau of Asian Research's Maritime Awareness Project. See: http://maritimeawarenessproject.org/2017/04/26/diverging-paths-singapore-china-relations-and-the-east-asian-maritime-domain/

Abstract: This comparative study of two cases draws upon alternative theories of policy change to explore the dynamics of tuition policy formation in Canada. The research examined five key dimensions in the policy episodes: (a) goals of policy change, (b) the politics of policy formation, (c) policy coalitions and their stability over time, (d) influence of elected officials and
non-elected policy actors, and (e) the effects of environmental conditions such as changing public opinion, change in government, and provincial fiscal climate. Analysis revealed important agenda-setting activities, as well as insights into how policy coalitions influence decision-making in this policy arena.

Article History Published Online: This paper presents a critical analysis of water literature, advanced in political discourses. The paper, while reviewing water studies, for this purpose, explores the prevailing understandings and highlights the trends in water studies developed globally. Importantly, the discussion focuses on the literature that argues to consider water as a right. The paper, in this view, seeks to explore if the literature evolved in political discourses have argued water as a right and if have defined the meaning of the same. To attain this purpose, the paper sheds light on the works that have focused on the idea that insist that water is a right and have argued that since water is a basic need of human existence it is required to be realized and recognize it as a human right. While reviewing the literature the paper underlines that the method, style and arguments used in the past literature, instead of presenting the required meaning of the right to water, focuses more on the pros and cons of water privatization. The paper while highlighting the limitations of the water studies points that the fact that water is a right is discussed in water discourse but there is a notable absence of the required details.

This paper presents a discussion on the fact that water is a right, and while presenting so it elaborates on the conceptual debates emerged out of discourse of rights. The paper argues and insists that the concept of Water Rights is different from Right to Water and this very difference has caused major alterations in policy paradigms that further have affected policy frameworks. In policy frameworks, values of both have respectively emerged and evolved as neoliberal policy frameworks and post neoliberal policy frameworks. The aim of the paper moves around such discussions to explore a global understanding on a simple fact that water is a right. The paper mainly focuses on some questions like, how the idea that water is a right is been defined and how the philosophical ideas and arguments are been used to design a policy framework. In the view of this aim, this paper is divided and subdivided into five parts, which highlights on the major arguments, argued by the notion of Water Right and Right to Water and elaborates on the policy frameworks emerged in the reference of the same.

Europeanization of candidate states: the case of the Turkish
administration

This article investigates the way the national administration in Turkey has modified its organizations and modes of action under the influence of the European integration process. The article focuses on Turkish ministries in order to examine this impact on 3 different levels: inter-organizational (macro-administrative scale), intra-organizational (meso-administrative scale) and regarding human resources (micro-administrative scale). It also highlights the impact of European integration process on the modes of action of Turkish ministries so as to illustrate more concretely the effects of Europeanization on their “ways of doing”. If the implementation of European integration process has created new styles and modes of action within each administration, it also contributed to the emergence in the Turkish administrative area of shared governance in European policy.

In 2020, in the new EU strategic horizon1 that is opening at present, the place should matter more than ever when it refers to territories that are envisaged from the Social Innovation paradigm (Moulaert2, Mulgan3 and Morgan4). Nevertheless, how will the suggested H2020 strategy based on Smart City and Communities5, contribute and implement the so-called Social Innovation; facing realistic, economic and politic-driven issues in an increasingly territorially heterogeneous EU current context? This article aims to shed some light on the Critical Social Innovation (CSI) challenges from a constructive position.

Introducción Cualquier observador con una mínima información sobre la pandemia del coronavirus podría pensar o que Venezuela ha tenido mucha suerte o que el régimen dictatorial de Maduro lo ha hecho muy bien. Cuando este artículo fue escrito, a mediados de julio, el número de personas contagiadas apenas alcanzaba 24.166 con 208 fallecidos (al 7 de agosto), lo que bien puede equipararse al resultado de una semana en varios países o en diversos estados de Estados Unidos (New York Times, 2020). 1 Este artículo pretende clarificar esa visión simplista, mostrando ciertos factores y circunstancias que han llevado a esos resultados tan exiguos. Ojo, no se trata de negar las acciones rápidas y contundentes que tomó el gobierno venezolano, ciertamente favorecido por su carácter fuertemente autoritario, sino más bien proporcionar una explicación que aclare el contexto en que han ocurrido y permita contrastar con otros casos en América Latina. Si algo caracteriza el caso venezolano es una suma de paradojas. Paradoja 1: el colapso económico que ha llevado a Venezuela a tener los niveles de pobreza más elevados de Latinoamérica y con un PIB per cápita sólo superior a Haití (IIES-UCAB, 2020), ha sido el factor que más ha contribuido a la debilidad del contagio de Covid-19. Como consecuencia de ese colapso tuvo lugar la casi total desaparición del transporte aéreo, la escasez de gasolina (y su subsecuente dolarización), lo que ha convertido a Venezuela en una suerte de país feudal del siglo XXI, donde los flujos de personas tanto interna como externamente también han caído abruptamente. Paradoja 2: las políticas draconianas llevadas a efecto tempranamente (desde inicios de marzo) fueron efectuadas, no sólo porque el régimen de Maduro estaba en condiciones de imponerlas, sino porque correspondían a su interés político en dos sentidos: a) evitaban un escenario de desastre tipo Guayaquil, difícil de remontar dadas las condiciones de la salud en el país y b) porque permitió acallar todas las protestas políticas contra un gobierno considerado de facto por la mayoría del país y por cerca de 60 países en el mundo. Paradoja 3: lo que fue una 1 Para el 10 de agosto varios países reportaron más de 20.000 nuevos contagios en la última semana: España (25.840), Filipinas (26.728), al igual que los estados de Georgia (22.591), Florida (45.674) y Texas (54.899) en EEUU, entre otros. Los reportes de fallecimientos fueron: Brasil, 6.945, México, 4.552, mientras Florida reportó 1.102 fallecidos en los últimos 7 días y Texas 1.460.

Conventional approach views that the root of poverty is inherently cultural factors. Indeed, structural factors outside the poor are the real impediments. This paper discusses three questions focusing on governance of antipoverty. It covers extension of the actors, policy change, and transformation of the poor. This paper found on the result of study applying qualitative approach to build understanding on initiatives of non-state actors (NGO and MBO) in participating to eradicate poverty. In gathering data, researcher undertakes semi-structured interview. Also, this study deploys documents and secondary data collection to counter the interview pitfalls. This paper demonstrates three main findings. Governance of antipoverty has allowed non-state actors to extend the involvement of more various actors and to create a new space in the arena of pro-poor policy making. Also, initiatives of non-state actors have endorsed inclusive pro-poor policy, particularly the alteration of budget allocation. Finally, the exercise of participatory tools and techniques have transformed behavior and capacity of the poor as well as networking among the poor, NGO, MBO, and local government. Nonetheless, interest and ideological differences between NGO and MBO can hamper collaboration among them.

Franks, P.E. (2005) A Warning on the Decay of Social Fabric in South Africa, Final Panel Discussion, Third South African Public Management Conversation, African peer review mechanism, Fancourt Hotel, George, Western Cape South Africa, 7-9 December.
For the text see:
https://www.academia.edu/43897730/A_Warning_on_the_Decay_of_Social_Fabric_in_South_Africa_TEXT_2005_
At the time (2005) I was told by a Director General that I was being "too critical". One of those who expressed appreciation for what I had said was Thabo Mufamadi who commented, "Hey, it sounds just like Limpopo, Peter!" Others just looked at me with hatred in their eyes.

https://soundcloud.com/user-!""#!/peter-e-franks-a-$arning-on-the-decay-of-
Social-fabric-in-south-africa
Audio length: 11m38s

Using two conceptual frameworks from political science—Kingdon’s (2003) multiple streams model and the advocacy coalition framework (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1993)—this case study examines the detailed history of a major tuition policy change in Ontario in 2004: a tuition freeze. The paper explores
the social, political, and economic factors that influenced policymakers on this particular change, to shed light on the broader questions of the dynamics of postsecondary policymaking. The study found that the Liberal Party’s
decision to freeze postsecondary tuition fees was a function of stakeholder relations, public opinion, and brokerage politics, designed for electoral success. The policy implementation strategy was intended to facilitate the cooperation and interests of the major institutions; within the broader policy community,
student-organized interest groups and other policy advocates were aligned in a policy preference, a critical component for successful change.

This paper presents a discussion on the fact that water is a right, and while presenting so it elaborates on the conceptual debates emerged out of discourse of rights. The paper argues and insists that the concept of Water Rights is different from Right to Water and this very difference has caused major alterations in policy paradigms that further have affected policy frameworks. In policy frameworks, values of both have respectively emerged and evolved as neoliberal policy frameworks and post neoliberal policy frameworks. The aim of the paper moves around such discussions to explore a global understanding on a simple fact that water is a right. The paper mainly focuses on some questions like, how the idea that water is a right is been defined and how the philosophical ideas and arguments are been used to design a policy framework. In the view of this aim, this paper is divided and subdivided into five parts, which highlights on the major arguments, argued by the notion of Water Rig...

Trabajo de investigación sobre el impacto del programa del Ministerio de Vivienda (Perú) en las organizaciones sociales. Se utilizaron datos de corte transversal bajo un modelo multinomial (mlogit).

La variable respuesta o dependiente es la variable participación ciudadana con cinco cuatro posibles categorías: dirigente, miembro activo, miembro no activo y otros (partic).

Como variables predictoras o independientes se consideran:
- Región de origen del beneficiado (region).
- Tipo de organización (org).
- Nivel socioeconómico (nse).

Third Positionists as the political economists always believe that every ethnic community should have socio-political and economic rights within the territory where they stay in any state. However, level of provision of rights varies community to community as per the level of their satisfaction constitutionally or politically. Therefore, the study of Pakistan and Iran is idealize example for Third Positionists where numerous ethnically diverse segments frequently demand different sorts of constitutional or political accommodations within the existing state structures. As Pakistan is federal state while Iran is unitary state, this study comparatively examines how both countries are dealing with ethnically diverse segments regarding ensuring multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism in a way that each community could be satisfy with the governance and decentralization exhibited by the central/federal governments. As the debates between federalism and unitarism have become the part of social sciences academia around the globe, it has also been discussing in Pakistan and Iran that which system is better for governance with decentralized mechanism in ethnically diverse societies. For this purpose, study also looks at ethno-national movements in both countries within the context of existing constitutional provisions, and presents recommendations in the last as a primary source.

The industrial revolution which became the hallmark of development and distinguishing factor that separates industrialized nations from the underdeveloped or developing countries, reigned for over a century before being overturned by Information, Communication and Technology (ICT). The influence of ICT and power to change global competitiveness remain daunting while its impact is prodigious that every nation aspires to be industrialized. However, the advent of ICT brought with it phenomenal speed, competition, spectacular and unprecedented novelty and innovation that are daily unfolding which forcefully turn into knowledge economy. The phase of development and changes are catalytic pointing to biblical prophecy of a period of knowledge that will engulf and overtake the world. The recent technological simulation by Israel demonstrating the direction of future warfare and policing which will no more be manned by human beings but all the destructive bullets, bombs, missiles, arsenals and what have you will be operated by remote control are irresistibly indication of the canonical prediction. Also noteworthy is the economic transformation whereby future jobs cannot be foretold, yet humanity remain formidable pursuing this great revolution with keen competition and exhilarating ideas. It is the speed and profundity of changes that are daily being witnessed in this era of knowledge economy that warrants digging into its genesis, currency, the renewed world competition surpassing the Cold War era and the unstoppably daily new knowledge discovery that is the focus of this paper anchored on qualitative, historical, descriptive and comparative methodology. Aligning with the canonical postulations that there comes a time in the history of humanity where knowledge economy will be the driving force and determinant of world economy. In this phenomenal revolution how do we position the political economy of Nigeria?

Publication represents a collection of critical texts that were created as a result of years of work of the Roma Forum of Serbia on the programme of political education. Referring to the official documents for inclusion policy as very far from the reality of the life of the Roma citizens, this publication mostly consists of texts that continue to critically analyse these “policies” while providing relevant insights from the field. The topics cover the issues that most of the Roma in Serbia share: they do not exercise some of the fundamental human rights such as the right to water and housing; the lack of measures which would provide access to employment for most of the Roma community and alleviate at least some of their problems; personal and public experiences related to the mechanisms of discrimination, both more open and more subtle ones, etc. This collection thus offers an insight into many topics related to marginalisation of people based on their ethnicity and other identity differences and, above all, class.

Surveys on the direct election for local leader (pilkada) reveal that the popular leaders (who are close to the people) are most desirable, including among Javanese voters. Experts explain that those findings show evidence that there is functioning appearances-based inferences (image) constructed by politicians (Olivola and Todorov 2010). Lawson et al. (2010) assert that image is an influential arbiter of the success of politicians to gain positions public. In Indonesia, popularity and likeability are two factors contributing to high electability (Qodari 2010). Recent qualitative case study discovers that the personal construction of a regent candidate known as blater (friendly, easy to socialize) becomes the significant factor of popularity and likeability. Blater character represents the Javanese leadership philosophy of Prasaja and Manjing Ajur-Ajer (want to live modestly and get along with ordinary people). In Javanese social relations, blater is the antithesis of elitist priyayi behavior. Moreover, blater is also compatible with Javanese wisdom, particularly for a Javanese leader, in order not to adigang (pride of power), adigung (pride of greatness), and adiguna (pride of skill and expertise). Beyond this excellent character of Javanese leader, blater has given rise to a tyranny leading to a sole candidate in the 2015 Blitar Regency election. Firstly, blater results in high popularity and likeability of the incumbent candidate and induces difficulties for potential challengers. Secondly, this situation encourages the rationality and opportunism of political parties in nominating regional heads, and finally to set a sole candidate. Lastly, citizens are persuaded to accept the election with the sole candidate as a condition of electoral democracy, although it limits the space for voting. Hence, pilkada with the sole candidate has eliminated the essence of democracy as a competitive arena of leaders' selection and space for expressing people choice. The absence of competition and capability to vote are two aspects negating the progress of democracy.

The citizens of Mexico and the United States are both victims of political corruption. Popular perceptions are that corruption in Mexico remains endemic while corruption in the US is more anomalous: views supported by the results of Transparency International's latest Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). This paper examines and conflates the most broadly defined form of political corruption in the US and Mexicoinfluence peddling (a form a clientelism 1 ) between political candidates and campaign donors. Based on the available empirical data and other slightly more amorphous evidence, Mexico ostensibly enjoys an election system at least as free from political corruption, transparent and fair as its northern neighbour. Which is not to say of course that either system is especially transparent, fair or free from corruption.

My piece with East Asia Forum re-printed by Today.
Full disclosure: Please note some changes from the original apart from the title.
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"Beijing apparently snubbed Singapore by not inviting its prime minister to the inaugural Belt and Road Forum. " - Original
"Beijing did not invite Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong to the inaugural Belt and Road Forum, prompting speculation as to whether it was a deliberate snub." - edits by Today.
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"Indeed, Singapore may have to accept ‘Finlandisation’ in the face of Chinese regional primacy, deferring to China on all foreign policy but keeping nominal independence. This is arguably already happening with some of its ASEAN neighbours. Under such an arrangement, Singapore’s future prosperity and security would be in the hands of Beijing’s largesse." - Original
"One risk of Chinese dominance for Singapore over time is Finlandisation, even if many find this option unpalatable.
Singapore’s future prosperity and security would be subject to Beijing’s largesse; Singapore would have to defer to China under such an arrangement. The concept comes from Finland’s relationship with the Soviet Union during the Cold War, in which Helsinki kept all the formal trappings of sovereignty, but submitted to Moscow’s preferences on foreign and security policy.
Sovereignty is not a dichotomous quality — it can be parsed into different components, each to varying degrees. Finlandisation is arguably already happening in South-east Asia at some level, given China’s growing regional dominance."

Please find a link to the full piece on Today here: http://www.todayonline.com/commentary/navigating-between-rock-and-hard-embrace
Please see the original from East Asia Forum here: http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2017/06/17/singapore-caught-between-a-rock-and-a-hard-embrace/