Patara

Harry John Johnson’s 4 months spent largely in Lycia in 1843-44 seem to have provided the source for the landscapes in his apocalyptic paintings exhibited in London in 1859 entitled: ‘Hierapolis, Asia Minor. “I will make it a possession for the bittern, and pools of water”’, and, ‘Sardis, Thou Hast A Name That Thou Livest, And Art Dead’ — Rev. iii. I.’ Both exhibited before the Indian Mutiny ended. Some corrections are made to the titles that have subsequently been given to his paintings, not least, that Hierapolis is not in Greece but in Asia Minor, and that Macri is today Fethiye in ancient Lycia in southwestern Turkey, and is not Mukri in Turkmenistan. Two previously unidentified depictions of the 1791 Hassan Pasha mosque in Fethiye are noted, together with further evidence to show he remained involved reworking the images he saw and recorded in Lycia from his return to London in 1844 aged 18, over the course of the next forty years, until his death in 1884.

Harry John Johnson’ın 1843-1844 arasında 4 ay süren ve çoğunlukla Likya’da bulunduğu gezisinin 1859 yılında Londra’da sergilenen apokaliptik resimlerinde görülen peyzajların kaynağı olduğu anlaşılıyor. Bunlardan İncil’den alıntılarla isimlendirdiği ikisi, Hierapolis Küçük Asya, “Kenti balabana verip bataklığa çevireceğim, ve, Sardis, “Yaşıyorsun diye ad yapmışsın ama ölüsün”. Hindistan’da İngiliz yönetimine karşı gerçekleşen ayaklanma sonlanmadan önce sergilenmişti. Resimlerin orjinal isimleri zaman içinde değiştirilmiştir. Hierapolis, Yunanistan olarak verilmiş, bir diğer resim Macri 1844 yanlışlıkla Mukri olarak okunmuştur. Fethiye Hasan Paşa Camii’ni konu alan iki ayrı resim ise Johnson’un Likya gezisinde görüp kaydettiği imgeleri 1844’de 18 yaşında Londra’ya dönüşünden 1884’de ölümüne kadar geçen süre içinde de resmetmeye devam ettiğini göstermektedir.

Arkeolog-Editör, Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları/Dergisi
[email protected]

Söyleşiye, Almanca yazdığınız makaleleri Türkçe'ye çevirerek kitaplaştırma gibi ülkemizde pek rastlanmayan bir uygulamanın amacını sormakla başlamak isterim; neydi amaç ve yerini buldu mu? Almanca makalelerimi bir ilk olarak kendi dilimize çevirmek için; sıradışı içeriği "okunur ve tartışılır" umuduyla, değerli çok zamanımı, sonunda bildim ki, boşuna "feda etmişim". İnsanımızın kendi topraklarından Batı'ya sürgün süren ve çok özel olan bir kültür ve sanatın niceliğini "bilme" hakkına saygıyla da yapmıştım bunu. Tutmadı maya, amaca ulaşılamadı. 50'yi aşkın Arkeoloji Bölümü var ülkemizde; belki yeni kurulanların çok azında okundu ve okutuldu ki 1000 adet kitap, kültür dostu insanlardan gördüğü daha çok ilgiyle, 6 yılda tüken-di. Yaşadığım düş kırıklığı nedeniyle de ikinci baskıyı yapmamada kararlıydım. Bodrum'da Akademia Vakfı'nın ısrarlarına, özellikle Halikarnas Balıkçısı'na bir vefa borcu olarak, karşı duramadım. Kitabı elime aldığımda, "iyi ki dostların bu yöndeki kararlılığı kırmış direncimi" diye geçirdim içimden. 150 yaprak ek metin ve 200 ek resimle genişleyen ve tam anlamıyla yenilenen bu baskı, umarım, Arkeoloji ve Sanat'la görücüye çıkmanın ardından beklediğim tartışma ortamına zorlayacaktır eskiçağ bilimcilerini; doğrusu nedir bilinecektir. Ve ben ancak o zaman dinlenmiş olacağım. Kitabın 723 resim içeren 175 levhayı çevirdiğimde ilk dikkatimi çeken, bir Klasik Arkeolog olmanıza rağmen Anadolu Uygarlıklarını Göbeklitepe'den başlayarak geniş bir bakış açısıyla, bir bütünlük içinde gözlemlemeniz oldu. Nedenini biraz açar mısınız? Bu bütünlük içinde bakmasam, nereden bilecektim, Anadolu'nun Batı'yı yaratmaya günü-müzden 12 bin yıl önce başladığını. "Devrimlerin Atası" diyor Neolitik Çağ'a, bilgin olarak

-Urban Water Distribution Structures in Patara-

Freshwater springs are very limited in the immediate vicinity of Patara. Underground sources and rainwater collected in cisterns must have played important role in catering to the daily needs of the city. However, local resources were insufficient as a result of the city's growth and increased traffic in the harbor. Rising demand for water has necessitated a 22,5 km long water supply system. The whole water supply and urban distribution system were examined in a project (TÜBİTAK Project No: SOBAG-108K116) entitled “Research on the Water Line of Patara Regarding Archaeological, Architectural and Water Engineering Aspects”. In this study, the reservoirs which were used in the urban water distribution system and water distribution lines that reach different parts of the city were presented.

SUMMARY
Lighthouse at Patara. Response to a Critic
The scope of the article covers a criticism for an article published in ZPE 164 (2008) relating to the lighthouse at Patara and Sextus Marcius Priscus, Lycian Governor of Lycian Province. Author deals with the Delikkemer inscription which was previously published by himself and with an inscription of baths at Patara. He criticizes the critics made by the authors of the above mentioned article in ZPE.

Bilim, kısaca deney ve araştırma yoluyla mevcut bilginin artması, öğreti yoluyla da yayılması olgusudur. Talep ve amacı, tartışarak, eleştirerek doğru ve gerçek, yani ispatlanabilir bilgiyi elde etmektir. Bilimin "tartışılabilir" ve "eleştirilebilir" olması onu denetlenebilir ve düzeltilebilir kılar. Bu kurallar üzerine temellendirilerek üretilen bilimsel çalışmaları tartışmaya açmak, eleştirmek ve düzeltmek, bilimsel objektiflikten ve özgür düşünceden taviz vermemek koşuluyla, elbette ki bilim insanının rutin uğraşlarından biridir. Bilim insanı bu tür eleştirilere açıktır ve sonuçlarının bilimin yararına olduğunun farkındadır; çünkü o bu tür bir eylemi akademik bilimin ilerleme mekanizması olarak kabul eder. Bilimsel kritik esas itibariyla kişiyi değil, onun beyanını hedef alır. Kişiye odaklanmış bir eleştiri nesnel olamaz. Fakat bu her zaman kolayca uygulanabilen bir yöntem değildir, çünkü antibilim, parabilim, pseudobilim gibi öznel ağırlıklı türlerinde nesnel eleştiriyi sürdürmek her zaman mümkün olmamaktadır Gerçek bilim insanı bunun da farkındadır. Bu bağlamda iddia ettiği olgunun gerçek ve doğru olduğuna, aksi eleştirel yöntemlerle ispatlanıncaya kadar, içtenlikle inanır ve onu savunur. Bu evrensel mekanizma içinde gerçekleştirilen bilimsel çalışmalar yanı sıra, bir de motivasyonunu dürtüsel eğilimlerden, dinden, politikadan, ekonomiden ve benzeri sahalardan alıp, onların tesir ya da siparişiyle büyük oranda akademik bilim ortamında onun yöntemlerini çarpık-çurpuk kullanarak bilimsellik savıyla üretilen ama aslında pseudobilim kapsamına girmesi gereken yazılı ya da sözlü yayınlar vardır ki, bunların da evrensel bilim kapsamında değerlendirilmesi ve eleştirilmesi üretim ortamları nedeniyle zorunludur. Ülkemizde her sahanın gerçek temsilcileri olduğu gibi pseudo temsilcileri de vardır. İkinciler toplumun genel eğilimlerine göre strateji uyguladıkları için, gündemde hemen sadece onlar vardır. Bu durum sanatta, edebiyatta, politikada, dinde ve ekonomide ne kadar yaygınsa, bilimde de o kadar yaygındır. Ve toplum "anlamlı" olanı "anlamsız" olandan, gerçek olan bilimi sözde bilimden ayırt etmekte genellikle çaresiz kalmaktadır; çünkü bu amaçla hazırlanmış bir reçete keşfedilmiş değildir. Bu nedenle yukarıdaki başlık altında burada ve gelecekte bu sütunlarda mercek altına alacağım yayın ya da söylemlerin hangi kategoriye girmesi gerektiğini okuyucunun takdirine bırakıyorum.

Our knowledge about the strigil production centers in Anatolia is very limited. Written sources and archaeological data show that there was a strigil workshop in Pergamon in the 1st century A.D. and that craftsmen from Tarsus, who specialized in strigil producing, produced strigil between the 2nd and the early 3rd centuries A.D. Our literary and museum studies about strigil dispersion in Anatolia, show that over a thousand strigils have been found in an area which extend from western and  southern coastal sites to Adıyaman in the east. This numerical density suggests that there can be other strigil workshops to be found in Anatolia. As a result of  observations on strigils that have been found in Anatolia; the part of the elements such as form, ornament, seal, inscription in assignation of strigil workshops and in accordance with this data, the suggestions for the production place of two strigils found in Patara, formed main topic of the study. By the form and ornament features, it seems possible to indicate that Strigil no. 1, one of the two strigils dated between the late 1st century B.C. and early 1st century A.D., was produced in a workshop in  estern
Anatolia. In addition, it is founded that the form group which the Strigil no. 1 belongs to (the inverted “S” profile form) seen in the late 1st century A.D, was already being used between the late 1st century B.C. and the early 1st century A.D. This has been an important output to indicate a necessary change of chronological borders. On the handle of Strigil no. 2, there are two seals which the word TATTA (genitive case) is inscribed both. The word TATTA were used especially in Central Anatolia with various forms, indicates to the presence of a workshop in this region.
Keywords: Strigil, Anatolia, Patara, Workshop.

Recent investigations at Patara reveal that the city played a crucial role as a communication node during the formation of the Hellenistic era. As one of the most important cities of ancient Lycia, Patara established by a harbor in the basin of the Xanthos river valley which was an essential trade hub for several inland communities, including Xanthos, Letoon, Pinara, and Sidyma. Since 2013, excavations have brought to light the foundations of a garrison bastion and numerous houses at the Tepecik settlement of Patara. The five excavated areas revealed architectural and ceramic remains that illuminate the development of the city and the surrounding region. Among these are two rooms, two semi-open kitchen areas, and a pantry. All five areas were destroyed by fire simultaneously and contained in situ contexts. Among the finds are pyramidal loom weights, lead and terracotta figurines, a large number of metal objects, as well as pottery. The ceramic repertoire includes black-slipped kantharoi, skyphoi, echinus bowls, olpai, rolledrim plates, mortaria, jugs, chytrai, and transport amphorae. Besides some Attic imports, the ceramics can be divided into two main groups: regional and locally produced fine wares, including some from Rhodes. The analysis of the contexts indicates that the destruction of the buildings occurred between 336 – 310 B.C. Thus, the ceramics from the Tepecik settlement presented here offer a scientifically sound basis for the ceramic chronology and typology of the late 4th c. B.C. Xanthos Valley, which to date has been hardly investigated in a scientific manner.

The excavations on the Tepecik settlement at Patara furnish important new evidence for the mushroom-rimmed amphorae in the 4th c. B.C. This evidence is based primarily on the ceramics recovered from a back-filled burnt soil layer in a deposit located on the Tepecik settlement. These finds include eight amphorae and two unguentaria. One of these amphorae is Lycian, and seven others belong to the mushroom-rimmed amphora type. Our analysis indicates that the mushroom-rimmed amphora reflects production and distribution of commodities generated under the aegis of the Hecatomnid dynasty in Karia and the mushroom rim could have been used as a geographical marker, a ›brand‹ by the Hekatomnids during the 4th c. B.C.

The Rum Seljuk surface remains at Patara, in the bathhouse and on the upper section of the adjacent wall around Yarımada attest to their presence at Patara, together with their probable reuse of the Roman Pharos, certainly still standing to a considerable height at this time and providing a marker for mariners along this coast until after 1524 as Piri Reis’s maps of this coastline clearly record; although the port no longer functioned to any significant extent after the Lusignan Crusader sack of Patara in May 1362 and so it is not noted or marked as such by Piri Reis. The 1211 Rum Seljuk-East Roman border agreement, the 1216 letter to King Hugh of Cyprus addressing the problem of piracy and the use of Seljuk naval forces from Lycian ports, including vessels probably based at Patara for the 1216 re-conquest of Antalya, together with the 1220 Rum Seljuk-Venetian trade treaty indicate firm Rum Seljuk state control over Lycia and its Turkmen and Rum populations, as over the ports of Lycia, including the port of Patara, was established within the first 2 decades of the 13th c. Rum Seljuk control which continued into the 7th decade and arguably, with the rise of the Seljuk sponsored Menteşe Beylik into the first decade of the 14th c. The use and significance of the port in the period from the 13th c. to the sack of 1362 is noted, including serving as a Seljuk naval base in the control of piracy, for local cabotage trade and for Latin and Rum pilgrimage to the birthplace of St. Nicholas and, from the 1270’s onwards, as a base for jihad-raiding of Latin and Rum territory and shipping. The reasons for the port’s failure to recover following the sack of 1362, in addition to the known gradual silting up of the port, are given, the closeness of Rhodes in the hands of the Hospitaller Knights of St. John of Jerusalem from 1310-1522 with the permanent threat of a raid on Patara in the absence of a strongly fortified entrance to the harbor, combined with a significant degree of Hospitaller control through galley patrols over the adjacent sea lanes and only Latin-Rum not Muslim merchant vessels passing along this route led, it is suggested, to the rise in prominence of more secure bases in Caria and north-wards to prosecute the jihad as the 14th c. progressed, Miletus-Balat, Milas-Peçin and Ephesus-Ayasoğluk and Izmir-Smyrna (until 1344), in addition to depopulation caused by the 1347 plague pandemic and the distance overland from the port to major urban centers. With the Knights surrender of Rhodes in 1522 the sea-lane from Istanbul to Egypt past Patara was opened to Ottoman merchant vessels leading to the decline in trade through the port of Antalya, but the port of Patara was by then silted up and Patara was abandoned.

Abbreviations of modern journals and books follow the guidelines of the American Journal of Archaeology 104 10-24. Ancient authors and works are cited according to the Oxford Classical Dictionary (third ed.; Oxford and New York, 1996) xxix-liv.

Most ancient cities in Lycia were fortified settlements during the Classical and Hellenistic periods due to ongoing political unrests. The reign of Augustus brought relative peace to the lands under Roman rule, including Lycia. The Pax Romana (the Roman Peace) precluded the need for fortifications and supported a massive urban development by providing security, stability, and economic growth. As a result, existing fortifications lost their relevance and were left to decay. Roman cities, including those in Lycia, were at the zenith of their architectural and urban development when the Empire went through a political, social, and economic crisis in the 3rd century AD, which had long term consequences. The end of peace jeopardized the security of the Roman cities, once again necessitating urban defenses for self-protection. Like the rest of the empire, Lycian cities strengthened their existing circuits or constructed new defenses in the following centuries. The city walls eventually became important urban components beyond their defensive value. This paper examines the fortifications in Xanthos, Patara, and Limyra to assess how the city walls were incorporated into the urban fabric and took part in the urban transformation of the city centers in Late Antiquity.

A  Group  of Oinophoros  from  Patara:  Observations  on  Iconography  and Production
ABSTRACT
Oinophoroi, which is one of the molded relief ware in Roman Imperial Period, includes various types of pelikai, amphoras, single-handled jugs, lagynoi, pots modeled according to mythological characters or grotesque figures, and shallow phialai or paterae with an relief medallion applied on their tondo. In the decoration repertoire of these ceramics, which are usually produced using two or three molds, it is seen that expressions related to the Dionysus cult are predominantly preferred, however, various myths, erotic narratives from daily life and scenes such as gladiator fights are also included in this diversity. It was determined that the Oinophoros group ceramics were first produced in Cnidian workshops in the Augustus Period. It is seen that the Pergamene workshops in the mid-1st century AD and Iasian workshops in the second half of the 2nd century AD followed this production. Among the oinophoros group ceramics found in Patara, an amphora and eight paterae constitutes the main subject of the study. In addition to these finds, a mold that may have been used in the production of medallions of the paterae is examined. In terms of production and decoration technique, it is seen that various mythological scenes, especially in connection with the Dionysus cult, are found in the Pataran samples, which are among the oinophoros molded relief ware. Our research and other similar examples show that oinophoros group ceramics in Patara are stylistically similar to examples from Cnidus and Alexandria. While this situation provides us the information on the commercial networks and the distribution of oinophoros group paterae in the Mediterranean, the common characteristics of the preferred iconographies present important data by showing the continuity of the common beliefs and thoughts, which dates back to the Hellenistic Period, in the Roman Imperial Period. With its structure highly suitable
to shape a patera medallion, the mold that presumably has a  representation of Dionysus bears traces of oinophoros type patera production in Patara, and it shows that it is likely to add new workshops to the oinophoros production centers in Anatolia, and notably in Patara.

As a result of the King of Pergamon Attalos III deeming the Roman people as his successors in his will, this region was organized as the Provincia Asia, in 129 BC. From the Late Republic Period to the Early Roman Empire Period, many regions in Anatolia were transformed into Roman provinces. The Lycia region was transformed into a Roman province, in 43 AD. Historical records, archeological and epigraphic data show that Lycia's legal independence had been under the Roman control for almost two centuries. It is seen that the peoples that started to live under the rule of Rome underwent political, economic, social, religious and cultural changes over time. These changes, defined by the term "Romanization", can be as a unilateral, conscious policy that they applied for the societies under Rome's rule to abide by the rules set by them and the new order and to legitimize their sovereignty. However, research conducted in different geographical areas under the influence of the empire, revealed that a multifaceted interaction and integration of indigenous societies and their cultures with Roman imperial culture resulted in a socio-cultural change. Likewise, it is seen that the Romanization process in cities of Lycia is influential in various levels in different areas.
In this study, firstly, a summary of the religious, cultural and social-political influences of the Romanization policy in Patara, will be presented and following these, it will focus on the determination of the level of this influence. In the main part of the study, firstly, information about the dissemination area of the city, which had been a permanent settlement area from the Archaic period until the Roman Empire period will be given. Then, after becoming a provincial city, the changes seen in urban planning and the constructions within the scope of this planning will be presented. Researches carried out in Patara showed that urbanism, which is an original example of "Roman" urban design, can be followed clearly in the planning of the city, its architecture and construction technique in the Roman Empire period where the constantly used areas of the city were expanded and utilized. As the most prominent feature of Romanization on urban planning, it was found that the Harbour Street was reorganized as decumanus and cardo in the Early Roman Imperial period thanks to the suitability of the topographic structure of Patara and that the urbanization of the western part of the city had increased since the early stages of the 2nd century AD. The apparent effect of the Romanization policy in urban planning also manifested itself in the increase in the public buildings in terms of both quantity and quality. In this process, the architectural elements within the pre-Roman building repertoire such as theaters, the parliament building, agoras were used by changing their features in form and content. Also new structural elements directly reflecting the Roman influence such as columned streets, triumphal arch, baths, bath-gymnasium complexes, horreum and aqueducts were included in the city plan.

Abstract – Located on the south-west coast of Anatolia, Patara became one of the principal cities of Lycia and southwestern Anatolia due in part to its natural harbor. The archaeological finds demonstrate that Patara became an important node in the maritime commerce between the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean. During the Roman Imperial Era, Patara became the capital of the province of Lycia (shortly afterwards Lycia et Pamphylia) and received a higher commercial and political status. This study presents some preliminary observations about Roman Imperial Era amphora finds from Patara. To date amphorae originating from 34 different regions and urban production centers were identified. Particularly following Lycia’s incorporation as a Roman province by the Emperor Claudius in 43 AD, Patara began to display commercial ties with distant production centers. As in the Hellenistic era, Patara remained primarily connected with commerce in the Aegean. However, Patara now supplemented this trade with imports from Cilicia, Palestine and Egypt to the east, and Thyrrhenia, Narbonensis, Baetica, Lusitania, Mauretania Caesariensis, Tripolitania and North Africa to the west. The range of  these contacts reflects Patara’s new status as a provincial capital.

Inhalt – Patara wurde aufgrund seines Naturhafens eine der wichtigsten Städte Lykiens und Südwestanatoliens. Die archäologischen Funde belegen, dass Patara ein bedeutender Knotenpunkt im Seehandel zwischen der Ägäis und dem östlichen Mittelmeer war. In der römischen Kaiserzeit wurde Patara Hauptstadt der Provinz Lycia (bald darauf Lycia et Pamphylia) mit einem gehobenen wirtschaftlichen und politischen Status. Diese Studie stellt erste Beobachtungen zu kaiserzeitlichen Amphorenfunden aus Patara vor. Bisher wurden Amphoren aus 34 verschiedenen Regionen identifiziert. Insbesondere nach der Einrichtung der römischen Provinz Lycia unter Claudius im Jahre 43 n. Chr. knüpfte Patara Handelsbeziehungen mit weit entfernten Produktionszentren. Wie in hellenistischer Zeit blieb Patara dem Handel mit der Ägäis verbunden, doch kamen nunmehr Importe aus Kilikien, Palästina und Ägypten im Osten sowie aus Thyrrhenia, Narbonensis, Baetica, Lusitania, Mauretania Caesariensis, Tripolitania und Nordafrika im Westen hinzu. Der Umfang dieser Kontakte spiegelt den neuen Status Pataras als Provinzhauptstadt wider.