Lycian

Lykia Bölgesi, Anadolu'nun, güneybatıda Akdeniz'e uzandığı Teke Yanmadası'nda yer alır. Bölgenin kuzeydoğusunda Pamphylia, kuzeyinde Phrygia ve Pisidia, batısında ise Karia Bölgeleri bulunmaktadır. Lykia doğu-batı yönünde 120; kuzey-güney yönünde 60 km'dir ve böylelikle 5083 km2 alana yayılmıştır. I Dağlık bir bölge olan Lykia'nın en yüksek dağı güneydeki 3086 metrelik Kızlar Sivrisi ile Beydağlan'dır. Lykia'nın iç kısımlannın en karakteristik coğrafik özelliği, kuşbakışıyla, bölgenin büyük bir kısmını kapsayan bir atnalı ile karşılaştınlabilecek büyük dağ sıralandır.2 Bölgenin merkezindeki büyük dağ sıralannın yanında, bunlardan derin vadilerle aynlmış dağlık alanlar vardır. Lykia Bölgesi'nin topoğrafyasında dağlar kadar nehirler de belirleyici bir öneme sahiptir.3 Bunlar, doğudan batıya doğru Alakır Çayı (Gagas?), Limyros (Göksu), Arykandos (Başgöz-Aykırıçay), Myros (Demre Çayı) ve Ksanthos'tur (Eşen Çayı). Bu nehirlerden en önemlisi olan Ksanthos, Antik Dönem'de Lykia kültürünün merkezi konumundaydı. Bölgenin yerleşimi, bu dağlar ve nehirlerin oluşturduğu vadiler ile nehirlerin sahilde oluşturduklan alüvyon ovalarda yoğunluk kazanmaktadır. Sahil yerleşiminde aynca, denizyolu ulaşımının kolaylığı ve deniz aşın ticaret de rol oynamıştır. Lykia'daki doğallimanlar bu yüzden önemlidir.

https://www.habelt.de
Nováková, L. 2019. Greeks who dwelt beyond the sea: people, places, monuments.  Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie 333. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt. ISBN 978-3-7749-4216-5.
The Greek civilization, whose legacy remains visible to the present day, developed in several places on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. The Greeks often came into contact with different, sometimes significantly older and more developed cultures that helped them to advance in the sciences, arts and trade. One such crossroads of civilizations was Anatolia, a land that was the literal meeting place of east and west with an incredibly diverse population. This was reflected in the diversity of its cultures, languages and religions. There is a growing volume of new research – papers, articles and monographs – aimed at determining at least in part how these ancient societies defined themselves. The answer to this relatively complex question can only be sought in the written and archaeological evidence. We can get to know the Hellenes from written sources and their unique artistic heritage, while grave art helps to fill in the rich mosaic of their Anatolian neighbors. The term “Greeks dwelling beyond the sea” is a paraphrase of the name for the Greeks in foreign sources (Yaunā), which referred to the inhabitants of the distant lands beyond the western frontier of the Persian Empire. In this case, the term refers to the Greeks who crossed the Aegean Sea and settled on the Anatolian mainland and nearby islands.
https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2020/2020.09.34/

This Excel file is a WORK IN PROGRESS on Indo-European basic lexicon, aligning PIE reconstructions from IEW, LIV and Mallory-Adams with intermediate reconstructions of IE sub-families found in several other sources (mainly Brill / Leiden etymological dictionaries): see dedicated sheet for details on sources.
Reconstructions with a green background have more complete data than those with a white background.
This DRAFT database is intended as a stepping stone for researchers who want to explore external genetic relationships between Indo-European languages and other language families.

Harry John Johnson’s 4 months spent largely in Lycia in 1843-44 seem to have provided the source for the landscapes in his apocalyptic paintings exhibited in London in 1859 entitled: ‘Hierapolis, Asia Minor. “I will make it a possession for the bittern, and pools of water”’, and, ‘Sardis, Thou Hast A Name That Thou Livest, And Art Dead’ — Rev. iii. I.’ Both exhibited before the Indian Mutiny ended. Some corrections are made to the titles that have subsequently been given to his paintings, not least, that Hierapolis is not in Greece but in Asia Minor, and that Macri is today Fethiye in ancient Lycia in southwestern Turkey, and is not Mukri in Turkmenistan. Two previously unidentified depictions of the 1791 Hassan Pasha mosque in Fethiye are noted, together with further evidence to show he remained involved reworking the images he saw and recorded in Lycia from his return to London in 1844 aged 18, over the course of the next forty years, until his death in 1884.

Harry John Johnson’ın 1843-1844 arasında 4 ay süren ve çoğunlukla Likya’da bulunduğu gezisinin 1859 yılında Londra’da sergilenen apokaliptik resimlerinde görülen peyzajların kaynağı olduğu anlaşılıyor. Bunlardan İncil’den alıntılarla isimlendirdiği ikisi, Hierapolis Küçük Asya, “Kenti balabana verip bataklığa çevireceğim, ve, Sardis, “Yaşıyorsun diye ad yapmışsın ama ölüsün”. Hindistan’da İngiliz yönetimine karşı gerçekleşen ayaklanma sonlanmadan önce sergilenmişti. Resimlerin orjinal isimleri zaman içinde değiştirilmiştir. Hierapolis, Yunanistan olarak verilmiş, bir diğer resim Macri 1844 yanlışlıkla Mukri olarak okunmuştur. Fethiye Hasan Paşa Camii’ni konu alan iki ayrı resim ise Johnson’un Likya gezisinde görüp kaydettiği imgeleri 1844’de 18 yaşında Londra’ya dönüşünden 1884’de ölümüne kadar geçen süre içinde de resmetmeye devam ettiğini göstermektedir.

I have tried to apply three criteria so far: 1) Genesis' proto-history contains allusions to historical peoples, shrouded by some well-known mythology in a period identifiable with the second half of the sixth century B.C. and Homeric Lycians comply to this description, because their myth goes back to Iron Age at least. 2) The second criterion is to give a paradigmatic value for Genesis to the Lycian myths in which the fight with a serpentine mythological enemy is involved. Certainly, if the "gestation period" for Genesis was late sixth century, then at that time Homeric epic cycles are a proof that certain themes were already circulating. Leto's mythical fight against Python fulfils this criterion, because she is a mother-goddess that might have provided a mirror for the "the mother of all living" Eve (Gn 3:20). With the due proportions, this parallelism between Eve and Leto comes to rescue the so-called "prophecy" of Gn 3:15 from nonsense. Eve and her seed are bound to fight the snake's seed in a narrative which has allowed the future enemies to talk to each other friendly. Among the Lycian myths which may be consistent with this original pattern of a "talkative monster", we should have a look at what is said about the Lycian warrior Amisodarus (or Isaras, LLES 243, 246; HE 41, 118, 164, 553), who fed the Chimera according to Homer (Il. 16.28). Besides, the Lycian adopted hero, Bellerophon, who slays the Chimera, a serpentiform monster, offspring of Echidna (Hesiod, Theogony 295-308), is available to represent the "seed of the woman" engaged in the mysterious fight described in Gn 3:15. From Bellerephon's myth we might draw inspiration to discover who is the people bound to challenge the celestial sphere in which Cain seems to inhabit. The Gygean Lake, not far from Sardis, the capital of Lydia, was home to Echidna and the birthplace of the Lydian royal lineage (Robert 1982 [1]: 334-352). 3) The third criterion is to check whether the application of a certain mythological framework is motivated by a historical background where to find the underlying ideological reasons. Lydia is the last great Anatolian empire before the arrival of the Persians and also the protagonist of an epoch-making betrayal, according to Herodotus, because Lydians revolt after the conquest, triggering the Persian plan to make a nation of merchants out of a race of warriors. At this point, another work hypothesis can be advanced: the clash between the two brothers Cain and Abel would represent the conflict between two eponymous heroes.

An evaluation of whether the special endings that appear on Anatolian neuter gender nouns in Agent-function reflect split-NP ergativity or an 'animatising' derivative. Appendix includes an exploration of why the Anatolian 'animatising' derivative may have emerged.

Le projet de recherche Police pour les Inscriptions Monétaires (PIM) a pour objectif la création d’outils adaptés pour retranscrire les informations contenues dans les inscriptions monétaires, au-delà de leur contenu sémantique. Les informations textuelles et les caractéristiques graphiques présentes sur une monnaie peuvent fournir de nombreuses informations concernant son origine et la société dans laquelle elle a été frappée. Mais jusqu’à aujourd’hui, aucune fonte numérique ne pouvait retranscrire à la fois intégralement et fidèlement les inscriptions monétaires.

Ce billet, publié sur le blog de la BnF, vise d’abord à retracer la genèse du projet ainsi que les grandes étapes depuis l’annotation des monnaies de la BnF jusqu’à la réalisation des fontes.

""Etruscan is an Indo-European language, probably belonging to a sub-branch of Anatolian which does not include Hittite. This claim is based on the following evidence:
• only lexical items for which Etruscologists have proposed a gloss have been used in this research (no attempt has been made at proposing new glosses for currently obscure or highly controversial Etruscan terms);
• 138 of the glosses put forth by Etruscologists belong to basic lexicon, and 97% of such basic lexicon has an IE etymology;
• 19 grammar morphemes have also been assigned a value by Etruscologists: 95% of them have an IE etymology;
• all such etymologies are based on regular sound laws;
• a few notable innovations are shared by Etruscan and Anatolian languages (often excluding Hittite).""

The theater of Tlos represents one of the best preserved monuments of the city. The theater, laid out
on an east-west axis, is located on the slope bordering the city from east. With its three-storey stage
and large auditorium (cavea), this theater was once one of the major theaters of Lycia in terms of
its architectural design. A small temple located on the top level of the auditorium also makes this
theater very special among western Anatolian theaters. The entrance to the auditorium is provided
by two vaulted passages (paradoi) located on the northern and southern sides, while two additional
vaults provide access to the horizontal walkway dividing the auditorium into two sections. In
addition, two stepped walkways reach to the surrounding wall at the top level of the auditorium
from the east. The auditorium is divided into two sections through a horizontal walkway (diazoma).
The lower part of the auditorium is formed of 20 rows of seats, while the upper one is formed of 16
rows of seats. The audience arriving at the theater was able to reach to the upper level through a
narrow vertical walkway formed of steps. The semi-diameter of the orchestra, slightly exceeding
a semicircular shape, is 20.50 m. The stone seats reserved for prestigious people (proedria) are
placed above the horizontal walkway. Another distinctive feature of the theater is the fl oral and
fi gural architectural decorations observed on the façade of the stage. The inscriptions uncovered
here demonstrate that the theater witnessed several renovations in the Roman period. However, the
architectural details and an inscription mentioning the restoration of the theater in the 1st century
BC imply that the construction of this theater might have begun in the Hellenistic period.

North-Eastern Mediterranean at the turn of the Bronze Age and in the early Iron Age Edited by Łukasz Niesiołowski-Spanò and Marek Węcowski Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar.

Lycian Civilization, considered to be “Hellenic”, has been an issue in prehistoric science and archeology since the 19th century. This foreign identity attributed to Lycia was first based on the art of the region (and the artists), called “Hellenic”; then the ‘Hellenization’ of Lycia was
deemed complete when the Greek script and language was adopted in the Hellenistic period. However, neither the Anatolian sources of the art and artist, nor the Anatolian sources of the writing were taken into consideration in this thesis. Moreover, the fact that the Greek script and language was disseminated in this territory by the Macedonian Alexander the Great was ignored. Although culture and art in Archaic Ionia were endemic to Anatolia, Archaic Ionia was deemed Hellenic because the script and language was Greek. On the other hand, in Archaic and Classical Lycia, although the writing and language was local, Hellenic identification was ascribed due to the art, deemed to be ‘Hellenic’. “Which identifies origin, writing or art?” This question was never raised. It has been considered that “where the writing was in Greek, then the language should also be Greek”. This induction (of the Greek language) by a noble minority was disseminated to all the people of Lycia. However, there were contradictions, such as the fact that the Phrygian and Luvian languages were spoken for centuries without usage of writing, and this was ignored. All this “evidence” was deemed satisfactory to make Lycian civilization “Hellenic”; no discussion took place about the “thought” of the Lycian people or their works of art. However, “thought” is the main identifier of origin and it formulates art according to its content. In the context of this article, it will be seen that there is no “Hellenism” either in the themes selected for the works of art, or the historical content, natural and realistic description of Lycia, but that there is the “Anatolian” and there is the “truth” in an oriental way. Further, a Lycian noble may also be said to be ”un-Hellenic” in that, his tomb may be located in the city, in the Agora and not separated from the people’s lives, and because when he dies, he will become a god, not a “hero”. His beliefs are of Anatolian source, thus it should not be surprising that the local cults flourish even at the beginning of the Christianity. The Lycian worshipped in nature; his altars were the rock. His temples and tombs were formed in an Anatolian fashion. As documented on the “Inscribed Pillar”, the Hellenic names of the gods and goddesses in inscriptions should be because of the requirement of the writing and translation into Greek. Even if the name of the king was Pericles, he became a god, unlike Pericles. His portrait does not reflect the ideal beauty of Hellenic art. On the contrary, it describes a “barbarian”, in a non-Hellenic, but a realistic oriental manner. In other words, he has taken the name, but not the thoughts of the Athenian. Finally, classical studies have not converted the notion of “influence”, which refers to the impact on artistic forms between cultures, to “acculturation”, when the subject matter is the Hellenes. There is no place for dogma, or resistance in science, but there should be intelligent questioning and examination. This is what we have been doing in Lycia for 20 years… We, the “School of Patara”, have raised awareness of the consequence of “Anatolian” sources, and this is a consequence which researchers are now writing about, as if we have never written before, in view of the orthostat relief in the vein of late-Hittite art, which came to light at our neighbor, Xanthos.

My PhD thesis given to Department of Classical Archaeology, Ankara University in 2002. The thesis is about coin finds from Arykanda between 1971-2000 and contains 2174 coins. A copy of the thesis is shelved in the British Museum, Coins and Medals Department (see Lycian section). Also other printed copies exist in Ankara University, Dept. of Classical Archaeology, Akurgal library; BIAA (British Inst. of. Arc. in Ankara); AKMED library (Antalya) and at the library of Antalya Museum.

I would be happy to answer all questions regarding the thesis material; do contact me at [email protected]

One bit of warning though: as Arykanda was continued to be excavated, this thesis is already out of date with new finds changing several results. Please contact Dr. Hacer Sancaktar who continues studying the material for more recent coin finds from the site.

Teze ihtiyacı olanlar: A.Ü.D.T.C.F. Klasik Arkeoloji Bölümü, Ankara İngiliz Arkeoloji Kütüphanesi, AKMED Kaleiçi Kütüphanesi, Antalya Müzesi Kütüphanesi'nde kopyaları var. İhtiyacınız olan bilgi için bana sormanız da yeterli.

Küçük bir uyarı: aradan geçen yıllarda Arykanda'da kazılar devam ettiği için tezde elde edilmiş pek çok sonuç yeni buluntular ışığında şimdiden değişmiş durumdadır. Yeni sikke buluntularına dair, Arykanda sikke malzemesini çalışmaya devam etmekte olan Dr. Hacer Sancaktar ile temas kurabilirsiniz.

The paper offers a new analysis of the passage of the Xanthos trilingual containing a detailed description of the military exploits of the author of the inscription (TL 44a, 41-55). The first part (§ §1-2) discusses the overall structure of the passage and the meaning of the key term of the text, hãtahe, for which an interpretation 'victory' (gen. sg.) is proposed. The subsequent paragraphs discuss separate words and particularities of the syntax of the passage. The new proposals include, among others: tupelija-'script, writing(s)', tupa 'images, reliefs', axa-'deed, exploit', ahata-'foundation, platform' (§3); hẽmen-'shooting, hunting' (§3); terñ 'when' (adverb with temporal function) (§4); zẽmtija 'formidable' (§5); nele 'acropolis' (§5); ese … tebe-/taba-'join with' (§6); tarbi = trbbi 'against' (§7); hbãt-'hoplite' (§8); uwe 'day' (§8). The most important historical implications of the new analysis concern Trbbẽnimi and Xerẽi, who are argued to be allies (not enemies) of the author, as well as Herikle, who is identified as a governor (sehaxlaza-) of Kaunos, connected with the Persian king. The resulting translation of the text is proposed in §11.

The paper revises phonetic interpretation of the Lydian letter 𐤣 traditionally transliterated as <d> and commonly read as ð. It is argued that the unconditioned phonetic development PIE *i̯ > ð claimed for Lydian, which is allegedly responsible for the complete loss of the palatal approximant in the language, represents from a phonetic-typological point of view a highly unlikely process. Instead, it is proposed that Lydian 𐤣 renders synchronic i̯ and its initial incorrect interpretation as <d> is due to the sporadical fortition of the Lydian approximant in the cluster -rj- > -rð-. The arguments for this are presented in the first part of the paper which analyzes the evidence of the Lydian phonetic system (§2), alphabet (§3) and synchronous onomastic evidence (§4). The second part of the paper deals with the issue arising from the re-definition of 𐤣 as <j> and discusses the development of PIE *d in Lydian. It is argued that Lydian demonstrates the phenomenon of lenition *d > i̯ in weak positions, which is contrasted with a development *d > l in strong positions and probable retention of PIE *d in clusters.

Autonomous civic coinage in Lycia during Hellenistic and Early Roman Imperial Periods. The page numbers in the pdf should be read as 769-787

Note that the coin in pic. 37 is not a coin of Rhodiapolis; I was mistaken about it because of the magistrate name on the coin. It belongs to Southern Italy.

The paper addresses the question of the presence of Anatolian influence in Early Greek (conventionally, about 1500–800 BC). The first part addresses methodological questions of language contact, such as mechanisms of linguistic interaction and the scale of borrowings. In the second part, eleven important cases of presumable Anatolian lexical borrowings in Greek are critically analyzed. The results of the analysis suggest that the Anatolian influence on the vocabulary of Early Greek was minimal (if any), which strongly speaks against the possibility of influences in morphology, phonetics or phraseology.

This paper deals with the etymology of the Lycian PN Trbbe͂nime/i-. It will be argued that it is composed of elements of Indo-European origin. Reference will be made to formal and semantic parallels from Anatolian languages of the 2nd and 1st millennia BC and from other Indo-European languages.

In this talk I analyse the group of words beginning with ml- of the Luwic languages (Lycian, CL, HL, Lydian, Carian). This group of words has both semantic and formal issues. As a work in progress, I focus in this talk on the base nouns and their derivatives, and I suggest an etymological interpretation that relates these lemmata with Hittite and Greek.

The Xanthos stele, a multilingual Lycian dynastic monument of the late 5th century BCE, testifies to the importance of diplomatic interaction between Xanthos’ rulers and Achaemenid Persian administrators in western Anatolia.  Yet the stele’s Persian references are unevenly and selectively distributed between its Lycian and Lycian B inscriptions, and entirely absent from its Greek epigram.  Amorges, a satrap’s son turned rebel, appears briefly in the Lycian and Lycian B texts, but scholars debate whether they present him as friend or foe of Xanthos; in contrast, the final section of the Lycian text celebrates the famous satrap Tissaphernes as an ally of Xanthos, but the Lycian B omits him entirely.  This paper analyzes the stele’s Persian content and proposes that its designers added the material on Tissaphernes in a late stage of composition, trying to exploit his patronage in the context of local dynastic politics.

In the present paper, it is argued that the Lycian word terñ previously interpreted as a substantive is in fact a conjunction. A syntactic analysis of the word across the corpus reveals that it is restricted to the position after the finite or, if applicable, non-finite verb. Afterwards, a passage of the inscription on the inscribed pillar of Xanthus, in which terñ is attested several times, is reinterpreted accordingly. The new syntactic and grammatical interpretation of the passage has contextual consequences regarding the political history of Lycia during the Peloponnesian War. Therefore, a new translation of TL 44a.41-55 shedding a different light on the relationship between the Lycian king Gergis, son of Harpagos, and the Lycian dynasts Trbbẽnimi and Xerẽi is offered and then discussed within the historical frame.

In the following paper, new meanings for the Lycian B words waxssa, mur(i)- (and murei(je)-) and tubur(i)- are suggested using the combinatorial and etymological methods. Additionally, a new translation of a large part of the mythological poem on the north side of the funerary pillar in Xanthos (TL 44c) is offered, including a grammatical annotation and a linguistic commentary. Subsequently, the repercussions on the military deeds of the Lycian king Gergis as well as on his relationship with the gods are addressed.

In this thesis, the finite verb in Lycian is described. All verbal endings and stems are analysed and given both a synchronic description and, to the maximum possible extent , a diachronic explanation. First, all verbal endings are gathered and described both generally and individually. Subsequently, the verbal stems are categorised into types according to stem formant (last segment(s) before the ending) and ending allo-morphy (e.g. lenited vs. unlenited). The last sections are devoted to a detailed individual treatment of all attested Lycian verbal stems. A schema is presented in which the established Lycian stem types are mapped to their original Proto-Indo-European types (section 4.6), e.g. Lyc. s-stems < PIE sḱé/ó-presents. Thereby, a comprehensive model is provided by which the Lycian finite verb may be understood in both its Anatolian and Indo-European context.

The first part of the paper (§§1-3) discusses phonetic reading of
Hieroglyphic Luwian word for ‘place/plot of land’ found in the form LOCUS- la/i-t- (vel sim.). It is argued that the spellings of the word are incompatible with the reading *pidant- traditionally assumed on the basis of Hittite evidence (peda- < PIE *pédo-). Instead, it is suggested that the Luwian word has to be read as alad-, representing probably a suffixal extension of root ala- (āla-), of which HLuw. alawa- may represent a further derivative. This suggestion allows one to re-address the thorny problem of precise meaning of Lycian terms alaha- and aladehali (§4), which can now be interpreted as ‘to let somebody (into) a place’ > ‘concede’ (= Greek συγχωρῆσαι) and ‘concession/transferral’ respectively. §5 addresses the problem of formal interpretation of aladehxxãne and argues for identification of a Lycian nominal suffix -(a)xa- likely connected with PIE *-eh2. The last part of the paper (§6) revisits the interpretation of term miñti- suggesting that it refers to ‘all adult (male) population of a polis’ and thus closely corresponds to Greek
δῆμος.

Abstract: In contemporary studies of the Antiquity, Milyas is usually identified as the “Lycian Highlands” or “Northern Lycia”. The Teke Peninsula was indeed also perceived in the Iron Age, -as though being a successor of the former land of Lukka, or as was the case with it being a Roman Province later- as Lycia as a whole; not piecewise, such as Lycia in the southern and western shores alone, as Solymos in the East, as Milyas in the Elmalı Plateau, and finally as the common Kabalian homeland in the Seki and Dirmil highlands. In this complicated picture, it is thus not possible to precisely define the borders of Milyas, which are also drawn variably by ancient literary sources; insomuch as there even being sources including part of Milyas in the borders of Phrygia. In the mythological tradition learned from Herodotos, Milyas is a land whose inhabitants are called the “Solym”. When Sarpedon came from Crete, the land becomes “Trmmis”; later changing into Lycia when Lykos the Athenian settled there. The equivalence of Milyas and Lycia is also reflected in the science of Epigraphy, wherein the literary language named Lycian-B is identified as “Milyan”; also fortifying this argument is the existence of the saddle roofed sarcophagi in Milyas, besides the tumuli being a common tomb type of the two regions. In this regard, the archaeological texture of Kabalis is not much different from that of Milyas, as opposed to Solymos which is different. While being separated by the Kragos mountain range, Milyas and Kabalis lived through similar cultures, as demonstrated by the prevalence of Lydian style pottery.
The scientific data presented above doesn’t satisfy a thorough scrutiny of the subject as proof for the equivalence of Milyas and Lycia. Lycian-B is found on two tomb inscriptions alone, one being from Xanthos, the other from Antiphellos; neither say anything about Milyas. Both the wooden architecture inspired houserock tombs, and saddle roofed sarcophagi are much less numerous than in Lycia, and exist only in the southern regions of Milyas closer to Lycia. The Tumuli have manifested under different influences in the two regions; those in Lycia bear Carian influence, whereas those in Milyas have Lydian influence; there is also Lycian influence
in Milyas, as observed in the mounds being formed of small fieldstones locally called “çağıl” (lit: pebble). Clearly, a Milyan tumulus type is created from three cultures: Lydia, Lycia and –through the Tumulus D in Elmalı-Phrygia; Ionic influence should also be added to this as observed on the wall frescoes of the tomb chambers. Persian influence is often limited to the dressing of the dynasts. The existence of the Tumulus in neighboring Pisidia, brought even closer by Arian’s naming “Pisidian Milyas”; and, while not being traditional, the rarity of rock tombs excluding the border cities of Termessos and Etenna, both coincide with Milyas; Pisidian style sarcophagi bearing shields and tabulae being present in Milyas, as in Solymos is definitive in artistic relations regarding tombs. Being among the most important settlements in Milyas, the dead-cult related outdoor rock sanctuaries of Dereboğaz are, through the similarity in the manner of worship observed in the types of structures, significant enough to provide evidence for a likewise similarity between the mentalities of the peoples. Because, stepped altars, niches, rock basins and stelae exist both in Lycia and Pisidia. The posthumous deification of the dynasts and noblemen interred in temple styled tombs is also common in these three regions. Cults of the Twelve Gods and Kakasbos are present both in Lycia and Milyas; depiction of hunt, battle and feast scenes is also a common concept. Strabon’s narration about the inhabitants of Kibyra noting that “they spoke Pisidian, Solymian and Lydian” was likely also valid for the neighbouring Milyas, with Lycian in addition to the aforementioned, and all were probably related through the Luwian people. The prehistoric periods of the peoples of the Teke Peninsula also carry traces of a common culture. There is even a similarity in “the interim of 1700-700 BC”, which has started being filled in Lycia recently.
Through derivations from my research, I as well came to know that: There exists a Milyas, which had strong relations with Lycia and Pisidia, the two neighbouring cultures and kinfolks on the Teke Peninsula, was open to influences from Lydia, the Phryg and the Ion, but was also distinct from them; and which was especially not “Northern Lycia” or the “Lycian Highlands” –as opposed to what’s presently prevalent.

This paper first reemphasizes a graphic and a morphological distinction between
the neuter stems in -aš- and stems in -ašša- (pl. tantum) in both Cuneiform and Hieroglyphic Luwian. Then, attention is turned to the existence of a Cuneiform Luwian common gender suffix -ašša- (c.), for which an inflectional, derivational and semantic analysis of its derivatives is offered. In the second part of the paper, a new consideration of the Lycian B suffix -asa- (c.) is presented, which sheds light on the meaning of two passages of the Xanthos Stele. As a result of these two analyses, CLuw. -ašša- (c.) and Lyc. B -asa- (c.) are etymologically equated and, thus, a new reconstruction is proposed. Overall, this paper provides additional information on the properties of the common gender suffix *-eh2 in the Anatolian branch of the Indo-European family.