National Security and Strategy

Hai-Nyzhnyk P., Chupriy L., Fihurnyi Y., Krasnodemska I., Chyrkov O. (2018). Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine: ethnonational dimension and civilizational confrontation. Saarbrucken (Germany): LAP Lambert Academic Publishing. 229 p.

The expert-analytical study analyzes the preconditions, course and contemporary socio-political consequences of the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and the Ukrainian nation, which has signs of not only direct and covert, but also inter-state conflict and even civilizational confrontation.

This essay will criticize the notion of terrorism and asserting the extremist morphology to prevail in the issue and its impact in the context of the international peace and security in the contemporary controversies.
It will weigh the actions and outcome as evident rather than quoting the statement or claimed vision as the ground analysis albeit contradictions should be exhibited for argument.

Over the past two decades, periodic strategic reviews have become a mainstay of U.S. national security policy making, as government officials have instituted quadrennial reviews at all of the major national security agencies. The outcomes of these reviews may influence whether or not the government is prepared for important challenges. Yet we have known little about whether quadrennial reviews lead the government to do anything differently. In this article I evaluate the outcomes of several quadrennial reviews by national security agencies, analyze the factors that have shaped their outcomes, and consider the value of formal strategic reviews more generally. I find that, in the absence of significant presidential involvement, quadrennial reviews rarely generate major strategy shifts or transformational reforms, but these reviews can help the leaders of agencies institutionalize their priorities by creating bureaucratic buy-in for incremental policy and organizational changes.

W artykule przedstawiono znaczenie Strategii Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego i jej wpływu na politykę państwa. Autor prezentuje znaczenie i etymologię słowa „strategia”, co jest wstępem do przedstawienia procesu jej przyjmowania na podstawie polskiego prawa. Po tym teoretycznym wstępie zostają krótko omówione Strategie Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego z 2007 i 2014 roku w Polsce, których głębsza analiza znajduje się w dalszej części artykułu. Analiza porównawcza koncentruje się na zagadnieniach, takich jak: sytuacja międzynarodowa i jej wpływ na bezpieczeństwo, problem Rosji, polityka energetyczna, zagrożenia w cyberprzestrzeni, współpraca administracji i mediów w sytuacji kryzysowej. Zapisy strategii są konfrontowane z innymi aktami prawnymi i wydarzeniami

Artykuł dotyczy miejsca zarządzania kryzysowego w systemie bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Artykuł zawiera opinie na temat systemu bezpieczeństwa narodowego opublikowane w Białej Księdze Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, analizę sytuacji kryzysowej w rozumieniu ustawy z dnia 26 kwietnia 2007 r. o zarządzaniu kryzysowym oraz porównanie z zagrożeniami codziennymi i zagrożeniami nadzwyczajnymi.

This paper serves as an analysis of the Russian Federation's (RF) strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) as they relate to the 2021 Russian National Security Strategy and the relationship between the RF and the United States. This paper uses the SWOT analysis to justify recommended changes to US-RF national security strategy and foreign policy, toward stabilizing US-RF relations and reassuring American allies. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that the U.S. must continue to perceive the RF as a long-term challenger to U.S. interests and the sovereignty of its allies, and must therefore enact both hard and soft power policies over the long term that reassure American allies, and solidify American hegemony in Europe. Furthermore, this paper frames the recommended U.S. responses in the Christian Worldview, illustrating the applicability of Scripture to the US-RF national security and foreign policy posture.

National security is of paramount importance for North Korea due to the continuous hostilities between North and South Korea and the external threats posed by other nations. The military tension between North and South Korea has increased significantly with the launch of North Korea’s third nuclear test in February 2013. North Korea has attempted to justify and legitimize its nuclearization process as a self-defense mechanism which is essential for national security. 

Even though national security is defined at three different levels: individual, the state, and the international system, in North Korea, individual level gains priority over the others since the regime maintenance of the Kims is considered to be a critical factor in the nation’s survival. North Korean aspiration for reunification, considered to be achievable partially by reducing U.S. influence on the Korean Peninsula, and its commitment to perpetuating the Kim family regime has remained unchanged since the nation’s founding in 1948. But, the strategies to achieve the same have evolved significantly which has resulted in its nuclearization process posing a security challenge for the United States and its allies.

The objective of the study was to identify and assess different types of risks caused by North Korea’s national security strategy which will have an impact on the development of North Korea. Secondary data was used to identify the various risks. These risks were assessed using a risk assessment matrix.
It was revealed that certain strategic measures such as the high resource allocation for defense activities are extremely high risks posing an adverse threat to the economic growth of North Korea. Several other high, moderate and low risks were also identified. Based on the findings of the risk identification and assessment process, it is evident that North Korea’s national goal of building a “Strong and Prosperous State” has become a challenge.

Key words: National security, nuclearization process, development, strategy, risk

This essay analyses the new Strategic Defense Concept, approved in April 2013 and, according to the National Defense Law, brought into force by a Resolution of the Council of Ministers. It describes the contents and the language used, noting the confusion raised by some expressions like “concept of national strategic action” and “national security and defense strategy”, that go beyond a strategic defense concept, which is what the law commands the Government to do. These expressions suggest an aim to merge internal security and defense, diverging from the constitutional model. It also analyses the absence of an enemy or threatening wills against Portugal, that make the text too long and obscure, when it should establish priorities about resource allocation when resources fall short for all demands. Lastly, it recommends the replacement of the NDI by a new multidisciplinary national
institute of security and strategy, to study security in its multiple dimensions and in an integrated way.

RESUMO: Com a saída dos militares do centro do governo e o fim da guerra fria ganha corpo um debate sobre o papel das Forças Armadas no Brasil contemporâneo. Nessa direção, o presente trabalho começa abordando o que se convencionou chamar de crise de identidade militar como uma porta de entrada à análise da construção de novas missões de ordem e segurança internas pela instituição militar no panorama pós-guerra fria. Ao lado disso, com uma agenda específica para as Forças Armadas latino-americanas, os EUA passaram a propugnar e pressionar o envolvimento dos militares em tarefas policiais rotineiras em detrimento da clássica função de defesa externa. Dentro desse quadro mais amplo, a "Operação Rio" foi utilizada como importante teste crítico às forças sociais interessadas na questão da participação das FFAA em missões de tipo policial. Efetivamente, ela viria a abrir as portas a uma participação mais ativa dos militares nas mais distintas missões ligadas à temática interna durante o primeiro governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, com a definição prática de uma missão militar de ordem interna e o início da superação da crise de identidade militar então existente. Tal como está configurada hoje, a missão militar acha-se assentada em bases precárias, sendo o principal traço a destacar o da manutenção da vocação interna, sobretudo por intermédio do Exército.

Queria começar pelo mais evidente. A protecção do território nacional ao longo, e no interior, da única fronteira continental que temos enquanto Estado, continua a ser uma prioridade óbvia. E continuará certamente a sê-lo por muito tempo, visto não serem previsíveis grandes mudanças, para além das que já ocorreram, nesses âmbitos. Tal como o é a defesa das nossas mais complexas fronteiras marítimas, das águas territoriais às zonas económicas exclusivas que nos couberam depois de Montego Bay, em redor da orla litoral do continente e, em pontilhado, à volta dos arquipélagos da Madeira e dos Açores. Em termos também "convencionais", mas estes desta feita comparativamente recentes, temos agora responsabilidades acrescidas noutros perímetros de segurança e defesa mais instáveis, mais distantes e menos óbvios: os da União Europeia, os do espaço Schengen, e os da NATO. Não são de prever realinhamentos políticogeográficos que alterem muito, atenuem, ou esbatam, essas incumbências.

Рущин Д. А. Проблемы и перспективы развития искусственного интеллекта в России // Медиа в современном мире. 59-е Петербургские чтения: сб.матер. Междунар. научн. форума (9–12 ноября 2020 г.) / отв. ред.В. В. Васильева. В 3-х т. Т. 2. — СПбГУ. 2020. — 264 с. С. 254 - 256.
Развитие искусственного интеллекта становится важным приоритетом национального развития России. Однако шансы страны догнать лидеров (США, Китай, Японию и Великобританию) весьма маловероятны. При наличии политической воли и достаточного финансирования Россия может стать крупным игроком в сфере искусственного интеллекта и добиться лидерства по отдельным направлениям. Работа выполнена при поддержке гранта СПбГУ 26520757.
The development of artificial intelligence is becoming an important priority for Russia's national development. However, the country's chances of catching up with the leaders (USA, China, Japan and UK) are highly unlikely. If there are political will and sufficient funding, Russia can become a major player in the field of artificial intelligence and achieve leadership in certain areas. The work was supported by the SPBU grant 26520757.

An interesting challenge to the study of public argument presents itself in the expert debate surrounding the two National Security Strategies of the George W. Bush administration: NSS 2002 and NSS 2006. While NSS 2002 had been lambasted by several politically moderate foreign policy experts as a dangerous
break with America’s foreign policy tradition, NSS 2006 was heralded as a near complete reversal of the previous strategy. What makes this especially curious is the fact that both NSSs contain largely identical language and explicit arguments. This disconnect can be explained by turning to the text of the 2006 document. Ultimately, I argue that NSS 2006 effectively disarmed opposition to several of the foreign policy strategies of the Bush administration through the deployment of the “field-specific” ideograph of “democracy promotion.” While a traditional
ideograph finds much of its power in its lack of substantive content, the function is reversed in the case of NSS 2006. It is precisely because of the high degree of conceptual sophistication surrounding the theme of democracy promotion in the text that the administration was able to diffuse expert criticism of its policies. Given the importance that expert debate holds for reasoned public argument, the implications for this analysis are considerable.

Este livro é um contributo para a expansão dos estudos de informações e de segurança na Universidade, realizado na perspectiva da História do Presente e sobretudo através da aplicação da técnica da open sources intelligence (osint), reunindo uma selecção de cerca de 230 artigos publicados semanalmente entre 2004 e 2007, de modo ininterrupto, em dois meios de comunicação social de grande tiragem: num jornal económico diário e numa revista semanal de actualidades. No jornal tratava-se de uma coluna intitulada "Informações Estratégicas" e na revista de uma página intitulada "Fronteiras", a qual, para além do artigo, continha também uma secção designada "Secretas" com três notícias breves sobre serviços de informações estrangeiros ou com estes relacionadas.

This Master Thesis concentrates on the figure of Zbigniew Brzezinski, a Polish immigrant who distinguished himself for his role as a pillar of American foreign policy. After he emerged in the new American foreign policy elite as a  respected academic devoted to the study of the Soviet Union, he was appointed National Security Adviser during the Carter administration, from 1977 to 1981. Although it is true that his official experience at the White House was relatively short, it can be said that he stayed way longer behind the scenes of American foreign policymaking. Indeed, he was considered a precious adviser since 1956, when Hubert Humphrey asked his opinion concerning the USSR, and still in 2010 when Obama consulted him on the American policy toward the Middle East. During his whole career, Brzezinski advised all the American presidents, except George W. Bush.
In order to complete my research, I had the opportunity to visit Washington D.C. There, particularly in the Library of Congress, I collected most of my bibliographical and archived resources. Even though Brzezinski’s papers are not available for consultation, as requested by its donors, I took the best of my experience in Washington D.C through many interviews. I had the opportunity to meet with members of the academic world and people who worked with Brzezinski like William Quandt, Jessica Tuchman Mathews and David Shambaugh. Furthermore, I had the amazing chance to interview Zbigniew Brzezinski’s son: Mark. All of them had been extremely precious to me.
Since there is only a small portion of literature dedicated to his extraordinary career, the aim of this thesis is to give Zbigniew Brzezinski the attention he deserves and to let him be fairly remembered for the incredible successes he achieved despite the great difficulties of his times as National Security Adviser.
Surely, the main reason that guided the research was the curiosity of understanding what made him so unique and influential. First and foremost, Zbigniew Brzezinski, in light of his sixty-years of activity in American foreign policy, was often considered a controversial figure. Why? After all, he had always been so coherent with his ideas and he never gone off his rails. After months of research, it is possible to come to the conclusion that neither his convictions nor his personality were controversial. What really made him appear controversial was how he presented his point of view. Indeed, sometimes a bit quick in reaching his conclusions, he was so explicit and straightforward that his directness and bluntness were confused with being controversial.
Then, this first trait is strictly tied to the following: he was politically independent. Usually, politicians do not explain issues as they actually are; they prefer to be more “politically correct” and to beat around the bush without going to the real core. Brzezinski was not like that. He was an academic, not a politician, and he cared about the United States’ role in the international system, not about gaining votes and being re-elected. He did not stick always with the same party. The former National Security Adviser was more attached to ideas rather than political dynamics. His political independence also emerged concerning military interventions: he was neither a hawk nor a dove. Every decision strictly depended on the circumstances. On the one hand, he was a hawk concerning the Soviet Union, Vietnam, Bosnia, Kosovo and Libya. On the other, he was a dove concerning the Gulf War, Iraq, Iran and Syria. His opinions were not driven by political colors.
Moreover, a further characteristic that made him exceptional was his Strategic Vision which was also the title of his last book. He was extremely accurate in anticipating possible evolutions of geopolitical issues, and that was why he had a precise method for elaborating strategies: he used to determine specific goals and priorities, considering contextual variables and describing what, in his opinion, the United States should do in the long, medium and short-run.
Furthermore, another curiosity that guided this thesis is related to Carter’s foreign policy. Indeed, it is commonly remembered as weak and ineffective, leaving a sense of failure in the collective memory. Why a four-year-long Presidency, characterized by several concrete successes, disappointed the public opinion? After all, compared to other administrations, Carter achieved goals that no other President ever achieved. Even though President Clinton tried, no other President managed to accomplish something like the Camp David summit in all its concreteness. The return of the Panama Canal and the Normalization of diplomatic relations with China left to President Reagan a pretty stable relationship with both Latin America and China, although he had fiercely opposed such initiatives. It is possible to state that the successes of the Carter administration concerning foreign policy are generally underestimated. On the contrary, the disastrous management of the Iran Hostage Crisis, although it surely was an enormous humiliation, is often remembered as the reason why Carter’s presidency is remembered as a failure. It is fair to forget about all the good things because of a huge mistake?
The thesis is organized into five chapters. The first is an introductive chapter which focuses on Zbigniew Brzezinski’s background: his education in Canada, his experience as an academic, his rise in the American foreign policy elite, the main differences with Henry Kissinger, the foundation of the Trilateral Commission and his political experiences before the Carter administration. Additionally, this chapter will analyze the role of his Polish origins in his life and thinking.
After a brief historical introduction, the second chapter analyzes Brzezinski’s relation with President Jimmy Carter, with the main members of the inner circle and the relation between him and his National Security Council’s team. It points out how Brzezinski interpreted the role of National Security Adviser, and why he became so crucial in the decision-making process, dedicating considerable attention to his mutual respect with Carter, and to the rivalry with the Secretary of State Cyrus Vance.
The third chapter is essentially the core of this research. This section takes into account Brzezinski’s impact in the most relevant regional issues faced by the Carter administration: his view, what he did to solve the issue, and the points of clash and agreement with Cyrus Vance. I decided to analyze the issues, proceeding by geographical areas in order to present the topic as clearly as possible.
The next chapter, the fourth, focuses only on Brzezinski and Poland during and after his role as National Security Adviser. The aim is to understand what he did for his original motherland in terms of relations with the United States and in supporting Poland’s evolution to a world democracy. The analysis focuses mainly on Brzezinski’s relationship with Pope John Paul II, the United States’ role during the Polish crisis of 1980-1982, and on Brzezinski’s activities in supporting Poland’s political and economic evolution, that led to NATO’s Enlargement, eagerly desired by the former National Security Adviser.
The fifth chapter draws a balance sheet of Brzezinski’s role as National Security Adviser. Then, it analyzes Brzezinski’s activity in the post-Carter period and his contribution as an unofficial adviser to other Presidents as George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton and Barak Obama, and his considerations concerning their failures and successes as Presidents. The chapter will also focus on his opposition to the war in Iraq and the Bush junior’s policies in general.
In other words, offering his vision and advice since the Sixties, Zbigniew Brzezinski established himself as a pillar of American foreign policy strategy. It is clear that, not only through his service at the White House, but also thanks to his career as an academic, he influenced how the United States approached foreign affairs. From Kennedy to Obama, almost every American President asked for his advice and support, showing that the value of his ideas was so strong that it did not depend on the time or the political trends. His opinion was always worth. Zbigniew Brzezinski’s vocation was to share and offer his ideas aiming to serve a good cause: America’s cause.
On May 26th, 2017, Zbigniew Brzezinski died peacefully at the age of 89. It is hard to imagine another country of the world where a Polish immigrant, armed only with his education, politeness and respect, could climb the social hierarchies up to one of the most powerful buildings of the world: the White House. It is inevitable to see how much the United States gave to Zbigniew Brzezinski in terms of opportunities and life-goals, it is less visible, but still clear, to see how he oversaw the United States’ journey through the so-called American century.

The emergence of the Internet has brought both advantages and threats. As countries become more border-less, cyber attacks or cyber-based threats are becoming more increased yearly, as easily as dropping a Trojan horse into a computer network, or crippling the entire service infrastructure of a nation. Cyberplanning is a method used to anticipate any cyber situation, be it pre-attack, during the attack and post-attack. This paper will look at the role of Cyberplanning in a nation’s resilience, and provide an idea or concept on national defense and security.

Hypersonic weapons have recently become a very popular leitmotif of the debates concerning national security of many nation-states and international security as a whole. Hypersonics technology gets attention mainly because it is often supposed to alter the existing strategic balance. Therefore, on the one hand, the new weapons systems have been loudly advertised by Russia which claims to have achieved a virtual invincibility thanks to this wunderwaffe. On the other hand, in the U.S., and to a lesser extent in the other Western countries, there is a chorus of alarming voices calling for higher funding and quicker pace of research and development (R&D) efforts to develop their own hypersonic weapons and to create capabilities to counter the enemy’s systems of that sort. In addition, China has its own vast and secretive weapons development program, hypersonic missiles included. It is, therefore, worth to review this issue and try to grasp a real impact of the new but steadily maturing technologies on international security.
You will find FULL TEXT .pdf under the link zbn.inp.uj.edu.pl below.

This book addresses the ‘blank sheet of paper’ problem. When given a blank sheet of paper and asked to imagine a new grand strategy or to revise or even critique an existing one where should you start? There is no other book that answers this question. There are many books and articles on the history of specific grand strategies and numerous others that advocate a particular grand strategy that a specific nation – usually America – should adopt. None however, take an approach that can be easily applied to new and emerging grand strategy problems of any country or organization. Illustrating this, the book’s case studies examine various grand strategies of a uniquely diverse range of countries and organizations to reveal why they succeeded - or not. The book is deliberately designed to allow busy people to understand and apply grand strategy to solve complex, real world problems. Drawing on recent studies in cognition, and integrating contemporary international relations theories, the book develops a lucid and structured way for us to think better about grand strategy.(https://www.amazon.com/Grand-Strategy-Peter-Layton/dp/0648279308  ...    ....    ..... 

                                                                    BOOK REVIEWS
“Peter Layton’s work [represents] a new wave in the conceptualisation of grand strategy… [He] has made a valuable contribution to the grand strategic literature by avoiding the usual policy prescription [approach] in favour of elucidating how a policymaker may think about conceptualising and then practising grand strategy. The focus on how to think rather than on what…grand strategy to pursue is undoubtedly and ultimately a far more productive perspective on grand strategy. For those interested in improving the practice of grand strategy or foreign policy, this is a highly recommended work.” --- Lukas Milevski, author of The Evolution of Modern Grand Strategic Thought, reviewing the book in The RUSI Journal, July 2018: https://doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2018.1494922        ...      ...      ...   


"It is unlikely that any single book will ever fully crack the code in this field, however, Grand Strategy is a truly admirable, compact, and highly readable contribution, displaying a deft and capable heft of Occam’s Razor. Layton meets the reader on familiar theoretical grounds but then pushes them toward new corners of the field, all while avoiding the temptation of telling them exactly how to get to their destination. This is a guide for exploring strategic vistas in a world of constantly shifting summit heights, not directions to a single, static, and mostly mythical grand strategy peak."  Lt. Col. Dave Lyle, USAF in SSQ: Strategic Studies Quarterly, 26 December 2018, https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/SSQ/Book-Reviews/Article/1721212/grand-strategy/

Strategia Națională de Apărare a Țării pentru perioada 2015-2019  (SNAp) și Hotărârea CSAT nr. 128 din 10 decembrie 2015 privind adoptarea Ghidului Strategiei Naționale de Apărare a Țării pentru perioada 1015-2019 (Ghidul) au prevăzut corupția atât ca risc, cât și ca vulnerabilitate, incluzând-o în conceptul de securitate extinsă și proiectând direcții de acțiune (DA) în sarcina autorităților publice responsabile (APR), în ciuda rezervelor și opozițiilor din spațiul public. Ceea ce s-a dorit a fi România și ceea ce a ajuns, ca urmare a securitizării corupției, vom încerca să explicăm în prezenta lucrare.

Neste breve ensaio relaciona-se o "conceito estratégico nacional" com o planeamento militar. Começa por clarificar a perspetiva do autor sobre o que entende por "conceito estratégico nacional", abordando também a sua evolução histórica. Trata em seguida a questão do planeamento estratégico militar, caracterizando o seu objeto - o instrumento militar - e sua importância. Nesse âmbito, distingue o planeamento de circunstância do planeamento a prazo, caraterizando genericamente ambas as formas. Em jeito de breve apontamento, apresenta um modelo de boas práticas de planeamento e avaliação estratégica, em uso nos Estados Unidos da América, onde são identificadas os seis requisitos desejáveis para uma estratégia exequível, adequada e aceitável. Por fim, relaciona o conceito estratégico nacional com o planeamento militar, concluindo que existência de um conceito estratégico nacional seria útil.

The IC's history is one of competiveness among the DoD intelligence agencies, the FBI, and the CIA.  The government has studied organizational issues and modified the IC multiple times, including enhancing the powers of the chief intelligence official.  Vignettes are provided detailing specific incidents of intelligence failure that resulted from or were enhanced by an IC unwilling to work together.

Bu çalışma, küresel ve bölgesel şartların değişimiyle oluşan yeni bağlamın güçlü oyuncularından birisi olan Rusya Federasyonu'nun Putin dönemi ulusal güvenlik stratejilerini inceleyerek Rusya'nın Suriye krizine dahil olmasını ele alacaktır. Bu doğrultuda, özellikle Rusya Devlet Başkanı Vladimir Putin döneminde oluşturulan 2000, 2009 ve 2015 güvenlik strateji belgelerini siyasi, askeri, enerji ve ekonomi odağıyla inceleyecektir. Rusya'nın kısa ve uzun vadede belirlediği hedefler, bu hedefleri gerçekleştirmeye yönelik kullanılan araçlar üzerinden bölgesel ve küresel konjonktürel gelişmelerin ışığında bir sentez oluşturulacaktır. Ayrıca, Rusya Federasyonu'nun ulusal güvenlik belgesinde belirlediği tehditler de ele alınarak, RF'nin Suriye'ye girmesinin nedenleri, Putin dönemi hazırlanan ulusal güvenlik strateji belgeleri ekseninde değerlendirilecektir. Genel olarak, RF'nin Suriye krizine dahil olmasının oluşturulan güvenlik strateji belgeleriyle bağlantılı olup olmadığı ve yıllar içinde belgelerde olan dönüşümde Suriye'nin konumuna odaklanılacaktır.

ÖZET

Ulusal güvenlik, her devletin kendini risk ve tehditlere karşı koruyacak bir önleyici sisteminin kurulması olarak adlandırılabilir. Güvenlik kavramı ilk konuşulduğu zamanlarda daha çok askeri anlamda kullanılmıştır ve güvenlik sadece askerlerin ilgi alanına giren bir konu gibi görülmüştür. Ancak günümüzde güvenlik belki de askerlerden çok sivillerin ele aldığı bir konu olmuştur. Güvenli bir ortam yaratmak için belirli şartların sağlanması esastır. Bu şartları her devlet kendisi için sağlamaya çalışınca ortaya  güvenlik ikilemi çıkmaktadır. Bu sebeple ulusal güvenlik stratejileri hazırlamak her devletin kendi güvenliği için gerekli gördüğü şartları sağlamaya yönelik bir yol haritasıdır. Ayrıca bu haritada sadece hedef ve hedefe giden yol değil, engeller ve tehditler de işaretlidir. Küreselleşen dünyada hem realist hem de idealist paradigmalar açısından ulusal güvenlik stratejisi hazırlamak farklı anlamlara gelmektedir. İdealist açıdan bakıldığında daha küresel olması gereken bu belgeler realist açıdan anarşik uluslararası ortamda varolabilmek için çıkarcı olması gerekmektedir. Ulusal güvenlik strateji belgeleri her devlet tarafından yayınlanmamaktadır. Bu çalışmada bilgi güvenilirliği ve tarafsızlık sağlanabilmesi maksadıyla devletlerin resmi olarak yayınladıkları ulusal güvenlik stratejileri incelenecektir. Ayrıca ABD, Rusya, AB ve Almanya gibi büyük güçlerin ve Türkiye’ye sınır komşusu olan bir ülke olan Ermenistan’ın ulusal güvenlik strateji belgelerinin karşılaştırmalı bir analizi yapılacaktır. Bu analiz yapılırken Türkiye’nin ulusal güvenlik strateji belgesi yerine adlandırılan Milli Güvenlik Siyaset Belgesi ile ilgili haber kaynaklarından edinildiği bilgi kadarıyla kıyaslama yapılacaktır.

ABSTRACT

National security can be defined as a preventive system that every state builds up to protect itself from risks and threats. Security as a concept has been used in military means when it was first discussed and was seen as an issue within the military interests. However, it is an issue that is discussed between civilians more than soldiers today. Providing certain conditions to create a safe environment is essential. When every state tries to provide these security conditions for itself there occurs security dilemma. Therefore, to prepare each state's national security strategy is a roadmap to provide the conditions necessary for their security. Also on this map not only the aims and the destination but also the obstacles and threats are marked. In globalized world preparing national security strategies means different in realist or idealist paradigm. In idealist paradigm these documents should be more global but in realist paradigm they should be seeking for their self-interests in anarchic international order. National security strategy documents are not issued by every state. In this paper only officially published national security strategies were examined in order to ensure information reliability and objectivity. In addition, the national security strategies of the great powers like US, Russia, EU, Germany and Armenia, a country which borders Turkey, were analyzed comparatively. For comparison for Turkey, information acquired from news sources about National Security Policy Document was used instead of National Security Strategy Document.

Türkiye’deki Uluslararası İlişkiler (Uİ) çalışmalarının gelişimini, mevcut durumunu, temel özelliklerini, küresel Uİ disiplini içerisindeki konumunu ve bu alanda çalışanların küresel, bölgesel ve ulusal gündemdeki temel meselelere ilişkin tutumlarını anlayabilmek ve açıklayabilmek amacıyla, daha önce 2007 ve 2009’da Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi (UİK) tarafından gerçekleştirilen anket çalışmalarını takiben, bu sefer ABD’deki Institute for the Theory and Practice of International Relations at the College of William and Mary tarafından 2004’den bu yana sürdürülen Teaching, Research and International Politics – TRIP anketiyle işbirliği yapılarak, 2011 yılında Eğitim, Araştırma ve Uluslararası Politika Anketi– 2011 gerçekleştirildi. Bu rapor, anket çalışmasının sonuçlarını küresel ve Türkiye ölçeğinde karşılaştırmalı olarak sunmayı hedeflemiştir. Raporda sonuçlar, Uİ yazınında sözü edilen dünyada Uİ alanında Batının merkez ülkelerinin teori ürettiği, diğer ülkelerin ise yerel konularda uzmanlarla veri sağladıkları bir işlevsel merkez/çevre bölünmesinin olduğu iddiasını test edecek şekilde düzenlenmiştir.

Increasingly, contemporary operations take place in a complex environment involving a number of local actors. There have been numerous attempts to make sense of this environment. Influence operations, for example, tend to classify local forces as friendly, neutral, adversary, or enemy. Many field officers prefer a ‘traffic light’ model, according to which local actors are classified green, amber (or yellow), or red based on their place on a spectrum of friendliness to hostility. Still others use a system of green, blue, red, yellow, and white. These characterisations of actors within the human terrain of a given situation can be highly problematic and hinder operational effectiveness. Although they are an improvement on the simple binary of ‘friendly’ or ‘hostile’ that preceded them, they share the same fundamental flaw; a presupposition that actors relate to each other in a binary manner, occupying only one point on the spectrum. While these means of classification allow for complexity of issues and motivations, at a fundamental level, they still assume that there are those who are hostile and those who are friendly. In this way, they neglect the concept of aligned motivation. This paper employs historical cases to demonstrate the problems of this neglect and suggests the basis for a new system.

Cyberspace is everywhere in today’s world and has significant implications not only for global economic activity, but also for international politics and transnational social relations. This compilation addresses for the first time the “cyberization” of international relations - the growing dependence of actors in IR on the infrastructure and instruments of the internet, and the penetration of cyberspace into all fields of their activities. The volume approaches this topical issue in a comprehensive and interdisciplinary fashion, bringing together scholars from disciplines such as IR, security studies, ICT studies and philosophy as well as experts from everyday cyber-practice.

The Caspian Project is a weekly digital magazine organized by the online analytical resource, Modern Diplomacy. Dr. Matthew Crosston is the Senior Editor of the project, which aims to acquaint people with this critically undervalued region of the world. The analyses go far beyond the standard issue of energy and encapsulates economics, politics, culture, religion, global affairs, conflict and peace.

The 10th edition of The Caspian Project is now out and it has several unique distinctions: it is the first edition with an editorial introduction and takes a more holistic and adversarial approach to investigating Iran's entrance into the global community given the recent nuclear accord. It is a great example of the diversity and discord that exists in global affairs, testifying to how there is no one single simple answer to such complex interactions within the international system.

Subliminally, the various strategic review processes have been about the type of military/security force that the Trinidad and Tobago Defence Force has become, will always be, or alternatively should not be limited to. There is a need to grapple with and bound the strategic challenges associated with gauging the ambitions or short-sightedness of policy approaches to Trinidad and Tobago’s national security outlook.

Bu çalışmada, toplumunun tarihsel olarak kendine özgü bir güvenlik tanımlaması çerçevesinde inşa edildiğini söyleyebileceğimiz Türkiye' de güvenlik ve strateji kültürünün temel dayanakları, gelişimi ve uygulanışı ele alınacaktır. Bu bağlamda öncelikle Türkiye'nin güvenlik algılamalarının tarihi ve jeopolitik alt yapısına bakılacak, ardından, Türkiye' deki güvenlik kavramsallaştırması ile bu süreci etkileyen unsurlardan birisi olarak TSK'nın oynadığı rol ve Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesinin ardından yaşanan sistemsel dönüşümün etkileri analiz edilecektir. Ayrıca, Türkiye' deki kurumsal güvenlik yapılanması ile bu yapılanmanın akademik alandaki güvenlik kavramsallaştırması üzerindeki etkileri de incelenecektir. Son olarak, Soğuk Savaş'ın ardından değişmeye başlayan güvenlik anlayışı, uygulanan güvenlik politikalarıyla birlikte analiz edilecektir.

If you spend some time listening to reputable news shows all across the West you will start to notice several recurring ‘interpretations’ that explain all things Russian and Vladimir Putin. Rather than being enlightening about this complex country and perhaps even more complex leader, a series of increasingly incredulous ‘pop-psychology-analyses’ emerge instead. What follows are just five of the most commonly touted, with subsequent breakdowns for those who wish to read more accurate alternative considerations:

We are experiencing a technical revolution in biotechnology that will change the way we live as much as any technological advance in human history. Advances in gene sequencing, gene editing, and gene synthesis have shifted our relationship with the building blocks of life. This new science, synthetic biology, is in its early stages but has already created distinct threats and opportunities in US national security. It promises advances in materials science, manufacturing, logistics, sensor technology, medicine, health care, and human augmentation while simultaneously increasing the possibility and severity of man-made pandemics through unintended consequences in genetic experiments or improved bioweapons. This article proposes a National Strategy for Synthetic Biology (NSSB) to defend the homeland and promote American strength by building security into synthetic biology and by making synthetic biology an investment priority. The United States can achieve greater security by regulating and controlling synthetic biology to prevent unintended consequences while investing in people and industries to maintain a security advantage in the field.

Cyber security is one of the burning issues in modern world. Increased IT infrastructure has given rise to enormous chances of security breach. Bangladesh being a relatively new member of cyber security arena has its own demand and appeal. Digitalization is happening in Bangladesh for last few years at an appreciable rate. People are being connected to the worldwide web community with their smart devices. These devices have their own vulnerability issues as well as the data shared over the internet has a very good chances of getting breached. Common vulnerability issues like infecting the device with malware, Trojan, virus are on the rise. Moreover, a lack of proper cyber security policy and strategy might make the existing situation at the vulnerable edge of tipping point. Hence the upcoming new infrastructures will be at a greater risk if the issues are not dealt with at an early age. In this paper common vulnerability issues including their recent attacks on cyber space of Bangladesh, cyber security strategy and need for data privacy policy is discussed and analysed briefly.

İstanbul Ticaret Üniversitesi Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler öğretim üyesi ve SETA Strateji Araştırmaları masası direktörü olan Hasan Basri Yalçın, uluslararası ilişkiler teorisi üzerine yaptığı orijinal çalışmalarının yanı sıra, strateji alanında da literatürdeki eksikleri tamamlayan eserler ortaya koymaya devam etmektedir. Ele alınan bu kitapta yazar, Birleşmiş Milletler (BM) Güvenlik Konseyi’nin beş daimi üyesinin son iki ulusal güvenlik stratejisi belgelerini analiz etmektedir. Bu doğrultuda ABD’nin 2006 ve 2010’daki, İngiltere’nin 2008 ve 2010’daki, Fransa’nın 2008 ve 2013’deki, Rusya’nın 2000 ve 2009’daki, son olarak da Çin’in 2011 ve 2015’deki ulusal güvenlik belgeleri çalışmanın konuları haline getirilmiştir.

Cyber security is one of the burning issues in modern world. Increased IT infrastructure has given rise to enormous chances of security breach. Bangladesh being a relatively new member of cyber security arena has its own demand and appeal. Digitalization is happening in Bangladesh for last few years at an appreciable rate. People are being connected to the worldwide web community with their smart devices. These devices have their own vulnerability issues as well as the data shared over the internet has a very good chances of getting breached. Common vulnerability issues like infecting the device with malware, Trojan, virus are on the rise. Moreover, a lack of proper cyber security policy and strategy might make the existing situation at the vulnerable edge of tipping point. Hence the upcoming new infrastructures will be at a greater risk if the issues are not dealt with at an early age. In this paper common vulnerability issues including their recent attacks on cyber space of Bangladesh, cyber security strategy and need for data privacy policy is discussed and analysed briefly.

A recent article in the National Security Journal provides a quantitative assessment of the threats from drones in New Zealand.1 The present article builds upon that risk assessment to develop a counter-drone strategy for New Zealand. Selected literature is reviewed to identify the key elements of a security strategy. The approaches adopted to countering drones by New Zealand and its Five Eyes partners are then reviewed. Australia and Canada have adopted limited measures that allow radio jamming of drones by Federal police. The United Kingdom has published an explicit strategy that will allow for organisations other than law enforcement to act against drones. The United States does not have a published strategy but has enacted legislation allowing counter-drone action. The Civil Aviation Bill recently introduced in New Zealand proposes counter-drone powers for law enforcement. The strategy developed in this article is compared with the provisions in that Bill and recommendations are provided for improving that legislation.

Este artigo sobre cultura estratégica e estudos estratégicos visa valorizar as questões levantadas pelo Professor Doutor Luís Kandjimbo no seu texto, "Para Uma Cultura Estratégica Angolana", publicado no Jornal de Angola do dia 25 de Julho de 2021.

L'Italia ha bisogno di rinnovare il suo comparto Intelligence? Perché costruire un Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale sul modello statunitense potrebbe essere vantaggioso per l'Italia?

A queste e a molte altre domande rispondiamo nel paper di ricerca intitolato “Un Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale per l'Italia” scritto in collaborazione con Italia Strategic Governance (ISG) e Starting Finance Club Roma Tre

The overall objective of the paper is to examine how states that face an overarching (perceived) existential threat may be at a disadvantage when developing their National Security Strategies (NSS). The main hypothesis is that states facing an overarching threat tend to focus almost exclusively on that and may subsequently ignore or under-estimate other potential great threats, while at the same time they may miss out on opportunities to enhance their domestic, and even regional, security and geopolitical standing. A secondary hypothesis aims to test whether these myopic situations develop due to the sociopolitical expectations for a single-issue NSS focus. Furthermore, being an EU Member State may potentially exacerbate a false sense of both insecurity (from the overarching threat) and security (from other potential threats). This raises questions on i) whether the EU is in a position to understand the localized security perceptions and thus provide the necessary support to mitigate those fears, and ii) whether it can act as a security provider, not only in real terms (point i), but also by re-orienting the Member States’ view of security and threats.

(. . .) Το βασικό μήνυμα αυτού του τόμου είναι ότι για να μπορέσει η χώρα μας να επιβιώσει τον ερχόμενο αιώνα στο διεθνές σύστημα, πρέπει να αυξήσει την ανταγωνιστικότητά της, τόσο στο οικονομικό, όσο και στο στρατιωτικό πεδίο. Ο εικοστός πρώτος αιώνας θα είναι επώδυνος για όσους δεν καταφέρουν να ανταγωνιστούν με επιτυχία. Οι χώρες που θα βγουν «κερδισμένες» από τον εικοστό πρώτο αιώνα θα πρέπει να σχεδιάσουν την «υψηλή τους στρατηγική» με μακροχρόνια προοπτική και να εξειδικεύσουν και σε άλλους τομείς πέρα από την εξωτερική πολιτική και άμυνα, όπως ο βιομηχανικός και τεχνολογικός σχεδιασμός. (. . .) (ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ ΤΗΣ ΕΚΔΟΣΗΣ)

O presente trabalho busca compreender como o poder e a percepção de ameaças estão relacionados à organização interna e à construção de uma coerência estratégica, apresentando a hipótese de que quanto maior o alcance da percepção de ameaça-tanto em alcance geográfico quanto em percepção material-maior a capacidade de desenvolvimento de meios, mas que nem sempre se vinculam ao desenvolvimento de uma Grande Estratégia coerente. Será realizado um estudo exploratório, abordando o problema a partir do método hipotético-dedutivo, utilizando-se de revisão bibliográfica e documental. Palavras-chave: Poder; Percepção de Ameaça; Estratégia; Brasil; China; Estados Unidos. Introdução A definição de objetivos nacionais e de uma Grande Estratégia para alcançá-los é prerrogativa de países que almejam uma participação internacional autônoma e os benefícios advindos desta. A Grande Estratégia diz respeito às esferas política, econômica e militar, englobando objetivos políticos de longo prazo, políticas de industrialização e projeção econômica, bem como a capacidade de mobilização nacional e a institucionalização coerente para a capacidade de desenvolvimento de meios adequados à realização dos fins desejados. O presente esforço busca, portanto, entender como o poder e a percepção de ameaças estão relacionados à organização interna e à coerência estratégica, apresentando a hipótese de que quanto maior o alcance da percepção de ameaça-tanto em alcance geográfico quanto em percepção material-maior a capacidade de desenvolvimento de meios, mas que nem sempre se vinculam ao desenvolvimento de uma Grande Estratégia coerente. Será realizado um

Despite the already existing rules on both sides to avoid such thinking, preconception that begets misperception that begets faulty intelligence analysis continues to afflict both academics and practitioners alike. The only ‘remedies’ offered to overcome this problem deal mostly in homilies, such as think smarter, put things together better, and stick with only the preconceptions that are accurate. How to do any of this is left mostly unexplored, of course, except to advise consulting people with alternative points of view. Indeed, perhaps the biggest preconception of all is attitudinal. Instead of finding mutually enhancing connectivity, efforts seem to reinforce working separately but adequately: academics can swing principles of academic freedom and methodological purity like hammers of condemnation, proclaiming their open source insights more valuable and more accurate than classified materials, while practitioners can dismissively note how academics often bend their own research rules in order to justify heavy financial investments and ensure positive tenure decisions.

In Armenian

Իմ երկու նոր` ուսուցողա-մեթոդոլոգիական հոդվածները "Ազգային անվտանգության և անվտանգության հաստատությունների բարեփոխումների ռազմավարություն" և "Անվտանգության հաստատությունների բարեփոխումներ" թեմաներով.

«ՀԿ Դեպո – Հասարակական կազմակերպությունների զարգացման ծրագրի» շրջանակում ԱՄՆ Միջազգային զարգացման գործակալության աջակցությամբ հրապարակվել է ձեռնարկ հետևյալ թեմաներով.
- Հայաստանի արտաքին քաղաքականության առաջնահերթությունները և անվտանգության
ոլորտի բարեփոխումները:

Anahit Shirinyan-ը հեղինակել է առաջին`"Հայաստանի արտաքին քաղաքականության առաջնահերթությունները" բաժինը, իսկ ես երկրորդ` "Ազգային անվտանգության և անվտանգության հաստատությունների բարեփոխումների
ռազմավարություն" և երրորդ` "Անվտանգության հաստատությունների բարեփոխումներ" բաժինները:

Ձեռնարկը նախատեսված է քաղաքացիական հասարակության ներկայացուցիչների, ուսանողների և առհասարակ լայն
շրջանակների համար:

Նշեմ, որ այս երկու հոդվածները գրել եմ իմ ներկայիս աշխատանքին անցնելուց առաջ, հետևաբար որպես անկախ փորձագետ:

Շնորհակալություն Եվրասիա Համագործակցություն Հիմնադրամ կազմակերպությանը համապատասխան բաժինները մեզ վստահելու համար: Gevorg Ter-Gabrielyan, Gayane Mkrtchyan, Lilit Arzoyan...

In an environment where drone technology is being openly sold on a massive scale across the global market and countless countries are striving to build and obtain their own drone fleets, it is deeply troubling that the general consensus around the world is that America uses drones in a manner that makes questionable targeting and covert killing commonplace. The lack of concern within American corridors of power seems predicated on lazy assurance that no real rivals are emerging to learn from these ambiguities and obfuscations.

In a previous article (https://www.evnreport.com/raw-un ltered/on-the-elaboration-of-armenia-s-new-national-security-strategy), written at the beginning of the development process of Armenia's new National Security Strategy (NS Strategy) in August 2019, I explained that Armenia chose the format of an NS Strategy, a more action-oriented document, rather than a National Security Policy for a strategic framework to address the security needs of the state and its people.