MOPSOS by Angelo Papi
The Greek Mopsos and the Cilician Mu-ka-sa are now fatally intertwined, and the latter was almost... more The Greek Mopsos and the Cilician Mu-ka-sa are now fatally intertwined, and the latter was almost absorbed into Hellenic mythology. Perhaps a skylight can be opened in this well-guarded palace. Not all the hoplites in charge of surveillance are so strict. Socrates too was one of them.
LAGBE AND LESBOS by Angelo Papi
The following topics are dealt with in this article:
- Lagbe in Lycia
- The Euboean/Boeotian pres... more The following topics are dealt with in this article:
- Lagbe in Lycia
- The Euboean/Boeotian presence in Lycia
- An interpretation of the toponym "Lagbe"
- Artemis Lagbene
-The twelve Lycian gods
MYSIANS IN TABAL by Angelo Papi
This paper is a revised and hopefully improved version of an earlier article about Ambaris, king ... more This paper is a revised and hopefully improved version of an earlier article about Ambaris, king of Atuna. The topics covered are as follows:
- Mysia Abbaitis and "Appawiya";
- Ambaris and Mysia Abbaitis;
- Hulli, father of Ambaris and Kollyda.
- Did the Mysians play a role in Tabal and Cilicia?
KAKASBOS by Angelo Papi
In this article I deal with the Anatolian names formed with -sba/e or the like and hypothesise th... more In this article I deal with the Anatolian names formed with -sba/e or the like and hypothesise that this onomastic element refers to Thebes and is added to other attested PNNs as an ethnic in the form of a possessive adjective.
As an example case, I propose the Lycian PN "Tedisbēs" and suggest that this analysis can also be applied to the Lycian theonym "Kakasbos".
This collection of remarks is meant to contribute to the discussion on the Cilician "house of Mop... more This collection of remarks is meant to contribute to the discussion on the Cilician "house of Mopsus" and its faithful servant Azatiwata. The identity of this governor, who fashions himself like a king, though, has been a puzzle since he first stepped into known history in 1946, with the discovery of the bilingual inscription of Karatepe. Building the city of Azatiwataya, named after himself, he made it clear he was dependent on the reigning house only nominally. Unfortunately, we don't have other data to check this supposition about a man whose historical profile is bound to a city dated "between the end of the eighth and the very beginning of the seventh centuries" (Mazzoni 2008 [1]). As Azatiwata's role in Iron Age Anatolian history is crucial and lingers at the crossroads of many disciplinary fields, I will just note down some questions and advance tentative answers while reading some contributions on the subject.
A first and very preliminary overview of Anatolian personal names that may have the same etymolog... more A first and very preliminary overview of Anatolian personal names that may have the same etymological background.
GOĒTES AT THE GREEK-ANATOLIAN INTERFACE by Angelo Papi
This article deals with the following topics:
- the epithet Smintheus/Sminthios applied to Apollo... more This article deals with the following topics:
- the epithet Smintheus/Sminthios applied to Apollo
- the possible relationship between this epithet and the bird name "kymindis"
- Hypnos, Apollo and the Lycian miñti
- Apollo and the goēs.
Some of the topics dealt with in this paper:
- the Homeric bird kymindis and other Anatolian term... more Some of the topics dealt with in this paper:
- the Homeric bird kymindis and other Anatolian terms
- The rider-god Kakasbos and Thebes
- Euboea (Chalkis) and Lycia
- A proposal for the etymology of "Lesbos".
Some Carian speculations, perhaps containing some valuable intuitions worth pursuing, are offered... more Some Carian speculations, perhaps containing some valuable intuitions worth pursuing, are offered to friends in a preliminary version.
GORDIOS AND GYGES by Angelo Papi
In this paper I continue to explore Mysia and Ki(l)a names and extend my research to the Samalian... more In this paper I continue to explore Mysia and Ki(l)a names and extend my research to the Samalian dynasty, where the PN Kilamuwa stands out as a sure Luwian reference. I make some suggestions about a possible connection between the Greek myth of Killos, a deified charioteer, and Rakib-ʾEl, the dynastic god in the kingdom of Sam ͗al.
At the end of the first article in this series, I suggested that it would be interesting to inves... more At the end of the first article in this series, I suggested that it would be interesting to investigate whether the name of Kilamuwa/Kulamuwa, the 9 th century BC king of Sam ͗ al, has anything to do with the Kil(l)a-names that are widely attested in much later times.
The names of Gordios and Gyges can be interpreted from a new perspective centred on Mount Ida. Th... more The names of Gordios and Gyges can be interpreted from a new perspective centred on Mount Ida. They are both associated with magic, the first with the knot and the second with the ring. It is probably an old historical prejudice that prohibits looking at these two kings and their monarchies from a perspective that is not entirely European, but could well be Anatolian.
KARATEPE by Angelo Papi
Younger (2009) 1 has discussed in detail the controversial Baal KR, which is attested both in CIN... more Younger (2009) 1 has discussed in detail the controversial Baal KR, which is attested both in CINEKOY § § 16-17 and Cebelireis Dagi (5B). 2 Tekoǧlu and Lemaire (2000 999-1000) preferred to leave KR untranslated and added the following: "A la fin de la 1.16 et au début de la 1.17, on reconnaît le syntagme BʿL KR, déjà attesté dans l'inscription de Cebelireis Dagi (5B), et peut-être sur un vase en pierre dit provenir de Sidon et aujourd'hui perdu. On interprète généralement ce syntagme comme signifiant «Baal de la fournaise», mais en s'appuyant essentiellement sur l'iconographie du vase de Sidon où la lecture BʿL KR est mal assurée par les dessins et les reproductions. En fait, KR pourrait aussi bien être un toponyme et il est préférable de ne pas le traduire." Bordreuil (2010 229) has taken up the above-mentioned dossier again and expressed doubts about Younger's interpretation: "Sans être à même d'écarter totalement une telle possibilité, on notera qu'il paraît difficile d'identifier purement et simplement le dieu éblaïte Kurra, celui de l 'inscription de Çinekôy et de celle de Karatepe avec BʿL KR du vase de Sidon. La notation purement consonantique de ce syntagme constitue de plus un facteur d'incertitude." He then drew on the SD BKR sequence in Cebelireis Dagi l.2A to assert the existence of a city from which the epithet of Baal would be derived: "On peut ainsi considérer cette ville, non encore identifiée ni localisée, comme le siège du BʿL KR de la 1.5B." Therefore he proposes the following translation for Cebelireis Dagi 5B: "Et de plus, il (Mitas) y (BN) a fait demeurer Baʿal Kurra (BʿL KR) et Mitas a prononcé une grande malédiction" (231). Schmitz (2018 123) has altered the picture considerably interpreting KR as "Caria" in both line 2A and line 5B of the Cebelireis Dagi inscription: "If Phoenician kr is the toponym 'Caria', then the morphology of the name kr requires discussion." My suggestion is based on a very common epiclesis of Zeus in Boiotia, namely karaios or keraios: "Boiotians called the god Karaios or Keraios without discrimination, and […] the actual sound is neither [a] nor [e], but a less determinate [ə], so that not only 'Karaios' and 'Keraios' are to be considered as equivalents, but also 'Akraios'." (Schachter 1986 97). This identification certainly requires further explanation, which will hopefully be provided in the next article.
Bossert's suggestion about KRNTRYS in KARATEPE should be reconsidered in the light of a new under... more Bossert's suggestion about KRNTRYS in KARATEPE should be reconsidered in the light of a new understanding of HLuwian usanuwami-.
LOKRIANS IN LYKAONIA by Angelo Papi
In a series of essays entitled "Thebes in Cilicia," I have explored the possibility that Bryklike... more In a series of essays entitled "Thebes in Cilicia," I have explored the possibility that Bryklike, a district in Cilicia, refers to a Lydian/Mysian presence in the region, which can be reconstructed, at least linguistically, with the help of another Cilician toponym, Rygmanoi (KON 519, § 1134). Both the-li-and the-mn-suffix have a clear Lydian footprint, which I have tried to link to the Bregmeni in the region of Pergamon, as reported by Pliny (NH 5.126). In the same area, a toponym such as Britton provided a clue to another Lydian suffix, namely -ẽt, which is probably part of its morphology, so that the Lydian Baretta (KON 118, § 137) can also be cited as an example, together with the Mysian toponym Ῥέκιτα (TIB XII 968-969), as previously suggested. The aim of the present study is to show that this assumption can be extended by drawing on Lykaonian toponyms such as Barata (KON 115, § 133) or Bareta (TIB IV 143) or perhaps Perta (KON 486, § 1048), 4 which could open a broader perspective on a region adjacent to Cilicia. Looking at both toponyms, the Lydian Britton and the Mysian Ῥέκιτα, the former can be parsed as *brek/brik-+-ẽt, thus reducing the initial linguistic distance. Furthermore, if we consider the possible influence of the Aeolic dialect on the latter, we can easily assume that an initial glide was lost while it was retained in Britton. We know that in Lesbos βρ could stand for /wr/ and that the reduction of /-kt-/ to /-tt-/ is attested in northeastern Lydia. Admittedly, the step from a virtual form *brett-to the Lykaonian GNN is short. One result, hopefully achieved in Thebes in Cilicia, was to prove that Bryklike and Ketis could be synonyms, for both refer to a Mysian ethnos, the Keteians, probably of Greek origin, to be interpreted as "those of Kētō." Relying on the Hesychian gloss in which the Theban brinkos means kētodes, I have tried to prove that Bryklike in Cilicia is the remnant of a Lydian/Mysian presence that extended from Ketis proper in Rough Cilicia northwards to Lykaonia and eastwards to Plain Cilicia.
SARPEDON by Angelo Papi
This paper is an attempt to revive the hypothesis advanced by Robert R. Stieglitz on the Phoenici... more This paper is an attempt to revive the hypothesis advanced by Robert R. Stieglitz on the Phoenician origin of Sarpedon, who was son of the "Saraptian girl".
THEBES IN CILICIA by Angelo Papi
Some toponyms or personal names in Cilicia that may have an equivalent in Boiotia, Euboea and Lok... more Some toponyms or personal names in Cilicia that may have an equivalent in Boiotia, Euboea and Lokris.
Some suggestions about Awarikus, Appuasu and other Cilician matters.
Some tentative suggestions on Kētō, Kētis, Kati, and Bryklikē, probably garbled by errors and ina... more Some tentative suggestions on Kētō, Kētis, Kati, and Bryklikē, probably garbled by errors and inaccuracies, but hopefully open to further development.
In this paper I advance a more punctual hypothesis about the etymology of Bryklikē.
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MOPSOS by Angelo Papi
LAGBE AND LESBOS by Angelo Papi
- Lagbe in Lycia
- The Euboean/Boeotian presence in Lycia
- An interpretation of the toponym "Lagbe"
- Artemis Lagbene
-The twelve Lycian gods
MYSIANS IN TABAL by Angelo Papi
- Mysia Abbaitis and "Appawiya";
- Ambaris and Mysia Abbaitis;
- Hulli, father of Ambaris and Kollyda.
- Did the Mysians play a role in Tabal and Cilicia?
KAKASBOS by Angelo Papi
As an example case, I propose the Lycian PN "Tedisbēs" and suggest that this analysis can also be applied to the Lycian theonym "Kakasbos".
GOĒTES AT THE GREEK-ANATOLIAN INTERFACE by Angelo Papi
- the epithet Smintheus/Sminthios applied to Apollo
- the possible relationship between this epithet and the bird name "kymindis"
- Hypnos, Apollo and the Lycian miñti
- Apollo and the goēs.
- the Homeric bird kymindis and other Anatolian terms
- The rider-god Kakasbos and Thebes
- Euboea (Chalkis) and Lycia
- A proposal for the etymology of "Lesbos".
GORDIOS AND GYGES by Angelo Papi
KARATEPE by Angelo Papi
LOKRIANS IN LYKAONIA by Angelo Papi
SARPEDON by Angelo Papi
THEBES IN CILICIA by Angelo Papi
- Lagbe in Lycia
- The Euboean/Boeotian presence in Lycia
- An interpretation of the toponym "Lagbe"
- Artemis Lagbene
-The twelve Lycian gods
- Mysia Abbaitis and "Appawiya";
- Ambaris and Mysia Abbaitis;
- Hulli, father of Ambaris and Kollyda.
- Did the Mysians play a role in Tabal and Cilicia?
As an example case, I propose the Lycian PN "Tedisbēs" and suggest that this analysis can also be applied to the Lycian theonym "Kakasbos".
- the epithet Smintheus/Sminthios applied to Apollo
- the possible relationship between this epithet and the bird name "kymindis"
- Hypnos, Apollo and the Lycian miñti
- Apollo and the goēs.
- the Homeric bird kymindis and other Anatolian terms
- The rider-god Kakasbos and Thebes
- Euboea (Chalkis) and Lycia
- A proposal for the etymology of "Lesbos".
https://www.utetuniversita.it/catalogo/arte-e-spettacolo/filmagogia-3546
My essay will discuss how the so-called “Spartan mirage” has influenced the philosophical tradition about “pain”. Stoicism and later Christian moral thought have focused on the primacy of conscience among human mind’s faculties. The general approach will be analytical, because I am going to argue that the concept of pain is introduced into the ancient philosophical debate together with what I would call a “sparring partner”. Within this linguistic game, the constant confrontation of “pain” with a “double”, namely conscience, has produced a drift, a prejudice with evident social consequences. The mode of introduction and its longstanding effects on ethics are examined and compared to the contemporary debate on pain’s neurophysiology.
“Pulcinella. Maschera Cortese” di Angelo Papi
L’opera propone una rilettura ad ampio raggio della figura di Pulcinella, a partire dalle fonti letterarie, con particolare riferimento a Giulio Cesare Cortese. La nascita della maschera di Pulcinella si inserisce nel contesto di una contesa tra l’inventore della maschera, lo scrittore-attore capuano Silvio Fiorillo e il poeta simbolo dell’avanguardia vernacolare.
PREMESSA
I° cap. PULCINELLA E GIULIO CESARE CORTESE
Il primo scrittore che cita Pulcinella in un’opera letteraria è Giulio Cesare Cortese. Nel 1621 lo inserisce nel Viaggio di Parnaso e in chiave esplicitamente autobiografica, al momento di rendere onore all’amico Giambattista Basile.
II° cap. PULCINELLA E COSIMO
La figura di Pulcinella è inscindibile da quella del poeta “da strapazzo” in Commedia e si lega alla carriera di Giulio Cesare Cortese, che dagli inizi del Seicento propone al pubblico napoletano e italiano le sue opere in vernacolare. Non solo a Napoli, ma anche nei circoli letterari romani, si scatena la polemica contro Cortese, che è tornato in patria con la coda tra le gambe, dopo un periodo di popolarità a Firenze, dove ha attirato l’attenzione come “giullare”. Cosimo è il nuovo Granduca e anche il nome scelto in una commedia romana per deridere Cortese, la sua poetica vernacolare e i vani tentativi di ritrovare il gradimento della corte fiorentina.
III° cap. PULCINELLA SBIRRO
La nascita della maschera di Pulcinella si inserisce nel contesto di una contesa tra l’inventore della maschera, lo scrittore-attore capuano Silvio Fiorillo e il poeta più amato a Napoli nella prima metà del Seicento. Anche se il primo è riconosciuto ideatore del nuovo personaggio, che calca le scene a partire dal 1618, la concorrenza tra le compagnie teatrali napoletane è così spietata che il capuano è costretto a trasferirsi al Nord e durante la sua assenza, Pulcinella si fa amare dal pubblico, spesso spagnolo, che ride dei difetti dei sudditi napoletani. La maschera nata nel periodo dei Viceré passa sotto il controllo di Cortese e del suo amico, l’impresario teatrale Bartolomeo Zito. Nel frattempo, Pulcinella è diventato “sbirro”, cioè l’incarnazione dell’impertinenza, del sentimento popolare tollerato in Commedia e della licenza poetica contro le Accademie.
Questo libro si sforza di ricostruire il contesto storico-letterario in cui nacque la maschera più famosa al mondo. Agli inizi del Seicento, quando sono disponibili i primi documenti relativi a Pulcinella, due sono le coordinate indispensabili per comprendere il personaggio: Silvio Fiorillo, il comico capuano che ne è l’inventore e Acerra, la città di cui Pulcinella sarebbe cittadino. Sono due riferimenti non sempre compatibili, infatti Fiorillo fa nascere la sua maschera altrove, ma comunque necessari per risalire alle fonti da cui è scaturita la comica invenzione, che è diventata simbolo di Napoli. Pulcinella porta in tutto il mondo lo spirito e l’umorismo assolutamente unico del suo popolo, eppure dietro la maschera si nasconde anche la sofferenza, la storia dei dominatori e dei dominati, l’emarginazione e il pregiudizio. Da un attento e meticoloso studio degli esordi della maschera, che a Milano si chiama Policianelo, si ricava un mostro letterario, il Policane, mezzo uomo e mezzo cane, fedele scudiero di Bovo, un cavaliere notissimo dei romanzi cavallereschi medievali. Silvio Fiorillo, l'inventore di Pulcinella, elaborò un nuovo personaggio rifacendosi a un modello letterario ormai noto. I comici nel loro piccolo cercavano di uguagliare l'arguzia dei letterati e perciò erano talvolta derisi. Dalla fantasia del capuano, che per tutta la vita vestì i panni dello spagnolo, Capitan Matamoros, nacque la maschera di Pulcinella, che è un secondo zanni, un servitore sciocco e sfrontato. Agli spagnoli faceva comodo portare in scena il napoletano malconcio e buffone, perché sarebbe stato più facile battere un servo pieno di tanti difetti. L’umanità, l’arguzia e l’umorismo di Napoli, ma anche il pregiudizio verso i suoi abitanti si diffusero così attraverso l’eccezionale maschera. Il libro è un tentativo di comprenderne l’originale fisionomia, sottraendola alla meschinità dello stereotipo.
"Adam" makes perfect sense in the Hebrew language, but it may in the Anatolian ones too, therefore we'd better apply to it the old hermeneutic circle principle (Schleiermacher). The question will be tackled in the specific entry.
Cain moves to the land of Nod (LXX Naid). The Greek version of the Septuagint may be a late rendition of the Hittite Nata. The upati of Nata, the demesne of Nata belongs to the wider area called "Hulaya river land" in the Hittite sources. Though it is not possible to precisely locate either the land or the river, scholars agree about classical Lycaonia as geographical context. As for the name "Cain", what has been said above about "Adam" applies too and it will be discussed in its entry.
Enoch builds a city, Irad, named after his son. This interpretation of the text (Gn 4:17-18) - favoured by Cassuto and other scholars, such as Sasson, Miller and Hess - may provide further impulse to this research and it will be studied in other related entries. The name Enoch can be explained within Semitic languages, but it will make more coherent sense when embedded in the wider Anatolian cultural context I will gradually introduce.
Irad, according to the previous interpretation, should respond to a double bind: being at the same time a city and a personal name. Considered that the oscillation between the initial /i/ in the Hittite language and the initial /a/ in the Luwian language is well documented, there is more than a chance to find a correspondence with historical data. The consonantal Hebrew root, ird, is compatible with ard- in the Anatolian field, where interesting historical matches may be found.
Maiel (LXX, TM Mehujael) is favoured here - together with Maviel according to the Vulgate - against the two alternative versions of the TM: Meḥujael - Meḥijael, because the name of this Cainite offers the fittest correspondence to a linguistic Anatolian background. In fact, it can be analysed as *Mai-el, according to a well-known pattern, where the suffix -el-, a typical Hittite unit to derive ethnonyms from toponyms, can be found in the name of Maiel's son too, Matušael. Though just a contemporary toponym, May (or Mai), near ancient Lystra in Lycaonia, is at hand, the supposition that Mai keeps track of an undocumented Anatolian toponym, seems not far-fetched. The oldest designation of Lydia or a part of what will be later called "Lydia", was Maionia, according to Homer. Maiel and Maionia may be considered specular from a linguistic standpoint, because the second one may be explained as *Mai-wann(i)-iya- where -wann(i)- is a well-known Luwian suffix, used to form ethnonyms. The Milyan equivalent of that suffix is -on- and as the Milyan and Luwian languages (Lycian B) belongs to the Luvic family, it is legitimate to guess that *Mai- was an ancient place. Thence the present ethnonym and the same analysis should be valid also for the following. As for the last part of *Mai-wann(i)-iya-, I will deal with this suffix in the entry Maiel.
Matušael (Methushael, TM) and Μαθουσαλά (LXX). Applying to the son's name the same approach tried with the father's one, we get to an important conclusion, from the standpoint of the general hypothesis. If we interpret the name as Mat-Ušša-el, we remain in the same geographical area, because the land of Ussa is well-known territory in Hittite sources, which should be located around Konya, that is in later Lycaonia. Mat is the status constructus of matu, "country" in the Assyrian language, then Matušael would mean "the man from Ussa". We would then be authorized to read between the lines of the Cainite genealogy a special stress on their Lycaonian background and to advance further toward the following and last name in the list with a more daring attitude.
Lamech (*Luq, Luqqa), marries Adah and Zillah. I will tackle the question of how Lamech may stay for Luqqa in the specific entry. At the moment, I want to stress a well-defined characteristic of the Cainites, their being nomads. Even if research on Anatolian nomadism before the vulgar era cannot rely on certainties, scholars agree to indicate a probable candidate: it is the people of Luqqa (Lukka). This historical region of Asia Minor, on the southwestern coast of Anatolia, called Luqqa in Hittite documents, opens the door to possible further discoveries, as long as one remains faithful to the spirit of Biblical literature, prone to puns, to erudite comparisons within the cultures of the Ancient Near East, which can give considerable impetus to the rereading of Genesis.
"Bistonis" can be considered the equivalent of "Bissonis", according to a variation that can be observed in many toponyms such as Carystos/Lycastos/Geraestos together with Caryssos/Lycassos/Geraessos and Oppian seems to indulge in some sort of paretymology when he comments about the name of bisons: «There is a terrible breed of deadly Bulls which they call Bisons, since they are natives of Bistonian Thrace» ( Cynegetica 2.159-161). The Cilician writer, born in Anazarbos, was certainly aware of the equivalence between "Bissonis" and "Bistonis", but his remark may rely on his Anatolian linguistic background which allows to explain "bison" as *Bisa + -wani-, a Luvic suffix used to form ethnonyms. Those Thracian bulls were then named "bisons" according to their origin from *Bisa, probably Thracia.
The above consideration is valid also for our river, Pishon, which can be interpreted as "of the Thracians", given that Anatolian languages are usually indifferent to the opposition p/b. Naming a trait of sea as a river would not be unheard of, if we resort to Babylonian and Assyrian geography that consider Lydia as a region in marratu, that is "bitter sea", the northern part of the Ocean surrounding the ecumene in the Babylonian map (Horowitz 1988; Horowitz 1998).
Pishon surrounds the land of Havilah and maybe Abydos, a supposition that would make sense if we accepted what was common among ancient writers, who called "Thracian" that trait of sea (Lipinski 2004: 160-161; Bunnens 1979: 358-366), the most northern part of the Aegean Sea, certainly stretching from Thasos to the Thracian Chersonese (Columba 1918: 13).