Land Policy and Governance

Landguardism has become a bane in Ghana's urban land markets. Previous studies have qualitatively explored the drivers of this phenomenon from the perspectives of both state agencies and landguards themselves. Despite the insights uncovered, understanding of public perceptions about the factors driving landguardism in Ghana is still lacking. This paper fills this critical gap by drawing on data from 172 residents living in both the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area and the Greater Kumasi Area to ascertain their perceptions about the main factors driving landguardism in Ghana. The results from our exploratory factor analysis show that (1) challenges with state-led land rights formalisation, (2) customary land maladministration, (3) government policy failures in housing and land markets, (4) reliable and cost-effective landguard services, and (5) challenges with seeking legal redress, are the five main drivers of landguardism in Ghana. The study concludes that mitigating landguardism must consider multiple factors within which the concept sits. The political and policy implications of the results are elaborated.

The Achilles’ heel of Kenya’s post independence agricultural development program and of the country’s development program as a whole (Harbeson, 1973, p.195).
This document provides maps and information on Settlement Schemes in Kenya. The establishment of Settlement Schemes in Kenya is associated with British colonial and post-independence government land laws. The Berlin conference of 1884-5 established a means through which Europeans could occupy Africa . Around 1884, the British established a protectorate in Eastern Africa, which included present day Kenya, Uganda, and parts of Tanzania (Wayumba, 2019; Sorrenson,1968). Through the protectorate, the British colonial government could deal with land by virtue of concessionary agreements that had been established in 1888 between the British and the Sultan of Zanzibar (Wayumba 2019). Subsequently, the British established various land laws that could be used to grant land to European settlers (Caldwell, 1977; Sorrenson, 1968). The laws include: Eastern Africa Land Regulations 1897, Crown Lands Ordinance 1902, Registration of Documents Act 1902, Land Titles Act 1908, Government Land Act 1915, and many others (Caldwell, 1977).
The various land laws enabled settlers of European origin to occupy land that was originally held by Kenyans of African descent (Sorrenson 1968). Subsequently, the land occupied by Europeans in the highlands was known as “the White Highlands” (Wayumba 2019). Due to occupation of land by the settlers, the Africans (indigenous inhabitants) started agitating for their land from the British colonial government (Sorrenson 1968). As a result of the agitation, the colonial government established various mechanisms for securing land occupied by the Africans. One of the mechanisms was the Native Lands Trust Ordinance of 1938, later renamed the Trust Lands Act, which stated that all unregistered land occupied by Africans was to be held on their behalf by a county council/ local authority (Caldwell, 1977). At independence, in 1963, the Registered Lands Act was introduced, which enabled land to be adjudicated and registered to Kenyans of African descent (Caldwell 1977).

Improvement in the land registration system is a major challenge faced by many land administration organizations. Although providing cheap, convenient and effective services is the policy of the Government of Nepal, the people are not satisfied from the land administration services. It might have been caused by less emphasis on the user requirements while designing the business process. This study seeks to identify user requirements, design a land registration system based on those requirements and validate it. This is a qualitative type of case study research in which the data are collected from the interview, observation and documents and analyzed using descriptive method. The user requirements identified from the case study are discussed in terms of the established cadastral principles, prior knowledge and comparison of the land registration process of other countries. The basic idea for the discussion is derived from the policy and vision of the United Nations Land Administration Guidelines and Cadastre 2014 and other related literature. Based on the discussion, a business process is designed which is verified using the Tecnomatix software and validated using the Assessment Questions. Some conditions for implementation of the proposed process are also presented.

Il patrimonio delle regine: beni del fisco e politica regia tra IX e X secolo a cura di Tiziana Lazzari Firenze University Press Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 2 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> 1 1. Il dotario di Matilde, moglie di Enrico I

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Large-scale land acquisitions by investors, which are often called ‘land grabs’, can deprive rural women and communities of their livelihoods and land, increasing their food insecurity. This report argues that the current rise in land grabbing needs to be urgently addressed, and focuses on the actions that developing countries can take to mitigate land grabs through strengthening national land governance so that it is transparent, is accountable and protects communities’ rights.

Converting Old Possessions into Lease System in Ethiopia: Decades of Unsuccessful Endeavors
                          Taye Minale Belachew & Habtarnu Sitotaw Sernahagne
Abstract
Dual urban land tenure arrangements have continued to exist in urban centers of the Ethiopia since the beginning of 1990's. However, despite the fact that the lease system began to be implemented for more than a decade ago, we are still witnessing the existence of urban land lease holdings and old possessions side by side. The attempt to have a unified tenure arrangement began with the current government following the enactment of the first urban land lease proclamation in 1993. However, this attempt has turned out to be unsuccessful so far, due to various reasons. Similarly, an unsuccessful effort was witnessed during the implementation period of the 2002 subsequent urban land lease  proclamation.
However, like its preceding urban land lease laws, even if the law aims to achieve otherwise, no feasible change has been observed in unifying the urban land tenure system after the coming into force of the existing Urban Lands Lease law in 2011. Using a doctrinal approach, this article aims to examine why the government is unable to start the process of implementing the law in unifying the urban land tenure system. More specifically, the major possible challenges the government may encounter in converting old possessions into lease holdings and the corresponding benefits that can be accrued to the lease holders, as well as the government, will also be addressed. Moreover, in order to substantiate the argument forwarded in this article, interviews were also conducted with relevant experts in the field from the two concerned authorities of Amhara region. Based on the primary data and analysis of various legal documents, the authors argue that if there is a need to have a unified tenure arrangement in urban areas of the country through converting old possession into lease holdings and if there is a need to rectify previous failures, especially after the enactment of an  unambiguous and unequivocal regulation by the Council of Ministers, then a different approaches and strategies must be adopted.
Key Words: Old Possession, Lease System, Urban Land, Conversion

This discussion paper highlights key global, regional and national policies, laws and publicly supported practices that advance or hinder rural women’s and young people’s livelihoods and climate justice for all.
In particular, it looks at key policies and practices relating to three overlapping strands of ActionAid’s national, regional and global work: food sovereignty and agroecology, climate justice; natural resource
rights and defence of the commons. The emerging evidence is based on interviews with ActionAid’s ‘International Platform on Resilient Livelihoods and Climate Justice’ (IP3), an extensive literature
review and external interviews. The paper highlights a number of key policies and identifies some key advocacy threats and opportunities for ActionAid’s and allies’ future work.

I due dotari gemelli costituiti da Ugo di Provenza, re del regno italico, per il proprio fidanzamento con Berta e per quello di suo figlio Lotario con Adelaide devono essere compresi all’interno della politica di rafforzamento del potere regio condotta dal re negli anni Trenta del secolo X: di quella politica sono infatti il coronamento. La doppia costituzione dotale fornisce al re italico l’occasione di riservare per sé (e per la giovane coppia regia appena formata) un forte controllo del centro della pianura padana intorno a Pavia e di smantellare (a vantaggio del dominio regio) le basi del potere marchionale in Tuscia. L’analisi dell’operato di Ugo permette la comprensione della sua politica nei confronti delle aristocrazie e dei meccanismi di promozione delle nuove famiglie (Aleramici, Obertenghi, Canossa). Le carte furono conservate nell’archivio della fondazione adelaidina del Salvatore di Pavia non per via della dotazione patrimoniale del monastero ma come strumento di legittimazione politica della nuova famiglia regia ottoniana.

Globally, corruption poses a major challenge because it is at the heart of all other crimes, serious or petty. Kenya’s commitment in the fight against corruption has severely been tested. In spite of many laws to address the scourge of corruption, the perception ratings have persistently remained high. While there is corruption in every sector, and in every nation as the Perception Corruption Indices indicates, land related corruption appear to have been given little focus by the media. We have a number of counties in Kenya where land adjudication has never been finalized since 1963 when the country attained independence. The reasons for this slow pace are probably a direct consequence of corruption. A review of literature on land related corruption indicates a paucity of studies on this sector in the country. However, there are many studies on corruption generally around the world. This desktop study set out to establish the types of land related corruption is covered by the media around the world. Findings indicate that the governance challenges in land administration are the same even though their magnitudes vary. The typology includes bribes for various services; malpractices extend to preparing parallel titles for registered and unregistered parcels and title issued outside the Government system among others. Other areas prone to corruption are transfer of property, valuations, buying and selling land, land registration, mutation, Surveying and land revenue officers. Land use planning divisions are amongst the very corrupt institutions. This study supports Borner, Brunetti, and Weder (1995) in calling for the restoration of watchdog journalism who argue that watchdog reporting is “potentially a highly effective mechanism of external control” against corruption. Secondly, given the power of the media to influence opinion, unless salience of land corruption is elevated, the public will not pick it as an issue for debate or least of all a matter of concern for policy makers to address. The study will make policy suggestions on how to deal with corruption in the land sector in Kenya by borrowing from those countries that have attempted

Land, as a basic resource, has a central role to play in human existence. It represents the most livelihood asset to people, particularly rural dwellers or indigenous people who rely on it for food production, cultural practices, and religion. Land also represents the identity of agrarian societies and tribal people. To the state, land represents territory, sovereignty and power. Land ownership, management and tenure rights are therefore significant governance issues to both the state and the rural people. In Liberia, land governance has been complex, and the state has over the years, through settler-colonial strategies beginning in the 1800s, appropriated lands belonging to the indigenous people in the hinterlands. This was made possible by numerous policies and strategies of coercion, through the use of power, and class dominance. The central argument in this thesis is that the land governance policies in Liberia have been against the interests of the indigenous people in the hinterlands of Liberia, and that the state has used policies of coercions and co-optation as a means of acquiring land from the people involuntarily. Further, I argue that the key motivations behind the numerous state policies, related to land, have led to rapid appropriation of lands for commercial exploitation of mineral resources, forest products and the establishment of large cash crop plantations to support the state.
While it is evident that successive governments have relied on rents and investments on lands for revenue, and that the Liberian economy have expanded overtime through multinational investments, not much have been done to stop the corporate- state- elite exploitation of the indigenous rural populations who are facing evictions from their landed properties on which they depend for subsistence. Therefore, rural indigenous populations have been marginalized and excluded from the processes that lead to making decisions about their lands.  The last few years have seen an unprecedented inflow of companies negotiating land concession contracts. As these developments continue in the absence of a coherent national land governance policy, particularly a policy that protects customary land rights for rural people, the consequences for rural people is that they are losing lands that were needed for food production, and other livelihood activities.  In this thesis, I critically analyze land governance policies and concession in Liberia and the impacts of these policies on indigenous rural people in terms of livelihood issues, land rights and social stability.

Tiziana Lazzari Patrimoni femminili, monasteri e chiese: una proposta (Italia centro settentrionale, secoli VIII-X) Paola Guglielmotti Patrimoni femminili, monasteri e chiese: esempi per una casistica (Italia centro settentrionale, secoli VIII-X) Laura Bertoni Investire per la famiglia, investire per sé. La partecipazione delle donne ai circuiti creditizi a Pavia nella seconda metà del XIII secolo Patrizia Mainoni A proposito di fiducia: mogli, tutrici ed "epitropisse"nei testamenti pugliesi (secoli XIII-XIV) Rossella Rinaldi Figure femminili nel sistema produttivo bolognese (secoli XIII-XIV) Gabriella Piccinni Conti correnti di donne presso l'ospedale senese di Santa Maria della Scala. Interessi, patti, movimenti di denaro (1347-1377) Angela Orlandi Le merciaie di Palma. Il commercio dei veli nella Maiorca di fine Trecento Viviana Mulè Note sulla presenza femminile nel mercato del credito in Sicilia nel XV secolo Teresa Vinyoles Vidal e Carme Muntaner i Alsina Affari di donne a Barcellona nel basso medioevo Maria Giuseppina Muzzarelli Le donne e i Monti di Pietà: storia di una relazione nel lungo periodo Pietro Delcorno Dare credito alle donne nelle Sacre rappresentazioni fiorentine. Tre esempi di azione e persuasione Anna Esposito Perle e coralli: credito e investimenti delle donne a Roma (XV-inizio XVI secolo) Anna Bellavitis Dare credito, fiducia e responsabilità alle donne (Venezia, secolo XVI)

Ageltrude: dal ducato di Spoleto al cuore del regno italico Il patrimonio delle regine: beni del fisco e politica regia tra IX e X secolo a cura di Tiziana Lazzari Firenze University Press Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 2 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> 163 Quando attorno alla metà degli Settanta del secolo IX Ageltrude, una dei sette figli di Adelchi, principe di Benevento 1 , sposa Guido -membro della famiglia franca dei duchi di Spoleto che nell'876 diviene titolare della parte Ageltrude: dal ducato di Spoleto al cuore del regno italico di Paola Guglielmotti Abbreviazioni: DBI = Dizionario biografico degli italiani DD Lo I = Lotharii I et Lotharii II Diplomata, a cura di Th. Schieffer, in MGH, Diplomata Karolinorum, III, Berlin-Zürich 1966. DD L D = Ludowici Germanici, Karlomanni, Ludowici Iunioris Diplomata, a cura di P. Kehr, MGH, Diplomata regum Germaniae ex stirpe Karolinorum, I, Berlin 1934. DD L II = Ludovici II Diplomata, a cura di K. Wanner, MGH, Diplomata Karolinorum, IV, München 1994. DD K III = Karoli III Diplomata, a cura di P. Kehr, MGH, Diplomata regum Germaniae ex stirpe Karolinorum, II, Berlin 1937. DD G L = I diplomi di Guido e Lamberto, a cura di L. Schiaparelli, Roma 1906 (Fonti per la Storia d'Italia, 36). DD B I = I diplomi di Berengario I, a cura di L. Schiaparelli, Roma 1903 (Fonti per la Storia d'Italia, 35). DD L III, DD R II = I diplomi italiani di Ludovico III e di Rodolfo II, a cura di L. Schiaparelli, Roma 1910 (Fonti per la Storia d'Italia, 37). 1 Su Ageltrude si vedano la scheda di T. Gasparrini Leporace, Ageltrude, in DBI, 1, Roma 1960, pp. 384-386, e T. Stasser, Où sont les femmes? Prosopographie des femmes des familles princières et ducales en Italie meridionale depuis la chute du royaume lombard (774) jusqu'à l'installation des normands (env.

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Land tenure is a social construct, based on the relationships people establish in order to gain access to land and natural resources.
As such, it has major economic, social and political implications.
Land policies play a key role in development strategies because they define land rights and their management, and the rules governing land allocation. The debate about policy options raises numerous questions:
Should the development of land markets be encouraged? How should local land rights be dealt with? Can economic growth be combined with equitable access to land and environmental protection? Developing countries need forms of land governance that take account of their diverse social, political and institutional situations in order to enable them to deal with the unprecedented challenges now facing them.
Mechanisms for securing land tenure that recognise the wide range of rights and sources of legitimacy can provide the basis for equitable and sustainable economic development. Promoting such mechanisms often
involves redefining the role of the public authorities in order to regulate competition between different actors over access to land. International development agencies need to support the land policies being debated at the national level by actors from the public and private sectors and civil society . This should be done in accordance with the Paris declaration, and bearing in mind the history of each country, thereby helping to promote democratic land governance. This is the message from the development practitioners that have been working on land tenure in association with the Land tenure and development committee, and their proposed strategy for the French Cooperation.

Nigeria’s ticket to development is fixedly tied to its land resources. Nigeria’s abundant land is overburdened by problems of accessibility, sustainability and opportunities for the poor majority. Most of the problems are connected to the inherent defects of the country’s current land tenure system. The paper employs an interdisciplinary approach to x-ray the problems and prescribe a knowledge-based land reform system for Nigeria. The paper’s conclusion emphasises that land reform is only attainable when it is tailored to plurality of the meaning of land to all the strata of the Nigerian society.

The literature on global land deals or land acquisition has extensively described the possible drivers, trajectories,
and their impacts. In addition, the concept of a ‘land grab’ per se is heavily contested and viewed
as a work in progress. Many have argued on the topic of inclusive land deals without addressing which
groups of stakeholders are vested with particular powers and interests in the deals. After reviewing this
phenomena in contemporary global land deals and the stakeholder theory of management developed in
the 1980s, this paper proposes a conceptual land deal framework. Accordingly, the actors in land deals
are characterised and disaggregated into seven generic groups, i.e., “inactive”, “discretionary”, “exigent”,
“dominant”, “dangerous”, “dependent”, and “definitive”. The paper concluded that to address the governance
challenges in land deals, a need exists to resolve conceptualisation deficiencies related to inclusive
land deal frameworks. Thus, this work suggests that extending the stakeholder theory of management
to the global governance of transnational land acquisition can significantly aid in resolving conceptualisation
limitations for inclusive transnational land deals. Hence, a new inclusive land deal framework
was developed that attempts to integrate the biophysical environment, stakeholders, governance, and
institutions. Furthermore, this paper recommends that contextualisation of the suggested “land deal
power-interest clustering (LD-PIC)” and “legitimacy-interest-power (LIP)” frameworks to those already
signed and ongoing land deals using real-world data is a timely matter.

Over the years, it is argued [2] that humanity is conducting an unintended but uncontrolled globally pervasive experiment whose ultimate consequences could be second only to a global nuclear war. The Earth's atmosphere is being changed at an unprecedented rate by pollutants resulting from human activities. These changes represent a major threat to international security and are already having harmful consequences over many parts of the globe. The environment upon which we live and on which our continuing existence depends has limited capacity therefore, mankind can hardly afford to continue to consider it as a resource to be exploited for short-term irretrievable profits. If we are to enjoy a safe and a successful life on the planet Earth then, we must use the limited resources at our disposal wisely, by being good stewards of our own environment. Our environment has been intimidated by our actions and the need to better manage it has been debated widely and vigorously in recent years.

This study done more than a decade ago (2008) was an effort by a select group of researchers (Ringo Tenga, Amon Mattee, Ntengua Mdoe ,Raymond Mnenwa, Sengondo Mvungi,  and Martin Walsh) to realize the challenge given in 2006 to pastoralist stakeholders in Tanzania by the UN Special Rapporteur Professor Rodolfo Stavenhagen on the rights and situation of Indigenous peoples, where he argued on the necessity of developing options for securing livelihoods in the face of loss of basic resources. Here the authors present options for Pastoralist livelihoods in terms of current State Policies (Prof. Amon Mattee - SUA and Dr. Martin Walsh - Cambridge U. - UK), Legal Status (Drs.Ringo Tenga & Sengondo Edmund Mvungi - UDSoL) and Economic Prospects (Prof. Ntegua Mdoe & Dr. Raymond Mnenwa - SUA)). The study was commissioned by CORDS, PWC, IIED, MMM Ngaramtoni Centre, TNRF and UCRT. It has been funded by CORDAID, TROCAIRE, Ireland Aid and the Wildlife Conservation Society AHEAD Programme. (As usual views expressed herein are solely those of the authors).

This is an input paper on the on-going updating of the Philippines' land sector development framework 2030 which identifies key policy reforms to improve and address the complexities and conflicts in the land administration and management system in the country.

Ubicada en la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Colombia, La Lengüeta es un territorio que
posee una altísima complejidad económica, sociopolítica y cultural. Además de pertenecer a un Parque Nacional Natural y a un resguardo indígena, ha sido habitado por campesinos de múltiples partes del país y ha experimentado
la problemática presencia del Estado y otros actores no estatales. En este artículo presento una primera exploración etnohistórica a partir de la cual analizo cómo las diferentes formas de entender el territorio han modelado
la realidad de La Lengüeta durante los últimos 50 años. Específicamente, abordo el proceso de inserción de este territorio en las dinámicas económicas y productivas del país, algunos de sus fenómenos migratorios y las tensiones entre diferentes grupos humanos e instituciones en este sector.

Located in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Colombia, La Lengüeta is marked by
profound economic, sociopolitical, and cultural complexities. In addition
to belonging to a Natural National Park and an indigenous reservation, it
has been settled by farmers from different regions of the country. It has also experienced the Colombian State's problematic presence as well as of non- State actors. I analyze from an ethnohistorical approach how differing ways of understanding space and territory have shaped La Lengüeta over the past 50 years. Specifically, I address how La Lengüeta has been inserted into Colombian economic and productive dynamics, the migration processes, and the tensions among different human groups and institutions in this region.

Armed conflict is particularly destructive to socio-legal relations regarding land and property. Reconstruction priorities increasingly include the reform of property legislation as part of efforts to address the causes and reasons for continuation of conflicts. However, a pervasive problem is that postwar laws are extremely difficult to connect with informal on-the-ground developments regarding perceptions of spatially-based rights as populations pursue livelihoods, grievances and aspirations. Left unattended, the problem constitutes a potential flashpoint for a return to conflict. This article examines this connection for postwar Sierra Leone, in order to highlight issues and questions of potential utility. The stakes are high for successfully connecting postwar land tenure laws with informal socio-legal realities. For Sierra Leone, a primary issue is the presence of a large population without access to land, tenure insecurity discouraging investment, large-scale food insecurity and rural unemployment while significant swathes of arable and previously cultivated land stands idle. * Ph.D., Associate Professor of Geography, McGill University, Montréal, Canada. His current research interests focus on postwar land and property rights in Africa. He has published widely in those areas and worked with the UN and other donors as well as governments on postwar land tenure reform in Africa.

This book celebrates the first five years ofGLTN’s work. It features the “land tools” that GLTN has developed – practical ways to solve problems in land administration and management. These range from a simple checklist for conducting a survey or a set of software and accompanying protocols, toa broad set of guidelines and approaches.
The emphasis is on practicality; users should be able to take a land tool and apply it (or adapt it) to their own situation. The book also emphasizes a number of values such as gender-responsiveness, affordability, grassroots and youth engagement, that are needed to ensure a land tool benefits the poor and disadvantaged and is available to use at large-scale.

Land Readjustment (LR), as a tool for urban development, was implemented initially in Greece, at the beginning of the 20th century, indicating thus a rapid response of the planning community to the quest for a more efficient land acquisition tool, quite at the same period as in other European countries. A few years later, specific legal provisions for the use of LR to the implementation of town plans (Ktimatikes Omades) were incorporated in the Law Decree of July 17, 1923. However, the implementation of LR was very limited compared to other traditional tools, such as expropriation, and was restricted to a few cases, mainly when there was an urgent need for the implementation of town plans after extensive disasters i.e. bombings, fires and earthquakes. A new form of Land Readjustment, apparently influenced from the relevant French institution of " Remembrement Urbaine " and the German " Baulandumlegung " , was legislated in the late '70s, in the context of the Planning Reform that took place following the Greek Constitution in 1975 (Article 24). However, its application has been once again limited to a few cases. In view of the above, a fundamental research question apparently arises: which are the predominant factors that determined the limited implementation of Land Readjustment in Greece? How LR is related to other innovative ideas, tools and practices which have been transposed in the domestic planning system fundamentally influenced by foreign experience? The paper aspires to present the Greek experience in Land Readjustment, providing an analytical overview of its basic characteristics (legal framework, related policies and applications). It seeks further to shed light into the implementation gap between laws, policies and practice of LR, to discuss how the application of LR is related to the basic features of the land administration and spatial planning system in Greece and to investigate its prospects, with regard to the current challenges of Spatial and Land policies in the country.

Real Estate in Nigeria has huge investment potential and remains a virile solution to Nigeria's quest for economic development. One of the veritable tools for accelerating development in Nigeria's real estate is to attract foreign direct investment (FDI). However due to unclear legal framework, institutional complexity and variation in market conduct, many foreign investors have doubts about the prudence of investing in Nigeria. This paper examines the extant laws and government regulations governing international real estate investment in Nigeria with particular reference to investor protection and administrative burdens and regulatory limitations.

While most studies focus on large-scale foreign corporate-dominated land grabbing, relatively small-scale land acquisitions initiated by local villagers receive much less attention. This reflects that the scale, the identities of investors and a simplified role of villagers tend to take precedence in analyses of land grabbing. To go beyond common dichotomies of “large vs small”, “outside vs local actors” and “victim vs grabber”, this paper takes the dynamics of social relations around land and production processes as key analytical elements.
In China’s Guangxi province, with the rise of the industrial tree planation (ITP) sector, some villagers have gained control over the land from local or nearby village collectives and have become owners of ITPs. Over the course of these practices, grabbers are not from “outside”, but “local villagers” themselves. They are then able to control the land, which was originally collectively used and benefit from it at the expense of their neighbours and kin, under certain institutional and social structures. Such land control change is called intimate land grabbing.
This case demonstrates that: (1) small-scale land grabs are not necessarily less significant than large-scale ones; (2) local actor-dominated land grabs sometimes have more serious adverse impacts on local communities; and (3) villagers can also be grabbers, rather than simply victims, or otherwise resisters. In bringing the issue of intimate land grabbing into the debate, this paper hopes to offer some insights into differentiation among villagers and contribute toward a fuller picture of global land grabbing.

This research offers a basis for spatial data management case in point that the land governance strategy denoting as a routine of digital spatial data legacy development is a major stipulation to the “land resources” and the “community services”. Until 2015, Ontario’s municipalities cover just 17 percent of its landmass where the municipal affairs pace complications in land use reckoned to the seven provincial plans. The Greater Golden Horseshoe Growth Plan often cloaks the multijurisdictional constraints, for example, the amendment of the municipal zoning ordinance, land registry and surveys, land claims and conciliations, and housing options and taxations. The emphasis is to contour: first, identification of the key attributes and entity-sets; second, structuring of the geo-relational database connecting the local activities at the dissemination areas; and finally, the thematic features of each municipality and their contiguity. On the contrary, responsible land governance in municipal affairs is obviously substance at least to the three central obligations such as approach in integrated land management, shared periphery negotiation for economic and environmental growth moratoria, and digital data automation properties and protocols. The suggestion is that a massive development of digital spatial data is necessary to readdress the municipal affairs toward responsible land governance.

১৯৪৮ সালের ১০ই ডিসেম্বর সার্বজনীন মানবাধিকার ঘোষণা পত্র জাতিসংঘ
দ্বিতীয়  বিশ্বযুদ্ধের পর ১৯৪৮ সালের ১০ই ডিসেম্বর সার্বজনীন মানবাধিকার ঘোষণা পত্র জাতিসংঘ অনুমোদন করে । কিন্তু এর প্রায় কয়েক দশক পর জাতিসংঘের সদস্য রাষ্ট্রগণ অনুভব করলেন কেবলমাত্র সার্বজনীন মানবাধিকার ঘোষণা পত্র দিয়ে সারা বিশ্বের নারীদের সম মর্যদা ও অধিকার প্রতিষ্ঠা করা সম্ভব নয় । নারীর উন্নয়ন ও মর্যাদা কে সমুন্নত করার লক্ষ্যে জাতিসংঘ সর্বপ্রথম ১৯৭৫ সালকে বিশ্ব নারীবর্ষ হিসাবে ঘোষণা করে । পরে ১৯৭৬-১৯৮৫ পর্যন্ত একদশকের নারী উন্নয়ন কর্মসূচী ঘোষণা করা হয় । 
এই দশকের শেষ দিকে নারী উন্নয়নের পরিস্থিতি পর্যালোচনা করে দেখা গেল  নারীর মর্যাদা ও সমতা প্রতিষ্ঠার জন্য আরও কাজ করা দরকার । তাই পরবর্তীতে বিশ্বের বিভিন্ন দেশের নারীদের মতামত নিয়ে জাতিসংঘ ১৯৭৯ সালের ১৮ই ডিসেম্বর নারীর প্রতি সকল প্রকার বৈষম্য বিলোপ সনদ গ্রহণ করে যা সিডো সনদ নামে পরিচিত । জাতিসংঘ কর্তৃক গৃহীত ৬০টির অধিক সনদ বা চুক্তির মাত্র ৬টি সনদকে মানবাধিকার চুক্তি হিসাবে আখ্যায়িত করা হয় , তারমধ্যে এ সনদ অন্যতম ।
জাতীয় প্রেক্ষাপট :
১৯৭১ সালের ১৬ই ডিসেম্বর বাংলাদেশ স্বাধীন হয় । বাংলাদেশ স্বাধীন হওয়ার পর স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধে নির্যাতনের শিকার নারীদের পূনর্বাসনের মাধ্যমে নারী উন্নয়নের কাজ শুরু হয় । কিন্তু সে সময়ের নারী নেত্রীরা কিন্তু বিভিন্ন ক্ষেত্রে নারীর অবদানসমূহ তুলে ধরে যাচ্ছিলেন । দেশের অর্ধেক জনসংখ্যা নারীর অধিকারের বিষয়গুলো ধীরে ধীরে গুরুত্ব পাওয়া শুরু করল। পরবর্তীতে বর্তমান ক্ষমতাসীন আওয়ামী লীগ সরকার ১৯৯৬ সালের ১২ই জুন তার নির্বাচনী ইসতেহারে গুরুত্ব দেয় এবং ১৯৯৬ সালে নির্বাচনে জয়লাভ করে ও নির্বাচনী প্রতিশ্র“তি অনুযায়ী ১৯৯৭ সালে প্রথমবারের মত জাতীয় নারী উন্নয়ন নীতি প্রণীত হয় । পরে ২০০৪ সালে বিএনপি সরকার এর পরিবর্তন আনে । আবার ২০০৮ সালে তত্বাবধায়ক সরকার সংশোধিত আকারে নারী নীতি প্রণয়ন করে কিন্তু তা বাস্তবে কার্যকর হয়নি । ২০০৯ সালে এ সরকার ক্ষমতায় আসার পর ২০১১ বর্তমান নারী নীতি প্রণয়ন করে ।
কি আছে জাতীয় নারী উন্নয়ন নীতিতে ?

মোটাদাগে জাতীয় নারী উন্নয়ন নীতি ৩ ভাগে বিভক্ত :

বাংলাদেশ জাতীয় নারী উন্নয়ন নীতি প্রথম ভাগ, দ্বিতীয় ভাগ ও তৃতীয় ভাগ এ তিনভাগে বিভক্ত । বর্তমান নারী উন্নয়ন নীতির প্রথমভাগে এ নীতির ভুমিকা , পটভুমি এ নীতির যোক্তিকতা তুলে ধরা হয়েছে । এছাড়া বিভিন্ন আন্তর্জাতিক দলিল ও বিভিন্ন নারী বিষয়ক সম্মেরনের সুপারিশ সমূহ বাংলাদেশের সামাজিক প্রেক্ষাপটের আলোকে স্বীকৃতিদানের প্রচেষ্টা করা হয়েছে । নাররি অর্থনৈতিক ও সামাজিক প্রতিরক্ষাকে জোরদার করার উপাদান সমুহের
বিস্তারিত ব্যাখ্যা দেওযা হযেছে । যেমন-নারীর প্রতি বৈষম্য বিরোপ সনদের গ্রহণযোগ্য বিষয়, পারিবারিক সহিংসতা প্রতিরোধ ও সুরক্ষা আইন ২০১০, সংশোধিত নাগরিকত্ব আইন ২০০৯, নারী নির্যাতন প্রতিরোধ আইন ইত্যাদির বিস্তারিত ব্যাখ্যা । এছাড়া নারীর শিক্ষা, কর্মক্ষেত্রের বিস্তার, রাজনেতিক ক্ষেত্রে নারীর অংশগ্রহণ বাড়ানো । সর্বোপরি বর্তমান সরকারের রুপকল্প ২০১১ পরিকল্পনায় দেশের এ বৃহৎ শক্তিকে কজে লাগানোর সম্ভাব্য ক্ষেত্রসমূহের ব্যাখ্যা এবং এক্ষেত্রে সরকার ও মন্ত্রণালয়ের  ভুমিকার পরিস্কার ব্যাখ্যা দেওযা হয়েছে ।

দ্বিতীয়ভাগে জাতীয় নারী উন্নয়ন নীতি কি লক্ষ্যে কাজ করবে, এছাড়া নারীর মানবাধিকার এবং মৌলিক স্বাধীনতা নিশ্চিতকরণ, কন্যা শিশুর উন্নয়ন, নারীর প্রতি সকল নির্যাতন দূরীকরণ, নারী পাচার বন্ধ ও ক্ষতিগ্রস্তদের পূনর্বাসন করা , সশস্ত্র সংঘর্ষ ও নারীর অবস্থা, শিক্ষা ও প্রশিক্ষণ ক্রীড়া ও সংস্কৃতি, জাতীয় অর্থনৈতিক কর্মকান্ডে নারীর সমঅধিকার নিশ্চিতকরণ, প্রতিবন্ধী, নারী শিশু , নারীর কর্মক্ষেত্রে নারীর ক্ষমতায়নের নীতিমালা  ।
তৃতীয় ভাগে মূলতঃ কৌশলগতভাবে এইনীতি কিভারে বাস্তবায়িত হবে তার কর্মপরিকল্পনা এবং এ পরিকল্পনা বাস্তবায়নের জন্য আর্থিক উৎস সম্পর্কে বিস্তারিত বলা হয়েছে ।
আদিবাসী বিষয়ে জাতীয় নারী লক্ষ্যসমূহের মধ্যে ১৬ ও ১৭ অনুচ্ছেদে প্রতিবন্দী নারীর সাথে ক্ষুদ্র নৃগোষ্ঠীর নারীর অধিকার নিশ্চিত করার ক্ষেত্রে সার্বিক সহায়তা প্রদানের কথা আছে । এখানে আসলে অধিকার বলতে কি ধরনের অধিকার সেটা পরিষ্কার বোঝা যাচ্ছে না । অধিকার আসলে অনেক ব্যাপক বিষয় । অধিকারের কোন কোন বিষয় এ দুধরনের নারীর জন্য প্রযোজ্য সেটা অপরিস্কার । মজার বিষয় হচ্ছে এ নীতির ১৮ পাতায় ৩৮ নম্বর ধারায় “ অনগ্রসর ও ক্ষুদ্র-নৃ-গোষ্ঠী নারীর জন্য বিশেষ কার্যক্রম ’’ হিসাবে শিরোনাম দিয়ে ৩টি বিষয় এখানে বলা হয়েছে । বিষয়গুলো হলো  ৩৮.১ ক্ষু-নৃগোষ্ঠী ও অনগ্রসর নারীর উন্নয়ন ও বিকাশের সকল অধিকার নিশ্চিত করা ।
৩৮.২ ক্ষুদ্র- নৃগোষ্ঠীর নারী যাতে তার নিজস্ব ঐতিহ্য ও সংস্কৃতি অক্ষুন্ন রেখে বিকাশ লাভ করতে পারে সে লক্ষ্যে ব্যবস্থা গ্রহণ করা ।
৩৮.৩ অনগ্রসর নারীদের উন্নয়নের লক্ষ্যে বিশেষ কার্যক্রম গ্রহণ করা । উন্নয়ন ও বিকাশ এ কথাটি আরেকটু বিশ্লেষণ কররে বোঝা যায় কোন ব্যক্তিকে ক্ষমতাযিত না করলে সে যত আর্থিকভাবে সহযোগিতাই পাক না কেন তার অধিকার বাস্ত-বায়িত করতে পারবে না। ক্ষমকায়িত ব্যক্তি বা নারী তাকেই বলব, যে নারী নিজেই সিদ্ধান্ত নিতে পারবে সে কি করবে, কি সে উন্নতি করবে। এখানে কোথাও বলা নেই, পুরুষের অর্জিত অর্ধেক সম্পত্তিতে নারী ভাগ বসাবে । ৩৮.২ অনুচ্ছেদে বলা আছে আদিবাসী নারী যাতে তার নিজস্ব ঐতিহ্য ও সংস্কৃতি অক্ষুন্ন রেখে বিকাশ লাভ করবে । যেখানে আদিবাসী নারীদের ক্ষমতায়নের কোন সুযোগ নেই, তাদের সংস্কৃতি হুমকীর মুখে সেখানে সে কিভাবে এর চর্চা করবে । এখানে বলা ভালো চর্চা করার কাগুজে অধিকার দিলেই যে সংস্কৃতি বিকশিত হবে সেটা ধরে নেওয়া ভুল । এক্ষেত্রে ক্ষমতায়নের সুযোগ, সংস্কৃতি চর্চার ক্ষেত্র প্রস্তুত করলেই কেবল উপরে উল্লেখিত ধারা বাস্তবায়ন সম্ভব ।

আমরা জাতীয সংসদের আসনগুলো বিশ্লেষণ করলে দেখি সব সময় সেখানে পুরুষের আধিপত্য । বর্তমানে যে প্রক্রিয়া চলছে কিছুদিন পর এ আসনগুলো ও বিশেষভাবে সংরক্ষিত করে রাখতে হবে । সেখানে নারী তো কোন ছার । এর প্রকৃত উদাহরণ খাগড়াছড়ি, রাঙ্গামাটী ও বান্দরবানের পৌরসভা নির্বাচন । । নারী উন্নয়ন নীতির শেষভাগে কর্মকৌশল ও কর্মপরিকল্পনা অধ্যায়ে কোথাও আদিবাসী নারীদের অধিকার বিশেষভাবে সংরক্ষিত হবে সে বিষয়ে কোন সুনির্দিষ্ট কর্মকৌশল ও কর্মপরিকল্পনা নেই । কর্মকৌশল কর্মপরিকল্পনা না থাকলে এতবড় একটা জনগুরুত্বপূর্ণ বিষয কিভাবে বাস্ত-বায়িত হবে সে বিষয়টা পরিস্কার নয় । বিষয়টা মনে হয়েছে লেখার জন্য লেখা । আদিবাসী নারীরা এমনিতে অদিবাসী হিসাবে সবসময় উপেক্ষিত ও বঞ্চনার শিকার, তার উপরে আবার আদিবাসীদের দমননীতির কারনে তারা সবসময় সহিংসতার শিকার । সরকার যদি প্রকৃতই আন্তরিক হয় তাহলে তার এ বিষয়ে দৃষ্টি দেওয়া জরুরী । আমার লেখার মাধ্যমে আমি এ বিষয়টি আমি সরকারের সমীপে তুলে ধরার চেষ্টা করছি । যারা পলিসি লেভেলে কাজ করেন তাদের কে ও পুরো বিষয়টি নিয়ে আবার একটু ভাববার অনুরোধ করছি । নারীনীতিতে ক্ষমতায়ন বিষয়ে একটি আলাদা অধ্যায় আছে এ অধ্যায়কে মাথায় রেখে কর্মপরিকল্পনায় আদিবাসী  নারীকে ক্ষমতায়নের জন্য কর্মপরিকল্পনা থাকা জরুরী ।

নারী নীতিতে আদিবাসী নারীর স্বকীয় সাংস্কৃতিক বিষয়ের বিষয়ের চর্চার বিশেষ অধিকারের কথা বলা হয়েছে । এর মর্মার্থ হচ্ছে আদিবাসী নারীরা নাচ গান ইত্যাদির চর্চা করবে এবং আমাদের নীতি নির্ধারকরা তাদের বিশেষ অনুষ্ঠানে, এসব প্রদর্শন করে সংস্কৃতির বিশেষ অধিকার সংরক্ষণ করবেন। বিষয়টা আদিবাসী নারীর ক্ষমতাযনের উপর বিরুপ প্রভাব ফেলবে । একজন নারী যখন প্রকৃতঅর্থে ক্ষমতাযিত হয় তখন তার অন্যান্য ক্ষেত্রে বিকাশ এমনিতে সম্পন্ন হয় । এ গূঢ় মর্মার্থ আমাদের নীতি নির্ধারক মহল কবে বুঝবে । সবশেষে আসুন সবাই মিলে বিষয়টি নিয়ে সচেতন হই আর সরকারকে বলি ক্ষমতায়নের জন্য আদিবাসী নারীদের জন্য বিশেষ কর্মসূচী নিতে ।

রাজনৈতিক ভূমিকা বা নেতৃত্ব দানে নারী নেতৃত্ব একেবারেই নেই। পার্বত্য চট্টগ্রামের ৩ পার্বত্য জেলার ৩০০ মৌজায় মাত্র হাতে গোনা কয়েকজন নারী হেডম্যান আছেন। কিন্তু তারা হেডম্যান হয়েছেন মৃত স্বামীর উত্তরাধিকার ধরে রাখার জন্য। ২ডিসেম্বর, ১৯৯৭- এ পার্বত্য চুক্তির পর সৃষ্ট ‘পার্বত্য চট্টগ্রাম আঞ্চলিক পরিষদ’- এ নারী আসন শূন্যের কোঠায়। জেলা পরিষদে যদিও ৯টি আসন, প্রতি জেলায় ৩টি করে বরাদ্দ আছে। কিন্তু বাস্তবে এসব আসনে নারী দেখা যায় না। পার্বত্য চট্টগ্রামের উন্নয়ন কর্মকান্ডের মূল সমন্বয়কারীর বড় ভূমিকা হচ্ছে জেলা পরিষদের। এখানে যদি নারী প্রতিনিধি না থাকে, তাহলে উন্নয়ন কর্মকান্ডে নারীর অংশগ্রহণ আসবে কোত্থেকে? সমতল এলাকার ক্ষেত্রেও একই বিষয় প্রযোজ্য ।

এই নারীদের ক্ষমতায়ন করার জন্য ইউনিয়ন জেলা ও আঞ্চলিক পরিষদে নারী উপস্থিতি বিশেষ অবস্থায় বাড়ানো হলে এই পথ কিছুটা সুগম হতো। নারীরাও ক্ষমতায়নের সুযোগ পেতো। নারীরা সবসময় প্রাকৃতিক সম্পদ সুরক্ষার মূল কারিগর হয়েও নেতৃত্ব দানে পিছিয়ে আছে। সংস্কৃতি ধরে রাখার জন্য তাদের অবদান অনস্বীকার্য।

পরিশেষে  আদিবাসী নারীদের সিদ্ধান্ত গ্রহণ, নেতৃত বিকাশ, নেতৃত্ব দান- এ সমস্ত ভূমিকায় দেখতে চাইলে, সমাজের বিভিন্নস্তরে ও পর্যায়ে যেখানে সুযোগ আসে সেখানে বিশেষ ব্যবস্থায় নারীদের এগিয়ে নিয়ে আসতে হবে। এক্ষেত্রে সরকার, সরকারী ও বেসরকারী সংস্থার মাধ্যমে সমন্বয় করে নারীর অংশগ্রহণ বাড়াতে হবে ও বিভিন্ন কর্মসূচী নিতে হবে। সিডো এবং নারী উন্নয়ন নীতি বাস্তবায়ন করতে হলে এ ছাড়া আর কোন বিকল্প নেই।

তথ্যসূত্র: নারী উন্নয়ন নীতি ২০১১ও সিডো সনদ

This study sought to find out customary practices and institutions and land policy implementation in the Districts of Kasese, Sheema and Bushenyi in Uganda since the Uganda National Land Policy (UNLP) 2013. Using mixed methods design data was collected from 436 participants and respondents and was analysed using SPSS 23 for quantitative analysis and general content analysis for qualitative analysis. The study found out that customary institutions and practices are intervening in land policy implementation and should be further addressed for better land policy implementation. The study recommended compatible practices with the UNLP 2013 integrated into land policy implementation. This study considered customary practices and institutions as a possible intervening variable in land policy implementation. Therefore they were addressed such as to be seen as not confounding central-local governmental relations but rather facilitating it. Customary practices and institutions embrace parallel institutions, gender bias, age bias and marital bias. Anderson postulated that community institutions can be employed in the administration of government programmes at the central and/or local levels and could affect policy implementation (Anderson, 1991). Since different institutions are involved in policy implementation, they contribute to different approaches in policy implementation. Land rights administration in Uganda function within a dual system involving; the traditional customary systems administered by customs and norms of given communities and; the formal state system administered by written law. The two are not in harmony. Institutional and systemic conflict resulting from parallel practices leads to confusion as distinct roles of the various institutions under customary and statutory institutions are not clear. In addition, Ministry of Lands Housing and Urban Development (MoLHUD) reported inconsistencies in customary system with regard to standards, rules and procedures (MoLHUD, 2013). Since central-local governmental relations also deal with the extent local citizens through their local authorities are allowed to manage the delivery of public services in their own areas (Agranoff, 2012) customary practices and institutions can either promote or hinder land policy implementation. The Economic Commission for Africa (2012) suggested that a key ingredient to preventing policy problems is community participation both in the formulation of the various land management frameworks and in managing land resources. Consequently the UNLP makes a policy statement on land rights of women and children. Government shall by legislation, protect the right to inheritance and ownership of land for women and children. Government shall ensure that both men and women enjoy equal rights to land before marriage, in marriage and after marriage and at succession without discrimination. Women's access and secure rights to land must therefore be the cornerstone of national land policy implementation and of the related economic objectives of Vision 2040 and the National Development Plan (Kabanda et al., 2015; Republic of Uganda, 2010). The gender bias against women in land rights can be righted as Ethiopia and Rwanda have proven in their recent land legal reform and land certification programs (Byamugisha, 2014a). The entire course of the UNLP implementation will require a special emphasis on women's access and secure rights to land (MoLHUD, 2015).

This study is a pilot plan to field test the tools provided by the Land Governance Assessment Framework (LGAF).
The LGAF is a diagnostic tool for the evaluation of land governance at the national level. It provides governments with an objective assessment tool that they can use to identify the areas where improvements are needed. The overall diagnostic is made through the assessment of twenty-one Land Governance Indicators (LGIs) grouped into five main topics: (1) legal and institutional framework, (2) land use planning, management and taxation, (3) management of public land, (4) public provision of land information, and (5) dispute resolution and conflict management.
The main mechanism to score each of the indicators was the opinion of experts from government and industry who met in seven debate panels gathered in Lima. In addition, field trips for the pilot study included surveys and interviews with government officials in Lima, Chiclayo and Cusco. Other semi-structured interviews with private practitioners and government officials, and a review of secondary sources helped to prepare the debate panels and provide a complement to the experts’ findings.
Despite limited resources and the exploratory nature of the pilot plan, this survey allowed to create a database containing valuable information and gather experience that will facilitate future versions of the study. Oftentimes, the many facets of land policies are subject to focused analyses that disregard the mutual impacts of policy components. LGAF’s systemic vision produced highly valuable information that permits an embracing vision but also specific analyses supported by targeted indicators.
A major finding of the Peru pilot plan related to the existence of a community of actors engaged in the various components of the study who are interested in contributing to improve land management. Disseminating this study can therefore prove helpful in connecting the interests and efforts of a wide range of public and private sector practitioners, members of the business community, academics, NGOs and other civil society organizations.

El desarrollo social y económico sostenible del Perú requiere un Estado con capacidad de asignar derechos, regular el uso de los recursos, imponer sanciones y arbitrar conflictos de manera transparente, predecible e inclusiva en el marco del estado de derecho. Precisamente de eso se trata la gobernanza de la tierra. 
La mejora de la capacidad de gestión del Estado está íntimamente vinculada a la prevención de los agudos conflictos que se presentan entre los intereses por la explotación de recursos naturales, la preservación del medio ambiente y las demandas de las comunidades locales que desalientan muchas inversiones. Asimismo, la forma como se implemente el proceso de descentralización en marcha es crítica para una gestión del Estado efectiva, donde las autoridades regionales y locales tomen decisiones más cerca de los ciudadanos pero en el marco de políticas nacionales homogéneas.
El documento LGAF –que compara los resultados de un piloto realizado en 2009- consolida el análisis realizado en 9 paneles conformados por 63 expertos provenientes de instituciones públicas y privadas más relevantes en la materia (incluyendo entidades públicas del gobierno central, representantes de gobiernos regionales y locales, organizaciones del sector privado, ONGs y la academia), quienes han evaluado 120 indicadores de gobernanza de la tierra. La asignación de rankings se ha realizado sobre la base de evidencias disponibles, incluye información de contexto y presenta recomendaciones de políticas públicas. Además pone a consideración de las entidades relevantes propuestas específicas de indicadores cuantitativos para monitorear el progreso a lo largo del tiempo.