Land reform

La sfârșitul Primului Război Mondial, unirea condiționată votată la Alba Iulia a rezervat Transilvaniei un statut ambiguu în cadrul României Mari, acela al unei provincii semiautonome. Conform Rezoluției Adunării Naționale de la Alba Iulia, acest statut avea să fie unul provizoriu, menținut până la întrunirea Adunării Constituante alese pe baza votului universal. Decizia – motivată prin dorința de a lăsa timpul necesar elaborări unei formule optime de unificare a regimurilor juridice foarte diferite ale provinciilor – a făcut ca, timp de mai bine de un an, până în aprilie 1920, Transilvania să treacă printr-o perioadă de tranziție de-a lungul căreia s-a raportat la două centre, cel regional și Bucureștiul.
Contextul social tensionat al sfârșitului de război a făcut imposibilă amânarea adoptării reformelor promise în timpul războiului până la încheierea procesului de unificare legislativă. Astfel, perioada de tranziție a coincis cu adoptarea celor mai importante reforme ale României interbelice, cea electorală și cea agrară. Diferențele foarte mari dintre provincii au făcut imposibilă reglementarea reformei agrare printr-un act normativ unic, astfel încât fiecare dintre acestea a avut propria legislație agrară. În cazul Transilvaniei, proiectul legii a fost redactat de Consiliul Dirigent, instituție care, până în 1920, a avut rolul unui guvern regional provizoriu.
Legea pentru reforma agrară din Transilvania, Banat, Crișana și Maramureș a inclus unele prevederi ce reflectă nu doar diferențe juridice, administrative etc. în raport cu celelalte provincii, ci și diferențe majore în abordările alese de legiuitori. Unele dintre aceste prevederi aveau să determine o situație foarte particulară a orașelor transilvănene. Pe de o parte, exproprierile aveau să reducă drastic domeniile funciare ale acestora, iar, pe de altă parte, împroprietăririle cu locuri de casă aveau să ducă la extinderi, în multe cazuri masive, ale ariilor intravilane (cu zeci și chiar sute de hectare). Spre deosebire de legislația agrară a Vechiului Regat, a Bucovinei sau a Basarabiei, legea ardeleană atribuia reformei și scopul ameliorării crizei de locuințe în orașe, astfel încât, în plus față de împroprietăririle cu locuri de casă în mediul rural, aceasta prevedea și împroprietăriri urbane.
Startul reformei agrare într-o perioadă de tranziție, particularitățile legii agrare a Transilvaniei, dar și felul în care a fost gestionat transferul de putere dinspre centrul regional către București au făcut ca aplicarea legislației de împroprietărire în orașele ardelene să se desfășoare într-un context tensionat, marcat de numeroase controverse și contradicții.
Deși introducea prevederi ce aveau să afecteze profund orașele – fie prin exproprieri, fie prin extinderi generate de împroprietăririle cu locuri de casă –, legea agrară a Transilvaniei punea aceste operațiuni în sarcina acelorași instituții ce fuseseră create pentru aplicarea reformei în mediul rural, fără să a le impune consultarea primăriilor sau a serviciilor tehnice ale acestora. Municipalitățile pierdeau astfel o mare parte din controlul asupra dezvoltării orașelor lor în favoarea instituțiilor reformei agrare. Ignorarea planurilor de dezvoltare, precum și decupajele și adițiile făcute asupra teritoriilor orașelor în lipsa unor studii urbanistice au determinat primăriile a cel puțin 23 dintre cele 49 de orașe ale Transilvaniei să se angajeze în procese de lungă durată în încercarea de a recupera terenurile comunale expropriate. Mai târziu, la capătul anilor 1920, reprezentanții mai multor orașe au contestat nu doar exproprierea domeniilor orășenești, ci însăși legitimitatea intervenției instituțiilor reformei agrare, în lipsa unor mecanisme de control, în mediul urban.
Întrucât proiectul legii agrare pentru Transilvania a fost elaborat de Consiliul Dirigent în perioada de tranziție de după război, autoritățile de la București nu au știut, până în 1925, despre acele prevederi ale legii cu impact asupra orașelor. Mai mult, în 1921, la puțină vreme după votul legii agrare a Transilvaniei, Parlamentul de la București a votat așa-numita lege de împroprietărire urbană sau Legea din 18 octombrie 1921, care a complicat și mai mult situația împroprietăririlor din Ardeal. Valabil în toate provinciile României Mari, noul act normativ nu a abrogat acele articole ale legii agrare transilvănene referitoare la împroprietăririle cu locuri de casă în mediul urban. Astfel, începând cu toamna anului 1921, de-a lungul întregii perioade interbelice, în Transilvania s-au aflat simultan în vigoare două acte normative ale căror ținte se suprapuneau, dar care creau mecanisme de aplicare diferite, punând în opoziție două seturi de instituții ale statului ce aveau priorități contrare.
Efectele aplicării reformei agrare în mediul urban – exproprierea terenurilor de la marginea orașelor ce constituiau importante rezerve pentru dezvoltarea orașelor, exproprierea terenurilor comunale intravilane, extinderile masive prin noi parcelări pentru locuri de casă etc. – au fost sesizate de autoritățile de la București abia începând cu anul 1925, când lucrările de expropriere și împroprietărire erau deja foarte avansate. Anii care au urmat au dezvăluit o situație foarte complicată și, în ciuda eforturilor autorităților centrale, greu reversibilă.
La momentul unirii, liderii transilvăneni deciseseră păstrarea în vigoare, cu unele excepții, a legislației emise până în octombrie 1918, prelungind astfel și regimul descentralizat al administrației publice locale. Intervenția instituțiilor reformei agrare în procesul decizional privind dezvoltarea și extinderea orașelor a făcut ca, din acest punct de vedere, sistemul descentralizat să devină, în realitatea, unul difuz. Lacunele legislației agrare și, mai ales, necunoașterea de către autoritățile de la București a realităților transilvănene au lăsat o mare parte din puterea decizională instituțiilor subordonate Ministerului Agriculturii și Domeniilor. Ambiguitățile legislative, lipsa unui cadru legal care să permită intervenția municipalităților și reacția foarte târzie a autorităților centrale au făcut ca decizii importante legate de dezvoltarea orașelor să fie luate de un mozaic de instituții, cu priorități diferite, într-un sistem difuz și disonant. Astfel, cel puțin pentru primii ani ai perioadei interbelice, Transilvania a rămas marginală, într-o tranziție incertă de la autonomie administrativă, la sistemul centralizator impus, în cele din urmă, României Mari.

Land reform is one way in which the 'new' South Africa set out to redress the injustices of apartheid and, by redistributing land to black South Africans, to transform the structural basis of racial inequality. During the first decade of democracy, land reform has fallen far short of both public expectations and official targets. This article describes the progress of the programme and its changing nature. It is argued that a recent shift in land policy, from a focus on the rural poor to 'emerging' black commercial farmers, is consistent with changes in macroeconomic policy and reflects shifting class alliances. The programme now appears to pursue a limited deracialisation of the commercial farming areas rather than a process of agrarian restructuring. Most fundamentally, land reform has not yet provided a strategy to overcome agrarian dualism.

The paper puts forward a workable rural development strategy. It shows on which principles, which historical realities and which statistical facts such a strategy should be based. It looks at what the government is doing to promote rural development and suggests ways in which current policies could be improved, expanded and refined. The paper starts by reviewing the statistical literature on rural poverty to demonstrate how desperate the situation is and how urgent the need for action. In order to provide a greater sense of process and of detail the paper then looks at some of the dynamics that have shaped and are shaping different parts of rural South Africa. In this section the paper covers agricultural transformation, changing labour markets, rural differentiation, patterns of urbanisation, levels of education, institutional changes and gender discrimination. In the third part of the paper government programmes such as land reform, agricultural development policies, integrated rural development programmes, the education policy and the welfare policy are reviewed. We offer constructive criticisms and ways to add to these policies in order to make our vision of rural development a reality. We also suggest that government should focus more attention on strengthening the organisational capacity of rural people.

Some rights reserved 1 2 3 4 17 16 15 14 This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Nothing herein shall constitute or be considered to be a limitation upon or waiver of the privileges and immunities of The World Bank, all of which are specifically reserved.

We conducted a systematic review on the effects of land tenure recognition interventions on agricultural productivity, income, investment and other relevant outcomes. We synthesise findings from 20 quantitative studies and nine qualitative studies that passed a methodological screening. The results indicate substantial productivity and income gains from land tenure recognition, although gains differ markedly by region. We find that these effects may operate through gains in perceived tenure security and investment; we find no evidence for a credit mechanism. The qualitative synthesis highlights potential adverse effects. A conclusion emphasises the need for further research on interregional differences and on the role of customary tenure arrangements.

This paper examines the role of household characteristics and government policy in shaping land use and forest fallow management in a peasant community (ejido) in the southern Yucat! an Peninsula, Mexico. Data gathered through in-depth household interviews (n ¼ 44) and field visits (n ¼ 464) were integrated into a retrospective panel data set for statistical analyses. Results underscore the role of household-level and structural factors in the process of land accumulation, land use and secondary forest dynamics, and point to the need for closer study of the impacts of Constitutional reform and agricultural support policies on the seasonally dry tropical forests of Mexico.

This conference paper from 2010 examines how land reform and rural development are routinely presented as key components of the poverty reduction strategy driven by the State. The restitution programme occupies a particular place in the broader land reform programme as it specifically seeks to redress the land dispossession which took place since 1913 and to alleviate the impoverishment and suffering it caused. Restitution is a hugely challenging undertaking which involves much more than the verification of claimants and the restoration of land. We examine these challenges through the lens of Schmidtsdrift, a large restitution case in the Northern Cape which has diamonds, thousands of hectares of grazing land, irrigation rights on the Vaal and other resources. We review how a combination of oversimplified notions of ‘the community’, complex conflicts of interest and values, weak institutions, and the failure to conceptualise appropriate planning and support has come at a high cost and failed to unlock key assets for the benefit of the poor.

This article examines critically the Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Village with the perspective of access and exclusion dymanics. Focused on the natural resource questions, this paper demonstrates that Village Law has normatively provide a broader political opportunity for the villagers to access local natural resources, yet the law itself contains some threats of exclusion. The legislation of the law is oriented to rehabilitate the autonomy of the village from the long trajectory of state corporatism, but without takes into account (and hence, failed to address) the marginatization of village caused by agrarian and ecological crises as the consequence of capitalist expansion. To go beyond this legal limitation, this paper explores five empirical cases to demonstrate various forms of agrarian and ecological crises and different responses by villagers to address them. Accordingly, six themes of learning are formulated to propose a new direction for the village reform movement. The exploration also leads to a conclusion that in order to confront capitalist expansion both strategies of “struggle for access” and “struggle against exclusion” should be simultaneously exercised in the future of village reform movement.

Land Reform and Expropriation from Female Owners (1962-1972); Western Iran Case Study
Goal: the general aim of the present paper is to outline the evolution of female landlords during Land reform revisions. We want to show why and how expropriation of possession from women happened and its consequences.
Methodology: The present study uses a qualitative approach. Data were gathered based on library documents and resources and in accordance with targeted sampling. For data analysis, grounded theory method was used.
Findings: Findings reveal that over the process of Land reform women were denied ownership in a large scale. The major reasons for expropriation from women were: the Law of Land reform, absence of female owners, quota and quota-setting which was considered a masculine right by convention in rural communities, and finally the collapse of the lord-servant system. Expropriation from women had various implications. For example, submission and subjection of rural women, inequality of rural-urban women, self-burning of rural women and expansion of legal possession were all among the consequences of removing women from land ownership in rural

The Philippines’ longstanding campaign for agrarian reform has largely been led mainly by peasant organizations with deep links to the democracy movement. Following the transition from martial law to electoral politics in 1986, a broad coalition was able to secure the legislation of meaningful agrarian reform. Yet landlord power and impunity have managed to slow reform implementation. For decades, the peasant movement has struggled to push the government to implement its own laws, which involves direct conflict with landlords and their allies in government. In contrast to much of the research literature on accountability initiatives, which focuses on public goods and service provision, this study addresses the more openly contested process of implementing a redistributive reform. Specifically, this paper investigates the contestation involved in the implementation of agrarian reform through the lens of multi-level accountability politics, which asserts that citizen-led campaigns hav...

It is a well-known fact that millions of people all over the world do not have access to food on a daily basis or face hunger, malnutrition and starvation, despite the fact that their governments have ratified international treaties in which the right to food takes a prominent place. There is thus a big gap between rhetoric and reality, between theoretically having the right to food and enjoying it in practice. The present contribution deals with ways in which to realise the right to adequate food. It suggests the adoption of a framework law as a means of strengthening the implementation of the right to food at the domestic level. In the first part, the article discusses the right to adequate food from an international human rights perspective. It deals, amongst others, with the background, aim and contents of a national framework law on the right to food. In the second part, attention is given to the role of civil society in the promotion of a framework law. This is illustrated by using the example of South Africa, where the lack of availability and accessibility of food to the poor would justify the adoption of a framework law.

Paper selected by the World Bank for the Land and Poverty Conference 2018: Land Governance in an Interconnected World March 19-23, 2018, Washington, DC

This paper presents the challenges and possible opportunities to resolve an intractable issue plaguing both land tenure security and social equity in the Dominican Republic – an issue which is a remnant of the agrarian reform process and in particular a result of uncompensated expropriations of private lands.

Photo of Dominican RepublicWith the enactment of the Agrarian Reform Law (Law 5879/1962), a process of agrarian reform was initiated in the Dominican Republic that modified the regime of ownership and exploitation of land in the country. As a result a new legal and institutional structure was created, which included the creation of the Dominican Agrarian Institute (IAD), as the entity responsible for carrying out agrarian reform through expressly stipulated powers, among which is: “To request, in accordance with the law, of the Executive Power, the expropriation of any property that it deems necessary for the purposes of the law.” Under the Agrarian Reform Law, the IAD would have the task of establishing and distributing State lands (assigned, acquired or expropriated) to constitute family farming units on which families of poor farmers would be placed. Subsequently, in 1972, a set of subsidiary laws and regulations were promulgated with the aim of accelerating the implementation of agrarian reform.

However, this legal framework combined with a vigorous and politicized public policy of massive expropriation immediately began to generate a problem which has survived to today in the rural areas of the country. That is, the expansive application of expropriation without payment of the corresponding just compensation and the subsequent distribution of the expropriated land to small farmers without providing proper land title. From a property rights perspective the problem stems from the well-intentioned Article 97 of the Land Registration Law (Law 108/2005) which stipulates that when a property is expropriated, the Registrar of Title will not proceed to register the transfer of any right over the property until it has been demonstrated that the holder of the registered right has received full compensation. Since compensation has not been paid, the expropriated owner remains on the land registry causing what is essentially a situation of ‘government imposed reciprocal tenure insecurity’.

The resulting situation exemplifies a significant ‘lose-lose’ in which expropriated land owners still hold valid title, but without occupancy or control over the land and with little chance of receiving just compensation, and small farmer occupants without the possibility to formalize their government assigned occupation into a legally registered title. Within this policy, legal and property rights system context, the tool of expropriation, even if it was intended for the purpose of equitable and efficient redistribution of rural lands, has in practice become an economic and social constraint to the rights of both the land owners and the land occupants. In-turn generating widespread land tenure insecurity.

The paper briefly describes the magnitude of the current situation while highlighting the very complex structure of the underlying legal property rights system which is exacerbated by the Dominican Republic maintaining a dual land registration system; a Torrens-based Registry of Title system established during the US military occupation of the 1920’s alongside the Ministerial System established in 1890 with its origins in the French deeds system. The paper also stresses the spirit of the Dominican Constitution of strong property rights and the Dominican Government’s commitment to promote ‘a landowning country’ through the programmatic intervention of the Permanent Commission for Land Titling under the auspices of the Ministry of the Presidency.

Given this context and these circumstances, it is important to look for innovative options to effectively address this issue that continues to negatively affect rural land tenure security and property rights at its base, and equitable rural development as the ultimate objective. Thus, consideration should be given to lessons learned and innovative strategies from international experiences that may offer pragmatic solutions to the situation. Since, in the end, resolving this situation not only represents putting to rest a lingering internal problem of the arbitrariness and inequity of many of the expropriation processes of the past, but will also generate and demonstrate an overall climate of legal security and economic and social equity.

Addressing this problem is at least three-fold: 1) development of a national strategy for land tenure formalization that is framed within an adequate public policy for development of rural communities and individuals; 2) development of effective guidelines and operational mechanisms that provide incentives to both registered land owners and informal land occupants to engage in negotiations leading to private land formalization and registration of ownership; and 3) proactive government advocacy to bring willing parties together and to formally acknowledge the result of agreements. Items one and three will require government support and intervention, but item two could and should be led by the private sector and civil society.

In an effort to provide lessons learned from various international experiences which can serve as a reference point to address the situation in the Dominican Republic, the paper reviews emblematic cases from Central and Eastern Europe, as well as experiences from Latin America. These cases have used innovative formalization processes to confront and provide solutions to problems of tenure insecurity resulting from incomplete or unsuccessful implementation of an agrarian reform process and/or from state expropriations. In light of the situation in the Dominican Republic and taking into consideration international experiences from Colombia, Mexico, Honduras, a series of possible solutions is offered to facilitate discussion leading to public policy decisions to address the situation in the Dominican Republic. Implementation of any of these solutions should be proceeded by the completion of an up-to-date inventory of expropriated land for which land owners have not be compensated. Given the time since the majority of the expropriations and the significant lack of available official information on the cases, this inventory is needed to fully understand the legal situation and ‘genealogy’ of each parcel.

The possible solutions presented in the paper are: (i) government compensation to registered land owners through the provision of socio-environmental and/or economically equivalent land; (ii) establishment by one or more of the registered land owners of a private land trust followed by the subsequent sale or leasing of individual parcels from the trust to current individual occupants; (iii) government-promoted and recognized private negotiations leading to land sales between owners and occupants (i.e., market-assisted land reform); and (iv) government issuance of compensation vouchers or coupons which can be used to acquire state-owned lands or as payment of property taxes. Each of these possible solutions are described in the paper. Recent efforts by Land Alliance to promote these solutions to Dominican government authorities and civil society organizations are also described.

Sol – Ressource – Non fongibilité – Immobilier – Financiarisation – Opacité – Observation – Patrimoine – Appropriation – Segmentation du marché – Usus, fructus, abusus – Bouquet de droits – Cadastre – Tragédie des communs – Propriété collective – Réforme foncière – Privatisation – Domanialité – Prescription acquisitive – Bail – Terra nullius – Propriétaire – Déguerpissement – Dépossession – Occupation informelle – Collectivisation – Citoyenneté – Prix – Valeur – Rente foncière – Cyclicité – Bulle – Plus-value – Investissement – Evaluation – Prix hédoniques – Compte-à-rebours – Cash-flows – Politique foncière – Fiscalité  foncière – Aménagement négocié – Offre foncière – Rareté – Préemption – Expropriation – Droits à bâtir – Contentieux – Zonage – Portage foncier – Maîtrise foncière – Réserve foncière – Servitude – Compensation – Consommation – Rétention – Périurbanisation – Lotissement – Promotion – Renouvellement urbain – Friche – Densification – Rent gap hypothesis – Remembrement foncier – Accaparement

The current Ethiopian government originated in a Marxist revolutionary movement, which early in its struggle against the Derg regime recognized the widespread discrimination against women in Ethiopian society and placed gender emancipation at the centre of its revolutionary strategy. While political expediency and confrontation with patriarchal Ethiopian society has at times challenged its commitment to women, the EPRDF has, nevertheless, introduced a number of reforms which aim to promote gender equality. This includes recognition of equality between men and women in land rights, and a land registration programme that requires the names of both husbands and wives on certificates. This paper examines the gendered impacts of these reforms through analysis of three village-level case studies based on fieldwork conducted in 2009-10. The cases highlight the contingent nature of gender outcomes based on local state-society relations, and the government’s political and economic priorities, resulting in considerable variation within Ethiopia.

Final report of the four-month Modernizing Extension and Advisory Services Field Support Activity in the Republic of Tajikistan. Implemented by the University of Illinois to support the US Government Feed the Future activity. Annexes to the report (some separate, some in the main report document)  include a number of materials about agricultural policy, land reform, local government and economics in Tajikistan.

Drawing on an ethnographic analysis of communities living in the vicinity of industrial tuna fishing and processing facilities in Madang Province, Papua New Guinea (PNG), this chapter explores and critiques some of the claims which are made by proponents of land formalisation in PNG. Far from securing people’s access to the promises of development, globalisation, and statehood, it argues, mechanisms of land formalisation for these communities have, in many cases, facilitated and exacerbated experiences of exclusion. The chapter considers two key ways in which this has occurred: first, through the introduction and privileging of particular practices of boundary making associated with modernist and regulatory approaches to land organisation; and second, through the use of incorporated land groups and lease-leaseback schemes which claim to reconcile customary and modern land systems. The intention here is not to suggest that all forms of legislative response to issues of land organisation should be avoided. Indeed, as the Madang communities find themselves entangled with the structures of both globalising capital and the nation- state, forms of institutionalised response can become both necessary and desirable. The argument, simply, is that more critical acknowledgement be made of the ways in which mechanisms of land formalisation can, themselves, function to exclude.

My research focuses on rural women's violence and violence against women during the Communistled Land Reform in North China from 1946 to 1948. Using "worn-out shoes" (poxie, women accused of transgressing sexual norms) as a lens, the goal is to demonstrate the significance of this campaign in the process of the militarization of women, and to explore the complicity of women's agency in atrocities and crimes during the revolution. Among many fundamental changes ushered in by twentieth century China's Communist revolution, the transformation of women's identity is particularly interesting to historians. What did the revolution mean to women living in China? What did women mean to the revolution? My research considers these two questions by examining in-depth how women practiced violence or women who became targets in the revolution.

With the dawn of democracy in South Africa in 1994, the struggle of indigenous Griqua for land has gained new momentum. Having lost most of their ancestral land in the 19th century due to colonialism, Griqua people are now using new legal opportunities to reclaim land. On their reobtained land Griqua people dwell, farm, celebrate indigenous festivals and create cultural villages for tourists. In doing so, Griqua people are currently contributing to the making of Ethnicity, Inc., the double process of commodification of culture and creation of ethnic businesses.
The pdf is an excerpt of the book which comprises the contents, the introduction, chapter 4 and 9.

Catatan lapangan dari kunjungan delegasi Indonesia ke Filipina untuk belajar tentang pelaksanaan Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) di Filipina. CARP merupakan kebijakan reforma agraria yang telah berjalan selama puluhan tahun di Filipina.

The debate on the feasibility and appropriateness of land expropriation without compensation in South Africa revolves around the construction of S25 of the Constitution. The manner in which the racially skewed land ownership patterns in South Africa were strategically fomented is well-documented. It started with colonialism and consolidated by a more subtle version of colonialism, Apartheid. Those systems successfully entrenched advantage, disadvantage and privilege along racial lines. 
Many policies and legislations introduced by the Apartheid regime had a sole objective, the advancement of the white minority interests at the expense of those of the black majority. Our white compatriots benefitted immensely from these regrettable policies and wide array of oppressive legislations. The white minority consequently became the owners of the land after the forceful removals of blacks from their ancestral land. However, history warn us that any regime not premised on the collective will of the people can only suffer one fate, rejection and demise! The fall of the apartheid minority rule was therefore always on the cards. Its eventual collapse inevitably and considerably threatened white interests as the owners of means of production. This is so because political power gave them a ‘master-key’ to open every door of opportunity and advantage, anytime, anyhow.

The United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) is an autonomous agency engaging in multidisciplinary research on the social dimensions of contemporary problems affecting development. Its work is guided by the conviction that, for effective development policies to be formulated, an understanding of the social and political context is crucial. The Institute attempts to provide governments, development agencies, grassroots organizations and scholars with a better understanding of how development policies and processes of economic, social and environmental change affect different social groups. Working through an extensive network of national research centres, UNRISD aims to promote original research and strengthen research capacity in developing countries.

Przedmiotem niniejszej analizy jest wielopłaszczyznowa, wielopoziomowa i kompleksowa analiza zagadnień związanych z działalnością zbrojnego ruchu oporu, który miał miejsce w Polsce od 1944 r., kiedy, wraz z ofensywą Armii Czerwonej na terenach okupowanych do tego czasu przez hitlerowskie Niemcy, zaczęły powstawać nielegalne - w świetle obowiązującej wciąż konstytucji 1935 roku, struktury państwowe związane personalnie i funkcjonalnie z administracją cywilno-wojskową Związku Radzieckiego. Polski zbrojny ruch oporu, którego ośrodkiem dyspozycji był Londyn i przedwojenny polski rząd emigracyjny, rozpoczął zbrojną konfrontację z samozwańczymi władzami, które efektywnie zaczynały sprawować władzę na terenach wyzwalanych stopniowo przez Armię Czerwoną. Wraz ze wprowadzanymi przez nowe władze reformami kraju o charakterze ustrojowym i społecznym, dochodziło do eskalacji konfliktu, u którego podłoża leżał bunt przeciwko nielegalnemu przejęciu władzy państwowej. || The article provides a comprehensive, multifaceted and multilevel analysis of the issues related to the activity of the armed resistance movement in Poland from 1944. Following the Red Army offensive in the territory occupied by Nazi Germany, that year saw the emergence of state structures which were functionally and personally connected with the civil and military administration of the Soviet Union; these structures were illegal in the light of the still binding Constitution of 1935. The Polish armed resistance movement, operating under the instructions of the Polish government-in-exile in London started an armed confrontation with the self-appointed authorities, which were effectively beginning to exercise power over the areas gradually liberated by the Red Army. The political and social reform introduced by the new authorities were accompanied by the escalation of the conflict.

The paper examines the production and marketing of wheat in Zimbabwe during and in the post economic structural adjustment program in Zimbabwe. It demonstrates that wheat has been and remains a problem for Zimbabwe. It traces wheat production and marketing from the the colonial period to the post-colonial period and exposes the consistent problems that have characterized the industry; poor climatic conditions, lack of capital, problems with the global market among others.

This paper situates literature on food sovereignty and land reforms in relation to academic and popular writings about land issues in Canada. We argue that settler Canadian food sovereignty scholarship and activism has yet to sufficiently grapple with the implications of private property ownership in relation to ongoing processes of settler colonialism. We also argue that efforts to advance ecologically sustainable farming practices in Canada need to confront private property ownership in terms of its contribution to both capitalist and colonial violence.

This paper examines the relationship between the current state of land ownership rights and agricultural efficiency in the Chinese countryside, and assesses the prospects for further achievements to output and scale through two specific government-led pilot programs. This paper firstly provides a comprehensive overview of property rights and land use reform since the initial Household Responsibility System was advanced by Deng Xiaoping, and then accounts the gradually liberalized land use reforms advanced since 1978. Then, this paper assesses the current state of rural land use rights in China, identifying some of the system’s major challenges and failures in achieving agricultural efficiency, economies of scale, and mechanization, stemming from the sector’s fragmentation, falling labor pool, lack of land consolidation methods, undermechanization, and undercapitalization. Finally, this paper provides an exploratory analysis of how the Chinese government may be able to achieve greater output and economies of scale in rural agriculture by expanding two specific ongoing pilot programs in China – land use mortgages being provided by the People’s Bank of China, and an initial framework for liberalized rural land markets. This paper argues that both of these reform efforts, deployed sequentially and deliberately throughout China, could help catalyze greater agricultural output and associated economies of scale through mechanization and farm consolidation.

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The acquisition of agricultural land by the government for the establishment of industries is often viewed as an unavoidable necessity for development. The various adverse consequences of land acquisition without proper rehabilitation of the affected families go unnoticed unless the peasants register protest and resistance against land acquisition. The public image of land acquisition conjures up an easygoing administrative process backed by law. This is the front of land acquisition. In this paper we have made an attempt to sneak a look into the interior corridors of land acquisition with the help of a case study in the state of West Bengal in India which was ruled by a pro-peasant left front government for 34 years. By combining the data from the field and the archive, we have studied the recent industrialisation move of the West Bengal government in the context of its policy of land reform and decentralised development programme. Our case study revealed that the development policy adopted by the leftist government is self-defeating, since acquisition of agricultural land by the colonial law not only caused landlessness among the peasants but it also disempowered the peasants.

Cite as follows: Hetherington, Kregg. 2016. "Surveying the Future Perfect: Anthropology, Development and the Promise of Infrastructure." In Infrastructures and Social Complexity: A Companion. P. Harvey, C.B. Jensen, and A. Morita, eds. Pp. 40-50. London: Routledge.

Using empirical evidence from the Philippine land reform , this paper examines land reform theory and practice, and argues that convention has a priori excluded a significant portion of actually existing land-based production and distribution relationships, while it has inadvertently included in its definition and analysis land transfers that do not constitute real redistributive reform. This problematic framing of 'exclusion-inclusion' has led to incorrect accounting and analysis of the nature, scope, pace and direction of change/reform that have occurred (or not) in the agrarian structure of a particular setting. This problem has prevented the emergence of nuanced comparative land reform studies, with possible further implications for studies that attempt to trace causal relationships between land redistribution and agrarian transformation. White on related parts of my dissertation and other related draft papers. I am very grateful to Terry Byres and the anonymous referees for their suggestions on how to improve the quality of the paper. However, the author is solely responsible for the analysis and any errors in this article.

Kerala's widely acclaimed land reform failed to yield social equality. This article analyzes Kerala's land question from the perspective of social equity and shows that even after the much touted land reform, land inequality in the state stands very high, whether measured in terms of overall distribution inequality or social inequality. The land reform, along with other factors, resulted in the preponderance of small and marginal holdings. In the social front, the marginalized communities still stand at the bottom of land ownership. The persisting inequality in land ownership has significant stakes in the upward mobility of the margin-alized groups. The study reveals that land ownership is an important variable affecting the educational level of households and that land reform in the state widened the opportunities for occupational mobility among the marginalized groups.

The Danish land consolidation tradition has its roots in the land reform launched in the 1780s. The first “modern” land consolidation law was adopted in 1924. The land consolidation procedure is today basically the same as the system which was
introduced in 1955. Until 1990, land consolidation was used as an instrument for agricultural development (i.e. mainly through reduction of land fragmentation and increase in agricultural holding sizes). In 1990, the objective of implementing land consolidation was broadened. It was explicitly included in the preamble of the land consolidation law that the objective is both to contribute to agricultural development and to the implementation of nature and environmental projects as well as to provide land as compensation for agricultural holdings affected by such projects. Since 1990, the land consolidation and land banking instruments have proven to be absolutely essential in the process of reaching voluntary agreements with the landowners affected by nature projects. Public funding of
the traditional land consolidation projects with agricultural development as main objective was discontinued in 2006. At the same time, the land consolidation projects implemented in recent years (after a public initiative often in connection with the implementation of a nature project) may only include land transactions which contribute to the implementation of the public initiated project. Thus, the multi-purpose potential which could be expected after the amendment of the land consolidation law in 1990 has so far not been realized. The volume of the Danish land consolidation program has in the last years been reduced more than half compared to the previous decades.

ENGLISH SUMMARY OF PH.D. THESIS

The countries in Central and Eastern Europe began a remarkable transition from centrally planned economies towards market economies in 1989 when the Berlin Wall fell. Land reforms were high on the political agenda in most of the countries. In some countries, land reforms resulted in a complete break-up of the large scale collective and state farms, while in other countries the farm structures fundamentally remain the same as before beginning of transition. In many countries in the region, land reforms have resulted in farm structures dominated by small and fragmented farms, which are not competitive in the globalized economy. Drawing on the classical theory on land fragmentation, this PhD study explores the coherence between the land reform approaches applied in 25 study countries and the outcome in form of farm structures and the fragmentation of both land ownership and land use.
During the quarter of a Century, which has passed since the beginning of transition, most of the Central and Eastern European countries have introduced land consolidation instruments to address the structural problems with land fragmentation and small farm sizes. The PhD study analyses the experiences from introduction of land consolidation and land banking instruments in 25 countries in the region and provides the first full overview of the experiences achieved. Seven of the countries already have ongoing national land consolidation programs while land consolidation instruments have been introduced in further 13 countries, which not yet have an operational programme. Based on the analysis, it can be expected that additional four to five countries in the region may have ongoing programmes within the next four to five years.
While land consolidation instruments are well on the way and still developing in the region, land banking instruments have largely failed in the region, at least as tools for supporting land consolidation programs. Based on the limited theory available, the analysis have revealed how limited land mobility is often hampering the outcome of land consolidation projects and also documented the need for land banking instruments in support of land consolidation programmes. Finally, the research has documented the need for a land consolidation model more suitable for the Central and Eastern European context than the classical models usually applied. Such a model, integrated voluntary land consolidation, has been presented and discussed.
This thesis includes five papers accepted for publication in international peer-reviewed journals, of which four are already published, and two working papers published by FAO in their Land Tenure Working Paper Series.

Rev. Robert Anderson, BA, TCD, (1843-1890), Protestant Home Ruler, Land Leaguer, Preaching in Drinagh on the Sin of Land Grabbing.
Career:

Graduate of TCD, BA, 1864

Served Curate Kilbrogan, Bandon 1870-1874

Tracton Abbey 1874-1875

Drinagh 1875-1890

The Rev. Cole History of Dioceses of Cork Cloyne and Ross, 1903 numbers the parishioner of Drinagh at about 140.  The value of the living £250 wjihjc would have provided a comfortable living considering  a teacher probably earned less than £50 a year.

The parish seems to have been subvented  by local Landlords who withdrew their support because of Rev. Anderson's political views and Land League activities.

The Rev. Anderson was boycotted by at least some of his parishioners.  He suggests in his evidence to the Times Commission that parishioners have been evicted but were reluctant to make a fuss over the landlords being fellow Protestants.

It is likely that most of West Cork small to middling Protestant  Tenant farmers had sympathy with the Land League but to publically ventilate this would mena breaking rank as most though not all the Landlords were Protestant.

The objective of this study was to determine the effect of spontaneous fermentation on proximate composition, physicochemical and microbial characteristics of sprouted millet-acha blends with the aim of producing fermented flour blends for traditional beverage. Pearl millet and acha grains were sprouted, milled and blended into different ratios. The blends were mixed with water, fermented for 72 h and dried in an air-oven. Proximate composition, pH, titratable acidity and microbial profile were determined using suitable methods. Moisture contents ranged from 5.60 to 5.94% and 10.44 to 13.33% for unfermented and fermented flour blends, respectively. Increase in pearl millet proportions significantly decreased (p ≤ 0.05) crude fat, ash, fibre and protein contents of the blends. In contrast, carbohydrate contents increased with increase in pearl millet proportion. Fermentation decreased significantly (p ≤ 0.05) the fat, fibre and carbohydrate contents of the flour blends; whereas ash and protein contents were significantly increased (p ≤ 0.05) with fermentation. pH values decreased with simultaneous increase in titratable acidity during fermentation. A total of 13 bacteria were isolated during fermentation, namely, Lactobacillus acidophilus, Lactobacillus plantarum, Lactobacillus brevis, Lactobacillus leichmonnii, Lactobacillus cellobiosus, Lactobacillus casei, Pediococcus sp., Streptococcus thermophilus, Micrococcus luteus, Bacillus subtillis, Pseudomonas aeruginosa, Staphylococcus aureus and Proteus vulgaris. Fermentation has a potential to improve protein and mineral contents of pearl millet-acha flour blends for beverage preparation.