Labor Strikes

Recent labor disputes between registered nurses and hospitals in Minnesota, California, and Pennsylvania raise moral questions about nurses' professional obligations, nurses' right to collectively bargain to preserve or improve wages, benefits and working conditions, and patients' right to medical care. Deontology and consequentialism focus too narrowly on nurses and patients, and thus ignore the nature of the healthcare community as a system of competing interests. When considered in this context, nurses' strikes are shown to be consistent with this system of competing interests, and thus are morally permissible.

ABSTRACT: This lecture covers the reign of Sethnakht/Setnakht briefly, and focuses mainly on Ramesses III, including the Libyan invasions, the Sea Peoples, other activities (e.g., raid against Shasu; building projects), a workmen's strike, the harem conspiracy, the Medinet Habu complex (in detail) and Ramesses III's tomb (briefly). REVISED: March 2021, including selected sources, new slides and text, editing and re-formatting some earlier text.

W orkers face a common dilemma when exercising their right to strike. For the worst-off workers to go on strike with some reasonable chance of success, they must use coercive strike tactics like mass pickets and sit-downs. These tactics violate some basic liberties, such as contract, association , and private property, and the laws that protect those liberties. Which has priority, the right to strike or the basic liberties strikers might violate? The answer depends on why the right to strike is justified. In contrast to liberal and social democratic arguments, on the radical view defended here, the right to strike is a right to resist oppression. This oppression is partly a product of the legal protection of basic economic liberties, which explains why the right to strike has priority over these liberties. The radical view thus best explains why workers may use some coercive, even lawbreaking, strike tactics.

My dissertation examines the different ways that Mexican-origin farm worker households are racialized and integrated into the U.S. capitalist economy and rural society. There has been an exponential increase of Mexican-origin farm worker households in Washington State since 1976, Mexican populations in rural Washington have doubled and sometimes even tripled between the 1980 and 2010 U.S. Census. This demographic change in the make up of rural society has come with varying effects upon race consciousness for Mexican-origin farm worker households. My findings supported my hypothesis that early generations of Tejano or northern Mexico migrants had a different experience of racialization than migrant workers from central Mexico after the end of the Bracero program, and that these experiences differed from the experiences of indigenous, Triqui and Mixteco-speaking migrant workers from southern Mexico beginning in the 1990s after the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement. The settlement of immigrant communities in rural areas in each of these waves of migration has had a profound influence upon each segment of agricultural worker’s experience of race consciousness, racialization, and xenophobic violence as they faced white supremacy of both the U.S. and Latin American varieties. The different degrees of integration of this diaspora into a new racial state has served to maintain a tiered wage system via renewed experiences of racial profiling, hyper-criminalization, surveillance and segregation in particular along the northern border.

Basing my dissertation project upon studies that addressed Mexican farm labor in U.S. capitalist agriculture, primarily in California. I conducted a long-term in situ ethnography, collected oral histories and used archival research methods to systematically document two strategies used by Sakuma Bros. Farms and Broetje Orchards to deal with the increased demand for labor in Washington State: a transnational system used in Berry picking and a company town system used in Apple production. My investigation paid close attention to whether or not these large vertically integrated agricultural firms were able to stabilize their respective labor force, whether they have been successful in reproducing a future labor force, and whether or not each strategy of organization was sustainable for both the growers and the farm worker households. I observed the everyday lived experience of Mexican-origin farm worker households articulated and/or integrated into each of these systems. I was able to document the everyday struggles, losses and triumphs of Mexican-origin labor-power at its conjuncture with capitalist agricultural modes of production in Washington State. One group of workers engaged a series of strikes and a launched a consumer boycott. The second set of workers engaged in more subtle negotiations of power with their employer. For the sake of making farmworker agency more visible I conclude my project with a historical context of farmworker struggles in the region.

F*ck May 68, Fight Now: Exploring the Uses of the Radical Past from 1968 to Today

Session 1: History is a Weapon

June 8, 2018

Department of History, University of Liverpool

https://archive.discoversociety.org/2018/09/04/circumnavigating-the-past-foreclosing-the-future-commemoration-of-the-radical-past-in-the-amnesiac-present/

When I think about the recent successes of the demonstrations
in West Virginia (twice), Arizona, Kentucky, Oklahoma, Colorado,
North Carolina, and more recently Los Angeles, Denver, Chicago
and Oakland, I feel both a sense of encouragement and caution.

In the "age of ideologies," much attention was paid to labor relations, including the question of trade unionization of workers and their right to strike. All three of the major ideologies of the nineteenth century and their polarized twentieth-century offspring presented definitive models for regulating relations between employees and employers. Each ideology regarded its labor model as a fundamental principle of its social program: communism proposed the abolition of classes, liberalism-the principle of free collective bargaining, and fascism-the corporative model. These philosophies were clearly echoed in the Western world, and side by side with them a new legal discipline developed: labor law.

A história do século XX teve como grande divisor de águas a Primeira Guerra Mundial. Por mais que o conflito tenha devastado apenas partes do Velho Mundo, este foi seguido do que Eric Hobsbawm chamou de um tipo de colapso verdadeiramente mundial, sentido pelo menos em todos os lugares em que homens e mulheres se envolviam ou faziam uso de transações impessoais de mercado. A militarização da economia e a crise do fim da guerra foram fenômenos mundiais, assim como o acirramento das lutas sociais. A Argentina, como uma das principais economias da América do Sul, não ficou imune à estas perturbações, transformando a cidade de Buenos Aires durante este período em um importante palco de mobilizações operárias. Este trabalho, que tem como principal objeto de investigação a trajetória da Federación Obrera Regional Argentina IXª e sua interação com o Estado, patronais e outras agrupações operárias e de esquerda, pretende realizar uma análise desse período, relacionando os efeitos das flutuações econômicas desencadeadas pela guerra com a ascensão e o refluxo das mobilizações operárias naquela cidade

The history of the twentieth century had as its great watershed the First World War. As the conflict had devastated only some parts of the Old World, it was followed by what Eric Hobsbawm has called "a kind of truly global collapse, felt at least everywhere where men and women were involved or were using the impersonal transactions of market". The militarization of the economy and the war crisis were a global phenomenon, as well as the intensification of social struggles. Argentina, as one of the leading economies in South America, was not immune to these disorders, transforming the city of Buenos Aires during this period into an important stage for workers mobilizations. This work, which has as its main object the investigation of the trajectory of the Federación Obrera Regional Argentina IXth and its interaction with the state, employers and other workers and leftist groups, intends to conduct an analysis of this period, in which the effects of the economic fluctuations triggered by war relate to the rise and flow of workers mobilizations in that city

This article investigates why, in two very different regimes, similarly high levels of labor militancy are evident in Kazakhstan's oilfields and South Africa's platinum belt. It also explores the common dynamics leading up to the massacres at Zhanaozen (2011) and Marikana (2012). The hypothesis-generating most different systems comparison highlights the challenges of labor relations where extraction at fixed sites combines with volatile prices and shareholder pressures in a globalized economy to raise the stakes for business, labor, and state. Also significant are blockages in existing channels for bargaining linked to quiescent unions. These jointly necessary conditions account for increased militancy in extractive industries in Kazakhstan and South Africa. To account for the Zhanaozen and Marikana massacres, timing and sequence are considered. Both standoffs came later in the strike wave, prompting impatient state and business elites to criticize the protests as "criminal" acts, and priming security personnel to employ violent repression.

The plantation continues to expand across contemporary frontiers, remaking social orders and ravaging ecologies in the service of value extraction through commodity production. This article revisits the “strange industrial order” of the plantation in 1950s Indonesia at a time of deep contestation in which estate workers were organizing to reinvigorate the unfulfilled goals of anticolonial struggles. Reading this moment through the anxieties of European planters in the British archive, this article argues that these struggles deeply disturbed the localized racial labor order of the plantation, while also working against the extractive tributaries of the international order. Further, the article suggests that keeping alive a historical consciousness around how industrial racial regimes are produced, disturbed, and fractured is vital to countering the harms of our plantation present.

Avant 1946, les fonctionnaires n'avaient pas le droit de faire grève, comme c'est encore le cas en Allemagne aujourd'hui puisque, en raison d'une fiction juridique, le rapport entre l'Etat allemand et ses salariés n'est pas considéré comme un rapport entre un employeur et ses salariés ! L'idée dominante en France avant 1946 était aussi que le contrat entre le fonctionnaire et l'Etat n'était pas un contrat de travail normal, puisque les fonctionnaires devaient assurer la «continuité du service public» au service de tous les Français. La grève était considérée comme un «acte illicite». Depuis 1946, le droit de grève a été introduit dans la Constitution française, ce qui peut sembler une avancée pour les travailleurs du secteur public 1 , mais en même temps il a été constamment limité par l'adoption de différents règlements, décisions de justice et lois, ainsi que par deux procédures qui limitent considérablement le droit de grève : la désignation et la réquisition. En France il n'existe pas donc pas un droit de grève absolu pour tous les salariés, du public mais aussi du privé. En effet, on peut obliger les fonctionnaires de l'Etat, et même des salariés de certains secteurs stratégiques du privé (centrales nucléaires, hôpitaux, entreprises de transport-voir plus loin-, audiovisuel, etc.) à travailler soit en raison d'une obligation de service minimum soit grâce à deux mécanismes juridiques : la désignation et la réquisition. Pour ce qui concerne le service minimum : «Certaines catégories de personnel ont un droit de grève limité par la loi afin d'assurer un "service minimum". Cela concerne, par exemple, les agents hospitaliers, les agents de la navigation aérienne et les agents du service public de l'audiovisuel. Ces limitations constituent des atteintes au droit de grève des fonctionnaires. Dans le secteur des transports terrestres réguliers de voyageurs, en cas de grève, les salariés relevant des catégories d'agents indispensables pour assurer un certain niveau de service, sont tenus d'informer leur employeur de leur intention de participer à la grève au plus tard 48 heures avant sa participation effective à la grève. En cas de non-respect de cette obligation de déclaration préalable, les salariés sont passibles de sanction disciplinaire. Les entreprises de transports doivent élaborer un plan de transports pour garantir un certain niveau de service en cas de grève, avec conclusion d'un accord 1 En réalité, les lois et règlements limitant le droit de grève ne concernent pas seulement les fonctionnaires au sens strict mais tous les «agents du service public», notion plus large qui inclut des travailleurs d'entreprises privées effectuant des missions de service public (les entreprises privées chargées du nettoyage des rues, par exemple) ou assurant des services commerciaux ou industriels pour l'Etat (RATP, les trois EPIC de la SNCF, les Ports autonomes, la Réunion des Musée nationaux, etc.). Il y avait en France, en 2016, 5,75 millions de «fonctionnaires» au sens large : en effet, les fonctionnaires, au sens strict, ont un statut mais pas de contrat ; tandis que les autres agents de l'administration dont des contrats, eux-mêmes de différents types. La fonction publique est divisée en trois catégories : la fonction publique d'Etat (2,35 millions d'agents), la fonction publique territoriale (1,87 million d'agents) et la fonction publique hospitalière (1,53 million d'agents), eux mêmes divisés en titulaires, non titulaires de droit public et non titulaires de droit privé. C'est parmi les non titulaires (17 % de ceux qui travaillent pour les trois fonctions publiques à un titre ou un autre, soit presque un million d'agents) qu'on trouve une multitude d'emplois précaires : vacataires, auxiliaires, contractuels, supplétifs et même intérimaires.

Η "Εφημερίδα των Συντεχνιών" με υπότιτλο δημοσιογραφικόν όργανον των συμφερόντων του ελληνικού λαού, κυκλοφόρησε στην Αθήνα από τον Εργατικό Σύνδεσμο Τυπογράφων την Κυριακή 3 Φεβρουαρίου 1891.
Η έκδοση της εφημερίδας ήταν ημερήσια και ακολουθούσε την καθιερωμένη συχνότητα των εφημερίδων της εποχής. Συνολικά κυκλοφόρησαν σαράντα τέσσερα φύλλα και κάθε φύλλο είχε σταθερά τέσσερις σελίδες. Η διάταξη της σελίδας ήταν τετράστηλη και είχε διαστάσεις 35Χ50 εκ. Χρησιμοποιούσε συνηθισμένα τυπογραφικά στοιχεία, ιδιαίτερα κοινά για όλες τις εφημερίδες της εποχής. Χωρίς ιδιαίτερα κοσμήματα, είχε μια μάλλον λιτή εμφάνιση, ενώ συνοδευόταν, όπως και οι υπόλοιπες σύγχρονες εφημερίδες, από επιφυλλίδες και διαφημίσεις.
Η "Εφημερίδα των Συντεχνιών" αποτέλεσε ένα ιδιαίτερα φιλόδοξο και ελπιδοφόρο εκδοτικό εγχείρημα. Ήταν η πρώτη φορά που μια επαγγελματική ομάδα αναλάμβανε να προπαγανδίσει τις σοσιαλιστικές ιδέες· όχι, όμως, με τον τρόπο που το έκανε ο Σοσιαλιστής ένα χρόνο πριν αλλά κάνοντας χρήση των μέσων που είχε στη διάθεσή του ο αστικός τύπος. Χρησιμοποιώντας σελιδοποίηση και καταμερισμό της ύλης, που ήταν οικείος στο αναγνωστικό κοινό, προσδοκούσε να διεισδύσει σε όσο το δυνατόν μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό του πληθυσμού.
Η διαφορά με τον αστικό τύπο έγκειται στην επιλογή των ειδήσεων του εξωτερικού αλλά και την προβολή στιγμιοτύπων της καθημερινής ζωής της εργατικής τάξης. Μέχρι τότε στις εφημερίδες της εποχής οι ειδήσεις που αφορούν την εργατική τάξη περιορίζονται σε δυστυχήματα, συμπλοκές και εγκλήματα. Η ανάδειξη των πολυποίκιλλων εκφάνσεων της εργατικής καθημερινότητας εντάσσεται σε ένα νέο ερμηνευτικό σχήμα με σαφώς προπαγανδιστικούς στόχους. Σ’ αυτή την κατεύθυνση εντάσσεται και η επιλογή της ευρω­παϊκής ειδησεογραφίας, όπου παρουσιάζονται γεγονότα και κατακτήσεις της εργατικής τάξης που εξυπηρετούν αυτό το ερμηνευτικό σχήμα και καταδεικνύουν τις θέσεις της εφημερίδας. Οι διεκδικήσεις δεν είναι λόγια κενού περιεχομένου, δεν είναι μια ουτοπική προσδοκία αλλά ήδη αποτελούν μέρος της νέας πραγματικότητας.

On January 1, 1912, a state law in Massachusetts went into effect that reduced the number of hours women and children under the age of 18 could work each week from 56 to 54. The loss of two hours’ pay was enough to make the workers’ meager wages too low to feed the family for a week. When the workers saw their reduced paychecks, they walked out on what became a violent strike between workers and the mill owners.

This article explores how crises within capitalism tend to emerge as crises of realization. As the digitalization of capitalism is now presupposed or postdigital, the article explores how this developing context is impacting capitalism's tendency toward crisis. Arguing that the digitalization of commerce is part of the neoliberalization of capitalism , the article situates the postdigital as not only about accumulation but also about part of a larger capitalist class offensive against the global proletarian class camp of the post-WWII era. Given this postdigital context, the article then explores the pedagogical implications and the pedagogical responses to what Jodi Dean has called communicative capitalism. Finally, the article examines instances of teacher rebellions and strikes as places where the communist educator might demonstrate solidarity and agitate against what is. The first premise of this article is that it is in the interest of the broadest masses of humanity for the ugly and painful reality of capitalism to be sublated into some sort of beautiful socialist opposite. To begin understanding what this process of change might look like as it is developed out of the present, we must be clear regarding our understanding of the current contours of capitalism, which is the postdigital. Because teachers have arguably taken the lead in the labor movement in the USA, we will examine the recent wave of teacher strikes and what lessons they offer for struggling in a specifically neoliberal postdigital. To grasp how these strikes, and the movements of the many more generally, have developed out of the present, in other words, we must be clear regarding our understanding of the current postdigital contours of actually existing capitalism.

This chapter discusses labour strikes in post-authoritarian Indonesia between 1998 and 2013, including the occurrence of general strikes in 2012 and 2013. Recovering from dictatorship since Reformasi in 1998, the labour movement has increased its capacity for protest mobilization. It shows that workers and labour unions are capable of articulating their political aspirations with a combination of various strategies of legal and non-legal activities (direct actions, street politics). It argues that the coalitions of labour unions from different federations at the grassroots level and their increased capacity to mobilize workers have played a major role in successful strikes. Nonetheless, the state and capital have also consolidated their power to enact counter-measures against labour.

List of the members of the I.W.W. and innocent bystanders - Killed for Organizing, Striking, Taking Direct Action, or For Carrying a Red Card.

These members and bystanders were Shot, Stabbed, Beaten, Tortured, Starved, Strangled, Lynched, Drowned, Disappeared, and Executed. 

Several previous listings have been removed as further research has shown that reports of their deaths were greatly exaggerated.    While he was a supporter of the IWW and many IWW’s joined his cause Ricardo Flores Magón has been removed as he was not a member of our union.

As they have become known the names of those Wobs that died in Spain have been added.

Economic crisis, inflation, corruption, and fall of the living standard had brought to the first social struggle between workers and Alliance of Communists in Tuzla in the late 1980-is. Those years were years of strikes, first in the factories, and later on the streets. This was the first clash between workers and nominally their „party of the working people“. The social struggle of the workers at first shocked Alliance of Communists, partly because strikes were illegal. In the end, the Party acknowledges that workers have the right and that their demands are justified. But it was too late. Workers have already started to leaving Alliance of Communists which was an interlude to rise of nationalist political parties who have risen on the wave of worker’s dissatisfaction with Alliance of Communists.

This paper empirically examines how wage growth in Turkey has been influenced by workdays lost to strikes, by inflation and by real GDP through the vector autoregression model for the annual period 1963–2015. According to empirical results, wage growth is largely affected by workdays lost to strikes and inflation. This analysis is tested by considering workdays lost to industrial action in order to understand the main dynamics behind wage growth, because this is a significant factor in the elimination of macroeconomic imbalances in the Turkish economy. As a conclusion, the mathematical base social contract, new wage-setting, and inflation policies are recommended to reduce macroeconomic problems in Turkey.

Keywords:
Mathematical base social contract, Vector autoregression (VAR), Input–output analysis, Industrial actions, Turkey

JEL Classification:
C32 C67 E02 J30 J50

This essay reads Joaquin Miller’s 1886 novel The Destruction of Gotham for how it resonates with strands of “radical pragmatism” in William James’s thought. It argues for the ways James’s philosophy might explain political and social movements beyond liberalism, including general strikes and class revolt. The essay emphasizes the many political possibilities immanent in pluralistic pragmatism, from the “revolutionary suicide” we see in the novel’s class insurgency to the ways such collective violence also registers as an incipient mode of American fascism, or what the essay calls “bad pragmatism.”

Panel 30: Great Refusals: Refusing One Dimensionality Today

The Dialectics of Liberation in an Age of Neoliberal Capitalism

International Herbert Marcuse Society

Seventh Biennial Conference

26-28 October 2017

York University

https://marcuseconference.wordpress.com/

Esta investigación indaga en la respuesta del Estado mediante la acción policial frente a las huelgas, en un contexto de elevada conflictividad laboral y un sindicalismo debilitado. Se utilizó la base de huelgas del Observatorio de Huelgas Laborales(UAH-COES) para indagar en dos momentos: la presencia policial mediante un análisis binomial logı́stico multinivel; y el nivel de violencia con que actúan una vez en el evento a través de un análisis ordinal. Los resultados indican, por un lado, que la decisión sobre cuándo enviar a carabineros a las huelgas tiene un carácter polı́tico-económico que responde a un interés de salvaguardar el control y el orden de la producción capitalista, tanto a escala local como en la economía en general. Las huelgas realizadas en posiciones estratégicas de la economı́a con alta participación de trabajadores, que demandan un mayor control del proceso de trabajo mediante el uso de tácticas disruptivas son más amenazantes a la estabilidad económica, atentando indirectamente a la legitimidad del gobierno. Por otro lado, la acción que ejercen los policı́as una vez en la huelga es ad hoc a las circunstancias, donde la cantidad de huelguistas y las tácticas empleadas aumentan el nivel de violencia. Por último, las huelgas de trabajadores externos son más reprimidas mediante enfrentamientos y arremetidas.

ABSTRACT: Following documentary Ancient Lives PART-2, which is often available via Youtube links, Anc. Lives 2 / 4: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tEjRDK2uOVk  (or via dvd available via Amazon.com or other venues). John Romer details the daily lives of the New Kingdom tomb builders of pharaoh, concentrating upon diverse archaeological and textual-pictorial data from their home village of Deir el-Medina and its environs, including their work place (the Valley of the Kings; the Valley of the Queens [Ramesside period]), and associated parts of Thebes (e.g., the town of West Thebes; Medinet Habu; East Thebes; Karnak Temple).  This documentary response sheet contains a series of sequential questions drawn from the video, Athena: Ancient Lives, episode 2 (shown in-class; also available online via https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tEjRDK2uOVk [52 minutes]).  These sequential questions aim to maximize both student attention to various pertinent points made throughout the documentary and greater retention of the materials covered by the documentary.  In addition, the documentary has been vetted for overall content accuracy (albeit updated and/or corrected in-class), and selected to provide supplementary visual aids (e.g., images of regions, sites, finds, and other materials; re-enactments), and other data to aid in student comprehension of the course lectures and readings from the textbooks. REVISED: Adding video/dvd time indicator for each question (Jan. 27, 2017).

Research traditionally focused on how economic, institutional and political variables shape strike patterns.  Recent work examines how workers’ structural, associational, and symbolic power facilitate strikes.  Building on this research, I ask: What factors determine strike outcomes?  I answer this question through an analysis of four strikes at MADECO, Chile’s largest copper manufacturer, across democratic, authoritarian, and post-authoritarian regimes.  Using qualitative and documentary evidence, I argue that strike outcomes reflect workers’ capacity to halt or disrupt production and to access government allies who can pressure management to settle strikes in workers’ favor.  Outcomes vary based on the political composition of government, workers’ capacity to halt production, and industry’s and government’s dependence on foreign investment.  MADECO workers’ location in Santiago near national officials allowed them to mobilize at the local, national, and international scales to pressure management.  Comparisons with strikes in Chile, Argentina and Perú identify similar mobilization patterns.

Source link: https://www.classifiedads.com/volunteer/7d3bq1xkw3c98

Informal 'WILDCAT STRIKES': A 'Wobbly' style labor movement for regional to national wildcat strikes to let both owners and consumers know that their "security" WILL NOT be on the backs of the labor that makes the conveniences of that security possible. It can be an informal mindset as 'ANTIFA' is They can go after an organized union for a 'wild cat' strike, but individuals who walk away, there's little that can be done-short of mobilizing the Nat'l Guard/Reserves to serve.

The possible irony of that is that the same workers who would be striking are probably economic recruits to the National Guard and Reserves, serving to augment their insufficient wages at those jobs and industries who pay a sub-standard of living wage!

Grev hakkı 1947 sendikacılığının ilk yıllarında, işçi kamuoyunu en çok meşgul eden tartışma konularından biridir ve sendikalı işçilerin içinde bulundukları çalışma koşulları, devlet-toplum ilişkileri ve sendikal siyaset hakkındaki görüşlerini açıkladıkları bağlamı oluşturur. Endüstriyel ilişkilerin giderek enformel olmaktan uzaklaşıp formelleştiği ve işçi sınıfının, siyasi partiler arasında artan rekabet ortamında önemli bir siyasal güce tekabül ettiği bir dönemde, işçilerin grev hakkı tartışmaları çerçevesinde öne sürdükleri fikirler ve kullandıkları dil, işçi sınıfı kimliğinin ve siyasetinin doğru analiz edilebilmesi açısından merkezi önem taşır. Bu tartışmalar aynı zamanda işçilerin sendikal hareket hakkındaki vizyonları, stratejileri ve eleştirileri hakkında da önemli ipuçları içerir. Sendikal hareketin grev hakkı tartışmaları yüzünden parçalandığı, işçilerin siyasi parti tercihlerinin gittikçe daha görünür olduğu bir dönemde yapılan grev hakkı tartışmaları, bir kuşak işçinin siyasallaşma/siyasal tercihlerinin değişim sürecinin takibine olanak sağlar. Bu tartışmalarda işçilerin referans noktaları ne olmuştur? Grev hakkını savunan ve bu hakka karşı çıkan işçilerin argümanları nelerdir? Bu soruların cevapları işçi sınıfı dilinin, özellikle de işçilerin özalgıları ve öztemsillerinin bu dönemde geçirdiği değişimi görmek açısından da önem taşır. Son olarak, grev hakkı tartışmaları, literatürde yeterince üzerinde durulmayan bir konu olan işçi sınıfı arasındaki fikir ayrışmalarını somut bir biçimde göstermesi açısından önemlidir. İşçilerin çoğu zaman kavramsallaştırıldıkları gibi homojen bir kitle olmadıkları bu tartışmalara yakından bakınca açık hale gelir. Emek tarihçiliği açısından bu denli zengin malzeme içermesine rağmen, grev hakkı tartışmaları bugüne kadar iki büyük siyasi parti arasında artan rekabetin bir yansıması olarak algılanmıştır. Bu bakış açısında, işçiler neredeyse bu rekabet bağlamında siyasetçiler tarafından araçsallaştırılmışlardır. Ancak, iç siyasetin dinamiklerinin tümden değiştiği bir dönemde, işçileri bu dinamizmin pasif izleyicileri olarak düşünmek büyük bir hata olacaktır. İşçilerin deneyimlerinin ve örgütlü emek hareketi hakkındaki fikirlerinin takibine olanak tanıyan grev hakkı tartışmalarını bu gözle incelemek, onların rasyonel toplumsal aktörler olarak anlaşılmaları açısından önemlidir. 1947 sendikacılığının başlangıcından Demokrat Parti’nin iktidara geldiği Mayıs 1950 tarihine kadarki dönemde, işçilerin grev hakkı lehinde ve aleyhinde görüşlerini inceleyen bu çalışma, erken Cumhuriyet dönemi emek tarihi hakkındaki olgusal kavrayışımızı geliştirmenin yanında, aynı zamanda bu döneme ait yargılarımızın kiminin yeniden düşünmeye muhtaç olduğunu da gösterme amacı taşır.

It is timely to reflect on a new direction for the labour movement that recognises society, no longer solely within factories, as a place where organising can challenge capital, not because the community is where factory workers are living, but because the increasing mobility of capital clearly integrates all sections of society into its logic of accumulation and extraction of abstract labour. This would mean that organising works at the community level indicating a broader approach to ‘labour’ as well as an inclusive definition of the working class, which will deal with the divided interests between productive and non-productive labour, formal and informal workers, waged and unwaged labour, factory and home-based workers, unpaid and self-employed workers, free and semi-free labour, and so on. These are all the working classes, the proletarian collective, the subaltern and revolutionary subject, labouring in urban, rural, industrial, farms, and many other locations, by whom mobilisation and mass strikes might be allowed to happen.

Grev hakkı 1947 sendikacılığının ilk yıllarında, işçi kamuoyunu en çok meşgul eden tartışma konularından biridir ve sendikalı işçilerin içinde bulundukları çalışma koşulları, devlet-toplum ilişkileri ve sendikal siyaset hakkındaki görüşlerini açıkladıkları bağlamı oluşturur. Endüstriyel ilişkilerin giderek enformel olmaktan uzaklaşıp formelleştiği ve işçi sınıfının, siyasi partiler arasında artan rekabet ortamında önemli bir siyasal güce tekabül ettiği bir dönemde, işçilerin grev hakkı tartışmaları çerçevesinde öne sürdükleri fikirler ve kullandıkları dil, işçi sınıfı kimliğinin ve siyasetinin doğru analiz edilebilmesi açısından merkezi önem taşır. Bu tartışmalar aynı zamanda işçilerin sendikal hareket hakkındaki vizyonları, stratejileri ve eleştirileri hakkında da önemli ipuçları içerir. Sendikal hareketin grev hakkı tartışmaları yüzünden parçalandığı, işçilerin siyasi parti tercihlerinin gittikçe daha görünür olduğu bir dönemde yapılan grev hakkı tartışmaları, bir kuşak işçinin siyasallaşma/siyasal tercihlerinin değişim sürecinin takibine olanak sağlar. Bu tartışmalarda işçilerin referans noktaları ne olmuştur? Grev hakkını savunan ve bu hakka karşı çıkan işçilerin argümanları nelerdir? Bu soruların cevapları işçi sınıfı dilinin, özellikle de işçilerin özalgıları ve öztemsillerinin bu dönemde geçirdiği değişimi görmek açısından da önem taşır. Son olarak, grev hakkı tartışmaları, literatürde yeterince üzerinde durulmayan bir konu olan işçi sınıfı arasındaki fikir ayrışmalarını somut bir biçimde göstermesi açısından önemlidir. İşçilerin çoğu zaman kavramsallaştırıldıkları gibi homojen bir kitle olmadıkları bu tartışmalara yakından bakınca açık hale gelir.

Emek tarihçiliği açısından bu denli zengin malzeme içermesine rağmen, grev hakkı tartışmaları bugüne kadar iki büyük siyasi parti arasında artan rekabetin bir yansıması olarak algılanmıştır. Bu bakış açısında, işçiler neredeyse bu rekabet bağlamında siyasetçiler tarafından araçsallaştırılmışlardır. Ancak, iç siyasetin dinamiklerinin tümden değiştiği bir dönemde, işçileri bu dinamizmin pasif izleyicileri olarak düşünmek büyük bir hata olacaktır. İşçilerin deneyimlerinin ve örgütlü emek hareketi hakkındaki fikirlerinin takibine olanak tanıyan grev hakkı tartışmalarını bu gözle incelemek, onların rasyonel toplumsal aktörler olarak anlaşılmaları açısından önemlidir. 1947 sendikacılığının başlangıcından Demokrat Parti’nin iktidara geldiği Mayıs 1950 tarihine kadarki dönemde, işçilerin grev hakkı lehinde ve aleyhinde görüşlerini inceleyen bu çalışma, erken Cumhuriyet dönemi emek tarihi hakkındaki olgusal kavrayışımızı geliştirmenin yanında, aynı zamanda bu döneme ait yargılarımızın kiminin yeniden düşünmeye muhtaç olduğunu da gösterme amacı taşır.

In this research, the long- and short-term impacts of workdays lost to strikes, inflation and real GDP growth on wages have been analyzed in Turkey and the United Kingdom, using the Engle-Granger Cointegration Test and Error Correction Model on annual data collected for the years 1963-2015. The results revealed that wage levels in these two countries are determined by real GDP growth only in the short-term, but are influenced by inflation in both the shortand long-terms. In addition, it was found that wage levels are positively affected by workdays lost to strikes in the long-term, whereas the impact of workdays lost to strikes on wages is not statistically significant in the short-term.

Keywords: Cointegration, Error Correction, Input-Output Analysis, Wage
Setting, Strikes, Mathematical Base Social Contract.