Guerra Civile Siriana

The American thinker Murray Bookchin was an influential exponent of post-classical anarchism in the 20th-century and father of “social ecology”: his academic research is based on identifying the place in which building the alternative community. His utopia of an ecological society was able to combine Marxist criticism against capitalism along with the anarchist ideas of mutualism and community federations or communes: in the essay The Next Revolution he finally renamed his political theory of libertarian municipalism with the term “communalism”.
According to the critical analysis he developed, the infinite growth of neoliberal capitalism in a finite world like ours is untenable. The solution to the current ecological crisis depends above all on the dissolution of hierarchies, or rather on the end of the domination of human by human, so as to be able to recompose the rift between man and the natural environment. Subsequently, it’s investigated the elective affinity established over the years between the libertarian thought of Bookchin and the one of Abdullah Öcalan, both of them at the ground of the recent revolution in Rojava.
In this autonomous region, located in northern Syria, an innovative model of decentralized self-management has emerged, called “democratic confederalism”. It’s based on freedom, ecology and social equality, in opposition to the capitalist, nationalist and unitary nation-state so far present in the Middle East. In this way, it was created a new political sphere from the vacuum of Syrian state.
At the centre of cantonal municipalities with a Kurdish majority there is indeed a certain group of ethical values, an attention for the educational system and a utopian sensibility, which do not provide for any discrimination of gender, religion and ethnicity according to the “unity in diversity” philosophical principle.

En este trabajo se analiza cómo las declaraciones de autodeterminación de los principales partidos políticos kurdos en el Gobierno Regional del Kurdistán (Irak) y en Rojava (Siria) han influido en los intereses de la política exterior de Turquía a la luz de la teoría liberal de las relaciones internacionales. Más concretamente, el artículo examina el papel de la ideología y los objetivos políticos del PDK (Irak) y el PYD (Siria), dos actores no estatales, en sus políticas de autodeterminación, y tiene como objetivo investigar cómo han influido en los movimientos del AKP (Turquía) en la política regional e internacional. El trabajo trata de investigar cómo la Cuestión kurda, como hecho regional, impacta en las relaciones de Turquía con Siria, Irak, Rusia y EE.UU.

Le relazioni inter-regionali tra Siria e Turchia sono tra gli aspetti geopolitici più importanti per comprendere l’attuale situazione di conflitto in Medioriente.

Da fedele partner commerciale e militare, la Turchia ha radicalmente modificato, a seguito delle primavere arabe del 2011, il suo atteggiamento verso il regime di Bashar Al-Assad. Il conflitto siriano è la chiave per comprendere l’attuale clima da guerra fredda, che regna nella regione del Tigri e dell’Eufrate.

L’attacco americano, che alle 2:45 (ora italiana) del 7 aprile 2017, ha visto il lancio in successione di 59 Tomahawk, missili da crociera a lungo raggio, dai due cacciatorpediniere americani USS Porter e USS Ross nel Mar Mediterraneo, è stato accolto con favore da Ankara, che in un comunicato ufficiale ha da subito auspicato una maggior ruolo statunitense nell’area, al fine di “punire Assad per i reati da lui commessi”.

In questa analisi, verranno analizzati i rapporti diplomatici tra Damasco e Ankara, cercando di comprendere i motivi alla base del cambio di strategia turco, nei suoi rapporti inter-diplomatici con Damasco. Inizialmente, verranno menzionate tre diatribe, che stanno alla base dei difficili rapporti tra i due Stati: L’ Alexandretta Issue; la questione idro-strategica del progetto di sviluppo regionale Sud-Orientale dell’Anatolia (GAP); e la questione curda, la quale, nel 1998, portò i due governi a sfiorare il conflitto armato. L’analisi proseguirà poi considerando le primavere arabe del 2011.

In ultima istanza, verrà poi presa in considerazione l’azione militare della notte tra il 6 e 7 aprile 2017 che vide, per la prima volta dall’inizio del conflitto siriano, navi da guerra americane colpire bersagli governativi siriani.

What is a UAV / Drone?
A drone is basically a flying robot, and there are basically 2 categories:
1- UAV / Drone controlled remotely by humans.
2- UAV / Drone (autonomous) that self-control through a precise software program.
Although, the introduction of these devices seems to us recent, the appearance of the concept of UAV / Drone in our society date as an exact conception or very similar to the current one since the Second World War. Within the aforementioned classes we can include other 2 classes or well differentiated types:
1- The fixed-wing UAV / Drone.
2- The UAV / Drone in the form of a helicopter, quadcopter, hexacopter, etc.
Although this article is based mainly on a series of attacks carried out (with the novel Swarming method or swarm) and coordinated by various terrorist entities or groups against targets, settlements, emplacements or troops of the Syrian government. During the development of the Syrian conflict has seen the need to stop or try to minimize the impact of these so-called "low cost" air forces this vision of the world and the new focus of the battlefield, is beyond the Syrian and Iraqi theater, altering the way we see the air forces, these being traditionally components of great entity and that give certain prestige and security to the national structures of a country.

El presente trabajo parte del postulado teórico de que la institucionalización de las dinámicas asociativas entre los agentes aumenta su cooperación y acción colectiva, incluso cuando hablamos de cooperación internacional entre naciones. Por ende, nuestro propósito es analizar este fenómeno a escala internacional, observando cómo Brasil, Rusia, India, China y Sudáfrica, hicieron uso del espacio institucional de los BRICS con los fines de construir un posicionamiento conjunto frente a temáticas de la agenda política internacional, en este caso respecto del conflicto sirio. Para ello, se realizará un análisis del discurso que permita sistematizar el posicionamiento del grupo, partiendo del estudio de la documentación oficial de los BRICS (específicamente hablando, las summits presidenciales surgidas en el seno de las reuniones anuales del grupo) respecto de las posiciones adoptadas frente al Caso Siria a lo largo del período 2011–2015.