Turkey and the Middle East

Eighteen species belonging to five families of Hymenoptera (Vespidae, Sphecidae, Scoliidae, Megachilidae, Apidae) were recorded in ecologically managed cherry orchards (Cerasus avium (L.» located in Muradiye (Manisa) and Oren (ýzmir), western Turkey. Totally, 1091 specimens were collected mainly by bait traps and pitfall traps, and beating and sweeping of the vegetation. Among them, Vespula germanica (Fabricius), Vespa orientalis (Linnaeus), Apis mellifera Linnaeus, Polistes nimphus (Christ) and P. dominulus (Christ) were more abundant than the others.

بعدما كانت قد بلغت أوجها بين الأعوام ٢٠٠٧ و٢٠١١، بدأت القوة الناعمة التركية بالتراجع لاسيما إثر لجوء بعض الأنظمة الى "القوة الصلبة" لمواجهة الثورات العربية. تسبب الاعتماد الحصري لتركيا على "القوة الناعمة" في بيئة إقليمية يجري الاحتكام فيها الى معايير "القوة الصلبة" بأضرار جسيمة لأجندتها الخارجية. وفي مواجهة هذا التراجع، قررت تركيا منذ العام ٢٠١٤ الإعتماد على "القوة الصلبة" كأداة من أدوات سياستها الخارجية والأمنيّة. تمثّل ذلك في إنشاء قواعد عسكرية متقدّمة في العمق الإقليمي، وفي إطلاق عمليات عسكرية خارجية وتطوير قدراتها الدفاعية المحلية الصنع. سمح ذلك لتركيا بالعودة مجدداً للعب دور مع الكبار في مجال التأثير في عملية إعادة تشكيل المحيط الجيوبوليتيكي. لكن إعادة ترميم قوتها الناعمة والحفاظ على التوازن بين "القوة الناعمة" و"القوة الصلبة" للحصول على نتائج سياسية تخدم المصالح القوميّة يعد من أبرز التحديات التي ستواجها في المرحلة المقبلة.

Economy is a social science that explains how people form an interaction with each other. The countries link each other’s with the help of economic relations and they aspire to keep themselves away from the conflicts. Therefore, trade is an effective tool to build the world peace but the impacts of trade are quite complicated at the same time because trade diverts the political competition.
The Middle East is an important region of the world where wars and conflicts change the balances, and the relations of the countries may change with the political actors. In this sense, the relation between the two democratic countries of the Middle East, the cooperation of Israel and Turkey contributes to the peace not only between Israel and Turkey but also to the peace in the region.
The two countries linked to each other in this framework produce 'peace' as a common output. If the nations are connected to each other by profitable commercial relations, their chances of being in conflict will be reduced because they will have serious economic losses if the peace environment breaks down.
In this study, the economic relations between Israel and Turkey are going to
be examined since the establishment of Israel. In the first chapter of the study, information about Israeli economy is going to be given to get to know and understand the Israeli economy and in the second chapter, the political relations and the political crisis will be explained between Turkey and Israel. In the last part, the economic similarities and differences of the two countries will be examined and the economic relations per years will be examined together with the import, export and investment data.

Key Words: Israel, Turkey, Israeli – Turkish Relations, Israeli – Turkish Economic Relations, Trade, Import, Export.

This work is a humble attempt to underscore the importance of the phenomenon of enforced disappearance, illustrate its various manifestations, reveal its diverse forms of occurrence in different geographical contexts, and highlight its ongoing consequences. In other words, this work aims to recall the gravity of enforced disappearance with all its complexities in a world where this phenomenon has to some extent been forgotten due to other crucial and immediate human rights concerns and grave human rights violations. Enforced disappearance, as a particular and concrete use of sovereignty by different modern states that encounter different forms of sovereignty crises, is continuing to be implemented with different patterns in different contexts. In the contexts where it is no longer practiced, the consequences of this phenomenon, as you may see in the following chapters of this book, still remain very much intact. In this work, I focused on the forcibly disappeared persons of the Middle East, North Africa and the Caucasus, including 9 cases, Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, Iran, Turkey, Lebanon, Cyprus and Algeria.

POMEPS Studies 44 – Racial Formations in Africa and the Middle East: A Transregional Approach

https://pomeps.org/category/racial-formations-in-africa-and-the-middle-east-a-transregional-approach

https://pomeps.org/erasure-and-affect-in-race-making-in-turkey

Une politique gouvernementale très volontariste a augmenté de manière significative le nombre d’étudiants étrangers et, parmi eux, celui des  étudiants arabes. Cet article vise a apporter des éléments sur les étudiants étrangers en Turquie, particulièrement ceux provenant des pays arabes, en analysant les stratégies et les motivations des différents acteurs impliqués.

La Foire internationale du Müsiad organisée en 2014 à Istanbul a suscité un grand intérêt politique, dû à
la forte présence d’élites dirigeantes ainsi qu’à la mobilisation d’un vaste réseau d’institutions, d’entreprises et
de médias partenaires. Les expositions industrielles sont des terrains privilégiés pour explorer les modalités
de construction des circuits marchands et interroger les enjeux politiques et internationaux agissant sur
ceux-ci. Cette manifestation apparaît comme la représentation, dans un espace-temps compressé, de l’Etat
turc tel qu’il se forme sous le pouvoir de l’AKP. Elle traduit un double mouvement, de reconfiguration et
d’internationalisation des processus constitutifs de cet Etat à travers des phénomènes d’interaction entre
l’entreprise privée et l’action publique, et de rétrécissement des réseaux de patronage. La participation
ou non à cet événement devient dès lors un jeu de légitimation ou de délégitimation par rapport à
ces réseaux de pouvoir dont la production s’appuie sur l’exposition des matérialités économiques et
industrielles et s’accompagne de la création d’imaginaires. L’étude ethnographique de cet événement
met en lumière comment, à travers des représentations industrielles, culturelles, symboliques, cette foire
soutient deux types d’imaginaires : celui de la réinvention de l’oumma à travers les liens économiques,
celui de la suprématie de la Turquie comme porteur de ce projet.



Industrial Exhibition, Network Production and Construction of Imaginaries :
the International Müsiad Fair and Representations of the Turkish State

Müsiad International Fair held in Istanbul in 2014 aroused great public interest due to the strong
presence of political elites as well as to the mobilization of a large network of institutions, firms and
media partners. International exhibitions are relevant fields to explore the formation of trade circuits
and the creation of sociabilities, as well as to question the political and international issues central
to the construction of trade networks and markets. This event appears as the representation of the
Turkish state as it is formed under the AKP power. We witness a double trend of reconfiguration
and of internationalization of the state constituting processes through the phenomena of increased
interactions between private enterprise and public action on one side and the shrinkage of patronage
networks on the other. Participating to this event therefore becomes a question of legitimization
and delegitimization for private actors regarding these networks of power, the production of which
is based on the presentation of economic and industrial productions and goes together with the
creation of Imaginaries. The ethnographic study of the fair shows how industrial, cultural and symbolic
representations bring about the production of two types of Imaginary, one related to the reinvention of
the idea of the ummah across merchant networks and the other referring to the supremacy of Turkey
as the carrier of this project.

Ortadoğu’da
‘Erdoğan Paktı’
BERCAN TUTAR
Türkiye’nin Katar ve Irak’ta iki askeri üs kurmasıyla birlikte Hazar’dan Aden’e ve Doğu Akdeniz’den Basra Körfezi’ne uzanan enerji havzasının jeo-politiği tarihi bir dönüşümün eşiğine geldi.
Kılıçlar çekildi.
Karşılıklı hamlelerle ipler her geçen gün daha da geriliyor. 
Kimin ne kozu varsa masaya sürmekten çekinmediği bir dönemden geçiyoruz. 
Türkiye’nin Doha, Riyad ve Erbil ile oluşturduğu pakt, bölgesel statükoyu daha da sarsacak. 
ABD destekli Tahran ekseni Türkiye’yi durduramadı. 
Erdoğan liderliğindeki Kürt ve Arap cephesinin sürpriz atakları, ABD’nin 2011’den beri yatırım yaptığı Rus-Acem projesini de hallaç pamuğu gibi attı.
Türkiye’nin blokajı olmasaydı Arap dünyasıyla Kürtlerin bir kesimini Rus-Acem nüfuz sahasına terk etme stratejisi çoktan amacına ulaşmıştı.

Türkiye, erken Soğuk Savaş döneminde Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Kurulu’nda bir sonraki geçici üyelik statüsünü 2008’de elde ettiği düşünüldüğünde istisnai olabilecek bir sıklıkta beş yıl (1951-1952, 1954-1955 ve 1961 ) geçici üye olarak görev almış ve 201 oylamaya katılmıştır.

This thesis examines how and why Turkey became involved in Western defence initiatives in the Middle East in the 1950s-a period of exceptional significance for Turkey since it began with free elections that brought about a change of government and ended with a military coup that overthrew that government. It was also the period when Turkey was admitted to NATO and joined the Baghdad Pact as a founder member.

When it came to power in 2002, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) defended a bicommunal, federal solution for Cyprus, and supported the Annan Plan to reunite the island. This appeared at the time as a remarkable change in Turkish foreign policy, which had backed a confederal solution in Cyprus since 1997. Nevertheless, after years of negotiations to solve the Cyprus conflict, Ankara has decided to leave aside its support for a federal solution and re-embrace “the traditional policy.” Following the failure to reach a resolution in 2017, Ankara, together with the officials in Northern Cyprus, now proposes a two-state solution or a loose confederation in Cyprus. This dramatic shift shows that the gap between Greeks and Turks has widened ever more. This paper analyzes the evolution of Ankara’s position by looking at the very essence of the new proposal and the irreconcilable positions between the parties. It further argues that the change in Turkey’s position is the product of many variables, including negotiations that lasted for decades, the weakening transformative power of the EU, and the changing balance of power in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Turkey is emerging as an important actor in world politics, exerting growing influence both in its immediate region and beyond. This book aims to understand and explain this phenomenon, utilizing a variety of perspectives from international relations theory. One prominent issue is how Turkey, long embedded in the West via NATO and other European organizations, is growing more confident and is asserting more independent foreign policy positions. This is particularly marked in the Middle East, where some suggest Turkey is pursuing a "neo-Ottomanist" agenda. At times, this competes with and creates tensions with the West. However, a rising Turkey can also be a constructive phenomenon and complement the West. This book examines geopolitical, economic, and cultural dimensions of Turkey’s rise, pointing to both Turkish success and the limits of Turkish power and influence. It includes consideration of Turkey’s relations with NATO, the European Union, the Middle East, and BRIC co...

Bu çalışma zengin tarihî ve kültürel birikimi, nüfusu, askerî gücü ve jeostratejik konumuyla Orta Doğu ve Arap dünyasının önde gelen aktörlerinden olan Mısır’ın Arap Baharı ile başlayan siyasi sürecini konu edinmektedir. 2010 yılı sonlarında Tunus’ta başlayan ve kısa süre içinde Mısır’a da sıçrayan yönetim karşıtı ayaklanmalar, 30 yıl boyunca ülkeyi olağanüstü hâl şartlarında yöneten Hüsnü Mübarek’in yetkilerini Silahlı Kuvvetler Yüksek Konseyine (SKYK) bırakarak istifa etmesini beraberinde getirmiştir. Mübarek sonrası dönem Mısır için çoğulcu bir demokratik yönetimin kurulabilmesi noktasında önemli bir fırsata dönüşürken
devrim sonrası canlanan siyasal hayatın öne çıkan aktörlerinden Müslüman Kardeşler Parlamento seçimlerinin ardından cumhurbaşkanlığı seçimlerini de kazanarak bu fırsatı değerlendirmek istemiştir. Ne var ki Müslüman Kardeşler, devrim sürecinde birlikte hareket ettiği kesimlerle çoğulcu bir şemsiye altında buluşamamış ve iktidarı süresince söz konusu kesimlerin önemli bir kısmını sivil muhalefet olarak karşısında bulmuştur. Siyaset kurumuna yönelik beklentilerin arttığı bir dönemde ülkenin birikmiş ekonomik ve sosyal sorunlarını çözemeyen Müslüman Kardeşler, iç
politikada sıkıntılar yaşarken dış politikada da İsrail, Suudi Arabistan
ve Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri gibi bölgesel güçler tarafından tehdit olarak görülmüştür.
2013 yılında gerçekleşen askerî darbe, Müslüman Kardeşler ile birlikte Mısır’ın demokratikleşme umutlarını da ortadan kaldırmıştır.
Kimi çalışmalar Mısır’da Arap Baharı ile başlayıp 3 Temmuz Darbesi ile ortadan kalkan süreci bir devrim ve karşı devrim süreci olarak nitelendirmektedir. Bu çalışma da söz konusu süreci benzer bir yaklaşımla
değerlendirmekte ve devrimi sona erdiren süreci, 1952 yılındaki Hür Subaylar Darbesi ile ülkede baskın aktör durumuna gelmeye başlayan ordunun ayrıcalıklı ve başat pozisyonuna vurgu yapmak amacıyla fabrika ayarlarına dönüş olarak nitelemektedir. Bu çerçevede Mısır’ın fabrika ayarları, iç politikada ordu içinden gelen bir cumhurbaşkanı ve halkın kendini ifade edebileceği kanalların sınırlı olduğu otoriter bir yönetim anlayışı, dış politikada ise ABD’nin stratejik ortağı ve İsrail’in
güvenliği anlamında bu devlet ile iyi ilişkiler içinde olan bir Mısır’ı ifade etmektedir. Arap Baharı sürecinde bu çizginin dışına çıkan Mısır, bölgesel ve küresel güçlerin de katkısıyla fabrika ayarlarına geri dönmüştür.
Çalışma daha anlaşılır bir arka planı sunmak amacıyla ilk olarak Mısır’ın siyasal tarihine ana hatları ile değinmekte, sonrasında 25 Ocak Devrimi ile 3 Temmuz Darbesi arasında konumlanan Mısır’daki Arap Baharı sürecini kapsamlı bir şekilde ele almakta ve fabrika ayarlarına dönüş olarak nitelenen 3 Temmuz Darbesi ile başlayan siyasal süreci bölge ülkeleri ve Türkiye bağlamında değerlendirmektedir.

Soft power as a tool for building "strategic depth" in Turkey's foreign policy in 2003-2016 The takeover of power in Turkey by the Justice and Progress Party in 2002 opened a new chapter for that country. The practical application of the doctrine of Ahmet Davutoğlu's "strategic depth" and soft power resources has led to a redefinition of the state's position in the international arena and a departure from the static foreign policy paradigm. This led to a change in the role and importance of Turkey as a participant in international relations and to its active involvement in global politics. This article attempts to answer a number of key questions relating to the issues in the title. First, it will answer what is the place and role of the soft power concept in international relations theory. Then, what role and significance did the doctrine of "strategic depth" play in Turkey's foreign policy. Finally, how Turkey used the soft power concept in its foreign policy based on "strategic depth". And what role did Ahmet Davutoğlu play in this. The historical method was used to achieve the research objective.

تبحث هذه الورقة الموقف التركي الرسمي من اتفاق الإطار النووي الإيراني "معايير خطة العمل المشتركة الشاملة" (JCPOA)؛ الذي أُعلن في 2 من إبريل/نيسان 2015 في مدينة "لوزان" السويسرية؛ الذي يُمَهِّد للتوقيع على الاتفاق النهائي الشامل حتى نهاية يونيو/حزيران المقبل.

وتناقش الورقة منطلقات الموقف التركي من هذا الاتفاق ودوافعه، كما تبحث في انعكاساته الإيجابية والسلبية المحتملة على تركيا، وتشير الورقة إلى أنَّه على الرغم من أنَّ الحديث يُرَكِّز عادة على المكاسب؛ فإن الهواجس لا تسقط من حسابات الجانب التركي. وعلى الرغم من أن كلًّا من تركيا وإيران قد نجحتا لفترة طويلة في الفصل دومًا بين السياسة والاقتصاد، فإنَّ هذا الوضع قد يتغيَّر مستقبلاً؛ فعلى الرغم من أنَّ الورقة ترى أنَّ الاتفاق النووي قد يُطلِق قدرات إيران الاقتصادية؛ وهو أمر سيفيد تركيا لمدة معيَّنة من دون شك، فإنَّه في المقابل قد يُخلُّ بموازين القوى على المدى المتوسط والبعيد؛ إذا بقيت الأجندات السياسية الإقليمية للدولتين مختلفة، كما أنَّه لن يُوقف التنافس الإقليمي بين الطرفين؛ ولكنَّه قد يحدُّ من قدرة أنقرة على المناورة واتخاذ خطوات أكثر جدِّيَّة تجاه إيران. وتخلص الورقة إلى أن هذا الوضع قد يضطر أنقرة إلى لعب أدوار متعددة؛ قد تتأرجح بين العودة إلى لعب دور الوساطات لتليين الموقف الإيراني أو ربما تغييره، وبين القيام بشبكة تحالفات إقليمية لاحتواء إيران وطموحها الإقليمي.

This study aims to put forth the findings of a field study carried out as part of a needs assessment for a Community Center built through the funds of International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, in Sanliurfa Eyyubiye in order to provide Syrian refugees who live outside the refugee camps with vocational training and psycho-social assistance. The field study, carried out during 12 January -12 February 2015 consists of in-depth interviews, focus groups, and a face-to-face baseline survey with 327 refugees. In the light of the findings  regarding the needs, problems, and out-group attitudes of the Syrian population, several policy suggestions have been presented following a SWOT analysis.

Sa akcentom na regionalnom nivou analize i ključnom uticaju
regionalnih interakcija na bezbednosne ishode, teorija regionalnog
bezbednosnog kompleksa (TRBK) pruža originalno polazište za izučavanje
mnogih pitanja koja opterećuju savremenu međunarodno-političku zbilju.
Kako bi izašla na kraj sa izazovima koje protok vremena i izuzetna
dinamika međunarodne bezbednosti ispostavljaju pred TRBK, neophodno
je izvršiti usklađivanje njenih teorijskih postavki i aparature prema
impulsima iz empirije. Kao jedan od, u bezbednosnom smislu,
najdinamičnijih regiona sveta izdvaja se Bliski istok, gde su ratovi, promene
u raspodeli moći i specifični bezbednosni izazovi tokom protekle dve
decenije uticali na promenu bezbednosne konfiguracije regiona.
Konkretnije, dogodile su se manje ili veće promene u svim elementima
esencijalne strukture regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa, čije
detektovanje i objašnjenje predstavlja cilj ovog rada. Pojava novih i nestanak
nekada ključnih činilaca regionalne bezbednosne dinamike, kao i
prestrojavanje savezništava na bezbednosnoj slici Bliskog istoka,
signaliziraju promene u obrazcima prijateljstava i neprijateljstava iraspodeli
moći u regionu.Iako je većina starih obrazaca zadržana, dolazi do promene
u pojedinim i stvaranja novih. Sa druge strane, iraspodela moći je narušena
pojavom nedržavnih aktera, nestankom starih i jačanjem novih polova moći
na bezbednosnoj mapi regiona. Neki od tradicionalnih obrazaca
neprijateljstava, poput arapsko-izraelskog, potpali su u drugi plan,
ustuknuvši pred pragmatičnom potrebom nekadašnjih neprijatelja za
zajedničkim obuzdavanjem Irana. Raspodela moći je, takođe, izmenjena i
aktivnim uključivanjem izolatora u regionalnu bezbednosnu dinamiku, gde se Turska pojavljuje kao akter koji se tokom protekle decenije odlučujuće
mešao u neka od gorućih pitanja regionalne konvencionalne i energetske
bezbednosti. Specifična uloga Turske u Bliskoistočnom RBK nameće
potrebu za preispitivanjem njene uloge insulatora/izolatora. Naposletku,
kao posledica promena u prethodnim činiocima esencijalne strukture, došlo
je do značajnih promena granica samog regionalnog bezbednosnog
kompleksa. Specifična uloga koju Turska vrši proteklih godina dovela je
do promene spoljnih granica njenim direktnim uključivanjem u
bezbednosnu dinamiku Bliskog istoka. Takođe, iako su i dalje prisutni
faktori koji vezuju bezbednosnu dinamiku na širokom prostoru od
Atlantika do Avganistana, držeći tako RBK Bliskog istoka na okupu,
specifične podregionalne dinamike dovele su do promene unutrašnjih
granica kompleksa, spajanjem i rekonfiguracijom potkompleksa.

Within the context of Turkey's relationship with Israel, the 1950s are remembered largely as the decade when bilateral relations developed dramatically reflecting the US orientation of Adnan Menderes's foreign policy. On closer observation, however, one cannot fail to notice that there was more ebb than flow in Turkey's policy towards Israel which already assumed the double-faced profile (cold or reproachful in public/positive behind closed doors), which is usually associated with the next two decades. Drawing on substantial research in official US and British archives, this article explores the multiple considerations which informed the approach of the Menderes government towards Tel-Aviv. Crucially, it places the Turks’ approach within their broader Middle Eastern policy with the aim of showing that it was shaped not only by their relationship with their powerful ally, the United States, but also by the need to look after relations with neighbourly Arab regimes.

In the next few months, Americans will have the last chance to achieve peace in Mesopotamia. The only way for Peace in 'Iraq' is a real national name, Aram Nahrain / Mesopotamia, and the division of the country into five great regions - cantons for separate settlement of the Christian Aramaeans, the Turkmens, the Kurds, the Shia, and the Sunnis. Deportations must necessarily take place; it will be either this or chaos.
First published in Buzzle: 17/1/2005

Violence in the New Frontiers of China The Uyghur and Han relationship is very complex. There are many different social grievances that lead to outburst of violence as well as organized insurgencies. The Peoples Republic of China (PRC) have invested, developed, and fostered Chinese nationalism within this minority group in order to develop stability within the region. Due to these variables the question " Does the implementation of the PRC policies increase the propensity of social unrest and violence in the Uyghur Muslim community? " The information provided will focus on several factors that give insight into the question proposed, such as, how was the PRC able to deal with insurgencies and the growth of unrest in Xingjian during the 90's, what different policies and tactics did they use and why did it contribute to a decrease in violence, what are the means in which the PRC is fostering nationalism into the education system into Xingjian, what is the overall impact of economic growth within the region, and how has that led to a higher level of tension between Uighurs and Han Chinese (HC) in the 2000's. Although these factors may seem haphazard they share a significant relationship based on PRC tactics and methods for deluding and enforcing submission upon the population in this region.

The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government, which came to power in 2002, has increasingly been using aid as an instrument of foreign policy, including in the Arab world. This increased with the Arab uprisings and has peaked with the ongoing civil war in Syria, reaching $2 billion in 2012. Despite substantial changes in the amount and geographical coverage of aid after the 'Arab Spring', there are also substantive continuities in Turkey's aid policy. The AKP has been focused on security and stability, and on consolidating power among new regimes. The direction of aid has thus followed that of regional foreign policy, and the government's interests have been given an ideational framing through notions of historical and cultural affinity and responsibility.

Orta Doğu’nun siyasi açıdan baskıcı – iktisadi açıdan kontrollü ülkelerinde, serbest pazar ekonomisinin hakim olduğu liberal siyasi ortama sahip ülkelerin aksine, siyasi mantık iktisadi faaliyetleri belirler. Bölgede iktisadi ilişkilerin çerçevesinin belirlenmesinde siyasi bağlantılar önceliğe sahip olduğu için, kendi ülkelerinde pazar ekonomisinin önceliğini uygulayan demokratik veya yarı-demokratik ülkeler dahi, Orta Doğu devletleriyle ilişkiye girerken siyasi faktörlerin üstünlüğünü kabul etmek zorundadırlar. Bu tespiti uygulamada gösterebilmek amacıyla, bu çalışma, Türkiye ile yakın Orta Doğu komşuları (İran, Irak ve Suriye) arasındaki iç içe geçmiş ticari ve siyasi ilişkilerin zikzaklı yapısını ele almaktadır. Çalışma bu ülkeler arasındaki ilişkilerin siyasi belirleyicilerini ortaya koyacak; ABD’nin bölgeye yönelik politikalarını etkin dışsal etmen olarak ele alacak; ve Türkiye’de Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi’nin iktidara gelmesinin ülkenin yakın Orta Doğu komşularıyla siyasi ve ekonomik ilişkilerini nasıl etkileyeceğini araştıracaktır.

The Middle East has played an active role in international relations in every period of history as the most important region of the world in terms of political, strategic, cultural, economic and general balances. It is seen that the main factors that determine the politics of the countries in this region are from geography to culture, from oil to religions, from being on the strategic transition routes to demographic wealth.

Problemstellung und Schlussfolgerungen Der geostrategische Kontext der türkisch-russischen Beziehungen Die Bedeutung der Nato für die Türkei Türkische Schwenks in Richtung Russland Die bilaterale Dimension der türkisch-russischen Beziehungen Handelsbeziehungen Energieprojekte Der Mythos der Kompartmentalisierung Syrien: Was ist neu in den türkisch-russischen Beziehungen unter Putin und Erdoğan? Moskaus Interessen in Syrien Ankaras Interessen in Syrien Wurzeln der türkisch-russischen Krise von 2015 Vorteile der Normalisierung Der Fall S-400

When it came to power in 2002, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) defended a bicommunal, federal solution for Cyprus, and supported the Annan Plan to reunite the island. This appeared at the time as a remarkable change in Turkish foreign policy, which had backed a confederal solution in Cyprus since 1997. Nevertheless, after years of negotiations to solve the Cyprus conflict, Ankara has decided to leave aside its support for a federal solution and re-embrace “the traditional policy.” Following the failure to reach a resolution in 2017, Ankara, together with the officials in Northern Cyprus, now proposes a two-state solution or a loose confederation in Cyprus. This dramatic shift shows that the gap between Greeks and Turks has widened ever more.
This paper analyzes the evolution of Ankara’s position by looking at the very essence of the new proposal and the irreconcilable positions between the parties. It further argues that the change in Turkey’s position is the product of many variables, including negotiations that lasted for decades, the weakening transformative power of the EU, and the changing balance of power in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Addresses the contexts of relationship and interaction between ISIS and Turkish foreign policy and analyses Turkey's recent foreign policy in the Middle East. Discusses the relationship between foreign and domestic politics and dynamics in Turkey.

ABSTRACT The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government, which came to power in
2002, has increasingly been using aid as an instrument of foreign policy, including in the Arab
world. This increased with the Arab uprisings and has peaked with the ongoing civil war in
Syria, reaching $2 billion in 2012. Despite substantial changes in the amount and
geographical coverage of aid after the ‘Arab Spring’, there are also substantive continuities
in Turkey’s aid policy. The AKP has been focused on security and stability, and on
consolidating power among new regimes. The direction of aid has thus followed that of
regional foreign policy, and the government’s interests have been given an ideational framing
through notions of historical and cultural affinity and responsibility.
Introduction

After the breakout and the escalation of the Syrian civil war and because of its humanitarian consequences, Turkey now hosts the largest refugee community worldwide. This paper attempts to investigate the role of the international community in assisting Syrian refugees in Turkey. Beyond looking at the main elements of the Turkish government policies, this study focuses on the Emergency Social Safety Net Programme of the European Union, the World Food Programme and the Turkish Red Crescent. It also reviews the Turkish aspects of the Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan of the United Nations. The primary purpose of the study is to provide a comparative analysis of the two programmes alongside the main objectives, results and difficulties. Beyond reviewing the essential international literature, the examination of this issue is principally based on data analysis of the reports of relevant international organisations. The Turkish government plays an important role in this crisis and the actions of international organisations complement the country's domestic policies. Two international aid programmes are compared and a conclusion is reached that the Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan tries to balance urgent humanitarian needs with durable solutions, while the Emergency Social Safety Net Programme is determined by humanitarian aspects. Nonetheless, both initiatives address the challenges to the Turkish host community which are posed by the protracted refugee issue. While acknowledging the remaining gaps, challenges and the obvious complexity of the refugee situation in Turkey, it can be concluded that the aid initiatives discussed have developed innovative solutions to address this protracted crisis.

Erbil’in federe devlet statüsüne rağmen petrol rezervlerinin kullanımı, dağıtımı ve bu rezervlerin satışından elde edilen gelire erişim konusunda hala Bağdat hükümetine bağımlı halidir. Bu nedenle Türkiye ve IBKY’nin enerji konusundaki partnerlik niyetleri ve hedefleri Ankara-Erbil-Bağdat üçgenindeki gelişme ve ilişkiler üzerinden tartışılmalı ve değerlendirilmelidir. Bu bölümde Türkiye’nin enerji ihtiyaçları ve enerji alanında belirlediği hedefleri, IBKY’nin sahip olduğu kaynaklar, merkezi Bağdat hükümetiyle olan ilişkileri ve enerji kaynaklarını nasıl kullanacağına dair politikaları birlikte değerlendirilecektir. Bu değerlendirme kapsamında Ankara-Erbil-Bağdat üçgeninde şekillenen dış poli- tika tercihleri irdelenecek, genel dış politika kararları çerçevesinde enerji konusu ön plana çıkarılarak kriz ve işbirliği olasılıkları ele alınacaktır.

Ahmet Davutoğlu ile yeni bir formata geçtiği ve “stratejik derinlik” yakaladığı iddia edilen Türk dış politikası mizah dergileri tarafından sıkça eleştirilmekte ve sorgulanmaktadır. Davutoğlu ile “sıfır sorun”, “köprü değil merkez”, “güçlü Türkiye”, “çok yönlü dış politika” ve “yeni Osmanlılar” gibi metaforlar ile donanan Türk dış politikasına mizah dergilerinin bakışı ve yaklaşımı dikkat çekicidir. Bu çalışma da bu noktadan hareketle en çok satan üç mizah dergisi: Uykusuz, Penguen ve Leman’ın kapakları üzerinden mizah dergilerinin AKP dönemi Türk dış politika yapıcılarının IŞİD politikası konusuna bakış açısını örnek olaylar
üzerinden inceleyecektir. Bu inceleme yapılırken yöntem olarak imge bilim ve söylem analizi uygulanacaktır.

В сентябре 2017 г. премьер-министр Израиля Биньямин Нетаньяху заявил, что Израиль поддерживает законные шаги курдов по обретению государственности в преддверии референдума о независимости, который Курдская региональная администрация Ирака (КРАИ) планирует провести 25 сентября. По словам Б.Нетаньяху, Израиль поддерживает законные усилия курдского народа по обретению собственной государственности. Б.Нетаньяху отметил, что Израиль считает Рабочую партию Курдистана (РПК) террористической организацией-в этом смысле позиция Израиля совпадает с позицией Турции, США и Европейского союза[i]. Заявление Б.Нетаньяху диссонирует с негативной реакцией других стран на волеизъявление курдов Ирака, которое запланировано властями курдской автономии на 25 сентября. 7 июня 2017 г. по итогам консультаций с лидерами политических партий глава КРАИ Масуд Барзани объявил, что референдум о независимости региона назначен на 25 сентября. Предстоящий референдум в Иракском Курдистане уже раскритиковали в Багдаде, Тегеране, Анкаре и Вашингтоне. Более того, Турция и Иран высказали общую позицию о том, что проведение голосования может спровоцировать рост напряженности, и призвали Эрбиль отказаться от инициативы. Напомним, что Нетаньяху в августе 2017 г. также выступил с заявлением в поддержку курдской автономии в Ираке, отметив, что Израиль выступает за создание независимого курдского государства. Премьер Израиля подчеркнул, что считает курдов «смелыми, прозападными людьми, которые разделяют ценности Израиля»[ii]. Примечательно, что сентябрьское заявление Б.Нетаньяху прозвучало спустя неделю после того, как экс-заместитель начальника Генштаба ВС Израиля Яир Голан, выступая в Вашингтонском институте ближневосточной политики, сказал, что не считает РПК террористической организацией. Заявление, распространенное во время турне Б.Нетаньяху по странам Латинской Америки, могло стать попыткой дистанцироваться от резонансных высказываний бывшего заместителя начальника израильского Генштаба Яира Голана и разъяснить официальную позицию страны по курдскому вопросу. Выступая недавно на конференции в США, Я.Голан сказал, что лично он не считает РПК террористами. «По моему личному мнению, РПК-не террористическая организация. Возможно, это окажется в газетных заголовках, но именно так я на это смотрю»,-заявил отставной израильский генерал. «Я не могу обрисовать точные границы, не могу сказать, как свести воедино и возможно ли это вообще, иранских, иракских, сирийских, турецких курдов. Может быть, это не произойдет в нашу эру. Не знаю. Но с учетом Ирана на востоке, нестабильности в регионе прочное, стабильное, целостное образование, курдское образование посреди этого болота-неплохая идея. Израиль с начала 60-х годов наладил эффективное сотрудничество с курдским народом. Наиболее позитивным изменением,