The Jews of the Arabian Peninsula

Γιατί οι Άραβες της χερσονήσου δεν έκαναν το Αναμενόμενο και δεν μεταστράφηκαν στον χριστιανισμό ή στον ιουδαϊσμό με την τόσο ισχυρή παρουσία και δυναμική στην περιοχή, όταν ένιωσαν σταδια κά, για πολλούς δικούς τους λόγους, την ανάγκη του μονοθεϊσμού;

The article traces the history of the custom of growing sidelocks among the Jews of the northern Arabian Peninsula. In addition to references to the custom of lengthening or trimming sidelocks that one finds in the Bible and in Herodotus, testimonies from Islamic sources are provided. On their basis it is surmised that the Jews in northern Arabia did let their sidelocks grow; that they developed this custom some time after they reached this location between the eighth and the sixth centuries BCE, and that its purpose was to distinguish them from their Arab neighbors, who tended to trim their sidelocks.

המאמר בא להתחקות אחר תולדותיו של מנהג גידול הפאות בקרב יהודי צפון חצי האי ערב. נוסף על אזכורים של גידול פאות או קיצוצן בתנ"ך ואצל הרודוטוס, מוסיף המאמר עדויות ממקורות אסלאמיים. על סמך עדויות אלה מסתבר שהיהודים שהתגוררו בצפון חצי האי ערב אכן גידלו פאות, שמנהג זה התפתח בקרבם במועד כלשהו אחרי בואם לשם בין המאה השמינית למאה השישית לפסה"נ, ושהוא נועד להבדילם משכניהם הערבים, שנהגו לקצוץ את פאותיהם.

The assassinations of the Prophet Muḥammad's antagonists were, according to the sīra, the harsh measures he took toward the consolidation of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula. These incidents' narratives are often labeled in modern scholarship as "completely free of any tendentiousness." This contention seems, however, to be grounded in the lack of full cognizance of the sources' ulterior motives and of the extent of literary devices deployed in the traditional biography of the Prophet. The present study identifies the topoi appearing in the murder accounts of the Prophet's political opponents that shed light on the extent of these stories' dependence on each other and on the possibility of literary borrowing between them. This analysis shows that the use of literary tools in the sources are more widespread than what may appear at first sight. Our accounts exhibit striking resemblances with one another in both form and content, a point seriously undermining the trustworthiness of the sīra as a straightforward source for reconstructing the Prophet's life.

In a book published in 2012, Le judaïsme ancien du VIe siècle avant notre ère au IIIe siècle de notre ère. Des prêtres aux rabbins, Simon Claude Mimouni suggested a new model on Palestinian Judaism after 70, defining three Judaisms: rabbinic, Christian and synagogual. The present article deals with this new hypothesis of a third, synagogual Judaism. It goes back over the sources of this hypothesis, insisting notably on the important role of Goodenough and his followers, and intends to clear up its relation to other recent historiographical models. It tries to refute the counter-arguments that are likely to be raised against this hypothesis, using essentially rabbinic literature, but also archaeology and epigraphy. It shows how the synagogual hypothesis helps to give a better understanding of a number of issues tackled by rabbinic literature (Jewish binitarism, relations between light, emanation and hypostasis, Jewish deviance, biblical canon and translation of the Bible into Greek,qedusha prayer, circumcision and patriarch). It finally opens up new prospects on some points of the hypothesis, which is still under construction: the sources of synagogual Judaism, its two components, Aramaic and Hellenist, the role of priests, the period that goes before 70 and the Diaspora, mysticism and messianism.

Dans un ouvrage paru en 2012,Le judaïsme ancien du VIe siècle avant notre ère au IIIe siècle de notre ère. Des prêtres aux rabbins, Simon Claude Mimouni a proposé un nouveau modèle sur le judaïsme palestinien d’après 70, celui des trois judaïsmes : rabbinique, chrétien et synagogal. C’est sur cette hypothèse d’un troisième judaïsme, qualifié de synagogal, que porte notre article. Il retrace les sources de cette hypothèse, en insistant notamment sur l’importance d’E.R. Goodenough et de ses disciples, et tente de la situer par rapport à d’autres modèles historiographiques récents. Il s’efforce de lever les obstacles qu’elle est susceptible de rencontrer, essentiellement à partir de la littérature rabbinique, mais aussi de l’archéologie et de l’épigraphie. Il s’attache aux questions, abordées notamment au sein de la littérature rabbinique, que l’hypothèse synagogale contribue à mieux éclairer (le binitarisme juif, le motif de la lumière et le couple émanation/hypostase, les déviances juives, le canon biblique et la traduction de la Bible en grec, la prière de laqedusha, la circoncision et le patriarche). Il ouvre enfin des perspectives sur certains aspects de l’hypothèse encore en élaboration : les sources du judaïsme synagogal, ses deux composantes araméenne et helléniste, le rôle des prêtres, la période d’avant 70 et la Diaspora, la mystique et le messianisme

follow the link,
http://www.cdmy.org/cmy/cmy27.pdf

o  News July-December 2018, p. 6
o  Articles
o  Jean-François Faü (Université Senghor, Alexandrie) 
Note sur deux manuscrits en hébreu de Zaylaʿ (Somaliland), p. 44
o  Sami Lagati (Université Paris-Sorbonne) 
Taqrīr ‘an al-Yaman de Fudayl al-Wartilani : Un papier manuscrit à l'origine de la chute du régime de l'Imam Yahyā (1947-1948), p. 55
o  Ismail K. Poonawala (UCLA, USA)
The Contribution of Ismāʿīlī Colophons to the Discussion on the Birth and Construction of the Arabic Manuscript Tradition, p. 74
o  Anne Regourd (CNRS, UMR 7192)
Note sur le marché des corans rassoulides : catalogue, p. 140.

The murder of the Prophet's chief Jewish opponent, Ka'b b. al-Ashraf, led to grave consequences for the tribe of Banūal-Naḍ ı̄r and for the Jews as a whole. The incident ushered in a series of hostile Mus-lim-Jewish encounters that reached its climax in the battle of Khaybar. Despite the constructive study undertaken by previous scholars, there still seem to be some contradictory elements and vague accounts that have been either utterly ignored or for which a satisfactory explanation is lacking. In the light of certain striking pieces of evidence, scattered in unlikely places in the sı̄ra and tafsı̄r compendia, the present study sets out to examine critically the extent to which the accounts of Ka'b's murder can be trusted. It will be argued that what we are faced with is seriously distorted material with logical absurdities and discrepancies that cannot easily be reconciled. Apart from the historical reconstruction, special attention will be devoted to a momentous historiographical point-that our reports have been doctored for political reasons. This helps us adopt a more realistic view of the individuals whose names occurred in the accounts of the event in question.

The book is a voluminous study (330 pages) that follows the history of the presence and life of Jews and Jewish tribes in pre-Islamic Arabia in the 5th, 6th and 7th centuries, the appearance and teachings of Hazreti Muhammad, and his religious, ideological, political and military contacts and relations with the Jews of Medina (Yathrib), Kaibar, Fadak, Kamusa, Wadi al-Qura, Tema. A part of the book is dedicated to the complete content of the Qur'an text, citing and quoting all parts of the text in the Qur'an which refer to the Jews. And that is 29 per cent of the total content and text of the Qur’an. Through the chapters in the book that talk about the Arabs, Muhammad, the Qur'an, Islam, etc... the book introduces us to mutual historical contacts, relations, influences, interconnections, but also the opposites of Jews and Arabs, as well as their religious teachings expressed in Judaism (and Christianity) and Islam. A particularly interesting part is an introduction with characters of common prophets and angels in Judaism (and Christianity) and Islam. Very interesting, and certainly less known, are the fact that out of a total of 25 prophets in Islam mentioned in the Qur'an, 22 of them are taken from the Jewish and Christian Bible and biblical history, and 15 of them are Jews! Each of them, as well as the angels mentioned in the Qur'an, is given a special description and explanation. An important fact, certainly is, that most of the authors and data sources used in the content of this book are Arabic, Persian, Indian, Pakistani, Turkish ... so primarily Muslim-Islamic authors, historians, writers, and theologians. The foreword to the book was written by Muharem Bazdulj.

Many if not most of the details concerning the Jews are found in several chapters of Muḥammad’s biography dedicated to his conflict with them, namely the chapters about Qaynuqāʿ, Naḍīr, Qurayẓa and Khaybar. Naturally, these “Jewish chapters”, which include some fine examples of storytelling, are biased, but they remain indispensable for modern historians struggling to reconstruct Muḥammad’s troubled relations with the Jews. In addition to an outline of the main events, they provide information about the people, the tribes, and the places involved. The evidence is shrouded in trivia, false leads and tendentious claims, not to mention many lacunae which can sometimes be filled by reference to other types of the vast Islamic literature.
The study of early Islam in general, and Jewish-Muslim relations in particular, is still rather close to its starting point. In recent years epigraphy has emerged as very promising, but for the time being the huge medieval literary output remains the main source. In order to make progress researchers need to bring into the discussion new texts–they are at hand, thanks to modern digital tools–and refine their analytical and critical tools.

In The Religious and Spiritual Life of the Jews of Medina Haggai Mazuz offers an account of the halakhic character of the Jewish community of Medina in the seventh century CE. Making use of a unique methodology of comparison between Islamic and Jewish sources, Mazuz convincingly argues that the Jews of Medina were Talmudic-Rabbinic Jews in almost every respect. Their sages believed in using homiletic interpretation of the Scriptures, as did the sages of the Talmud. On many halakhic issues, their observations were identical to those of the Talmudic sages. In addition, they held Rabbinic beliefs, sayings and motifs derived from the Midrashic literature.

Table of Contents

Preliminary Material: pp. i–xv
Introduction: pp. 1–7
1. Religious and Social Leadership: pp. 9–24
2. Law and Custom: pp. 25–67
3. Religious Beliefs: pp. 69–79
4. External Characteristics: pp. 81–97
Conclusion: pp. 99–102
Appendix 1: Possible Reasons for Presenting Early Islam as an Anti-Rabbinic Movement: pp. 103–107
Appendix 2: Reference to the People of Wādī al-Qurā in Ginzberg’s Geonic Responsa: pp. 109–109
Appendix 3: Reference to the People of Wādī al-Qurā in Harkavy’s Geonica Responsa: pp. 111–111
Appendix 4: Benjamin of Tudela on the Jewish Presence in Northern Arabia: pp. 113–115
Bibliography: pp. 117–123
Citation Index: pp. 125–129
Subject Index: pp. 130–131

According to a commentary on a Qur`an verse, after the Battle of Uhud the Jews of Medina proposed to Hudhayfa b. al-Yaman and 'Ammar b. Yasir (in one report, Mu'adh b. Jabal is added) that they return to Judaism. This indicates that before their conversion to Islam, these prominent Companions of the Prophet Muhammad had been Jewish.

As in orthodox Judaism the Talmud possesses a degree of authority second only to that of the Hebrew scriptures, so in orthodox Islam the authority of the traditions of al-Bukhari is second only to that of the Kur'an.
The purpose of the thesis has been to collect the numerous traditions of
al-Bukhari which bear a striking similarity to the aggadic traditions to be
found chiefly in the Talmud and the Midrashim. Scholars have frequently
assumed that these were parallels in the bodies of tradition. But hitherto no one has undertaken to assemble them or to set them in relation to one another for a study of their inter-dependence.
This investigation has necessitated a study of the successive stages in the
evolution both of the Jewish and of the Muslim traditions and of their origin, oral transmission and reduction to writing. The three periods into which Jewish influence on Muslim tradition falls are (a) the period of the first Caliphs in Arabia, (b) that of the Umayyads in Syria and (c) that of the
Abbasids in the Iraq. The factors which operated in the decline of Jewish influences arc noted.
The subject-matter of the thesis is presented under three heads; (a)
traditions dealing with the heroes of the faith in the Old Testament and
Muhammad (the Past), (b) traditions related to the daily practices and the
seasonal observances of the two religions, (the Present), (c) the eschatological traditions (the Future). An additional section covers those traditions of al-Bukhari which throw light upon the relations between Muslims and Jews.
The conclusion of the investigation is that the Muslims were largely indebted to the Jews for a great body of their traditions. However, this conclusion must be modified by the recognition of a common dependence of Jews and Muslims on a common Semitic heritage and a common spirit.

Early Rabbinic textual comments on the Jews of Arabia are widely considered terse and general, leading to the assumption that they have little information to offer and prompting scholars to seek knowledge in other sources. The article confronts this conventional wisdom by citing Mishnaic, Talmudic, and Midrashic references to Arabian geography and settlements that yield important if not conclusive findings on points that have been inadequately discussed thus far.

Resumen: El norte de Arabia y su comunidad judía en las fuentes rabínicas tempranas: más allá de lo que parece a simple vista
Los primeros comentarios rabínicos sobre los judíos en Arabia son ampliamente considerados como concisos y generales, llevando a la suposición de que tienen escasa información para ofrecer y motivando así a los investigadores a buscar información en otras fuentes. El presente artículo confronta esta opinión convencional, mediante la cita de referencias misnaicas, talmúdicas y midrásicas sobre la geografía de Arabia y sus asentamientos, las cuales dan lugar a hallazgos importantes, si no concluyentes, acerca de temas que han sido discutidos inadecuadamente hasta el momento.

A passage in a late legal treatise provides the missing piece in the Hudaybiyya puzzle.

The basic text of Sarakhsi:

وإذا مر عسكر المسلمين بمدينة من مدائن أهل الحرب ولم يكن لهم بهم طاقة فأرادوا أن ينفذوا إلى غيرهم قال لهم أهل المدينة: أعطونا أن لا تمروا في هذا الطريق على أن لا نقتل منكم أحدا ولا نأسره فإن كان ذلك خيرا للمسلمين فلا بأس بأن يعطوهم ذلك ويأخذوا في طريق آخر وإن كان أبعد وأشق لأنهم لا يأمنون أن يتبعوهم فيقتلوا الواحد والاثنين ممن في آخريات العسكر وهذه الموادعة تؤمنهم من ذلك. وقد قبل رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم في الموادعة يوم الحديبية من الشرط ما هو أعظم من هذا فإن أهل مكة شرطوا عليه أن يرد عليهم كل من أتى مسلما منهم ووفى لهم بهذا الشرط إلى أن انتسخ لأنه كان فيه نظر للمسلمين لما كان بين أهل مكة وأهل خيبر من المواطأة على أن رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم إذا توجه إلى أحد الفريقين أغار الفريق الآخر على المدينة فوادع أهل مكة حتى يأمن من جانبهم إذا توجه إلى خيبر.
فعرفنا أن مثل هذا الشرط لا بأس بقبوله إذا كان فيه نظر للمسلمين فإن قبلوه ثم بدا لهم أن يمروا في ذلك الطريق فلينبذوا إليهم ويعلموهم بذلك لأن هذا بمنزلة الموادعة والأمان فيجب الوفاء به والتحرز عن الغدر إلى أن ينبذوا إليهم.

شرح كتاب السير الكبير

Addendum: Sarakhsi touches upon the topic elsewhere:

*وإن جنحوا للسلم فاجنح لها*

ولأن رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم صالح أهل مكة عام الحديبية على أن وضع الحرب بينه وبينهم عشر سنين فكان ذلك نظرا للمسلمين لمواطأة كانت بين أهل مكة وأهل خيبر وهي معروفة ولأن الإمام نصب ناظرا ومن النظر حفظ قوة المسلمين أولا فربما يكون ذلك في الموادعة إذا كانت للمشركين شوكة أو احتاج إلى أن يمعن في دار الحرب ليتوصل إلى قوم لهم بأس شديد فلا يجد بدا من أن يوادع من على طريقه وإن لم تكن الموادعة خيرا للمسلمين فلا ينبغي أن يوادعهم لقوله تعالى

*فلا تهنوا وتدعوا إلى السلم وأنتم الأعلون*

ولأن قتال المشركين فرض وترك ما هو الفرض من غير عذر لا يجوز فإن رأى الموادعة خيرا فوادعهم ثم نظر فوجد موادعتهم شرا للمسلمين نبذ إليهم الموادعة وقاتلهم لأنه ظهر في الانتهاء ما لو كان موجودا في الابتداء منعه ذلك من الموادعة فإذا ظهر ذلك في الانتهاء منع ذلك من استدامة الموادعة وهذا لأن نقض الموادعة بالنبذ جائز قال صلى الله عليه وسلم يعقد عليهم أولاهم ويرد عليهم أقصاهم ولكن ينبغي أن ينبذ إليهم على سواء.

المبسوط للسرخسي

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The map corrects errors I have made in the early articles (1985, 1986) extracted from my PhD thesis. Note in particular the distance between Rātij and Ḥusayka on the one hand, and Zuhra on the other. I misunderstood a unique and crucial text on the Prophet's first foothold in Medina (وذلك أن رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم أول ما قدم المدينة وجد أرضا واسعة بزهرة لأهل راتج وحسيكة).
See also
https://www.academia.edu/24263046/On_the_markets_of_Medina_Yathrib_in_pre-Islamic_and_early_Islamic_times_reprinted_with_corrigenda_in_Amer_al-Roubaie_and_Shafiq_Alvi_eds._Islamic_Banking_and_Finance_Critical_Concepts_in_Economics_London_Routledge_2010
esp. 193.
Needless to say, this is but an interim product and there are many gaps and inaccuracies. وأهل المدينة ادرى بشعابها...

Given that the important early Qurʾān commentator Muqātil b. Sulaymān al-Balkhī is criticized for not having mentioned the chain of narrators (isnād) behind his interpretations, the obvious question is: who and/or what were his sources? Although no unequivocal answer can be offered, it is proposed in this article that Muqātil may in some instances have drawn on Midrashic sources with which he was familiar. Six examples that suggest the possible validity of this hypothesis are given.

This article examines an episode in the diplomatic history of the Prophet Muhammad, namely the non-belligerency treaties he is said to have concluded after the Hijra with the main Jewish tribes of Medina, the Nadır, Qurayza and Qaynuqa'. I argue that the reports on these treaties, their obvious weaknesses notwithstanding, are on the whole reliable. The treaties were based on a reciprocal undertaking of each party not to cause harm to the other party. This obligation characterized the first stage of Muhammad's relationship with the Jews of Medina. Due to contradicting claims, it seems impossible to determine the precise terms of the treaties beyond the essential security clause.

This article explores one of the remarkable legacies of the Hellenistic Greek world: the subsequent activity in the Indian Ocean of Greek-speaking Egyptians and certain people of India who called themselves Yavanas. But while doing so, it addresses certain vexing issues. One is whether merchants from Roman Egypt established stable residential communities in the ports of India during the first and second centuries AD. Another is how Yavanas living near the Gulf of Barygaza and the western Ghats in western India came to call themselves by a term borne centuries earlier by Greeks living in regions of northern India. By probing these issues, the article sheds light on how travellers and expatriates from Roman Egypt, and the Greek language and culture that they often carried with them, fit into the multilingual and multicultural web of a connected Indian Ocean. But it also formulates how a commercial network of Egyptians established residential settlements in the ports of India that generated and transmitted local knowledge to other members of the network. The author of the notable Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (Periplus Maris Erythraei) was arguably both a participant in the network and a recipient of its knowledge.

Three men from the Jewish tribe Qurayẓa reportedly converted to Islam on the eve of their tribe’s surrender, saving themselves, their families, and their orchards. But in another context we find that two of them were married to two third cousins of the Prophet Muḥammad.

In 1913 a dispute regarding the kabbalah broke out in the Jewish community of Sanaa. The Dardeim, the anti-kabbalah group, led by Rabbi Yihye Qafih (1850–1931), sought to modernize the community and to preserve “authentic” Yemeni traditions. While most Sanaani Jews supported the Iqashim group, which followed the teachings of Jewish esoteric sources, the Dardeim forcefully objected to the study of the kabbalah.
To this day academic research has primarily focused on the local and European-Jewish contexts of the dispute. In this article, however, I examine the controversy from the perspective of the Indian Ocean world. I discuss the dissemination of Islamic ideas from India to Mecca, Istanbul, and Sanaa, and the extent to which they inspired the Dardei movement. At the center of this discussion stands Rabbi Qafih’s book, Milhamot Ha-shem (Wars of the Lord), in which he draws on Izhar al-haqq (Truth revealed), a book written by Maulana Rahmat Allah Kairanawi (1818–1892), a Muslim scholar from India, who fled to Mecca in 1857.
Kairanawi used European biblical criticism as part of a struggle between Christians and Muslims prompted by British colonial rule in India. Kairanawi’s book had an important impact on Jewish-Muslim debates in Yemen surrounding the question of the unity of God and on the internal Jewish struggle over the kabbalah.
By pointing to contacts that had existed between different regions and different religious communities, this article problematizes attributed divisions between Judaism and Islam, and between the Middle East and the Indian Ocean. Analyzing the Middle East within the context of the Indian Ocean improves our understanding of the particular place of the Jews in Yemen.

According to the research consensus that has formed on the topic, Islamic sources base their account of the Israelites’ war against the Amalekites on I Sam. 15:3–9. It is argued here, however, that the Islamic account, which ostensibly traces the origins of Jewish settlement in the Ḥijāz to Moses’s expeditionary force, was prompted by the Israelites’ war against the Midianites as described in Num. 31:1–20 and Josephus’s Jewish Antiquities. The narrator of the Islamic legend in its most comprehensive version, as presented in the Kitāb al-Aghānī, may have been familiar with the account of the war in Jewish Antiquities. It is also possible that he had access to the Biblical version of this story as well, and borrowed motifs from both sources.

The Story of Tamīm b. ʿAmmār: A Ninth-Century Ḥijāzī Jew
This article examines a Genizah document that centers on Tamīm b. ʿAmmār, a ninth-century Jew of Ḥijāzī origin. The dating of the document and the identity of its author are unknown. According to the document, Tamīm was in charge of forwarding tax revenues from Egypt to the Caliph before the reign of al-Maʾmūn (r. 813–833 CE) and also after al-Maʾmūn rose to power. An incident in which Tamīm captured and, on his own counsel, freed Bedouin who had escorted the convoy and planned to steal tax revenue led to his incarceration. Tamīm b. ʿAmmār al-Ḥijāzī is unknown in the Islamic sources; this document is the only source that mentions him and the incident. It enriches our knowledge of the Jews of Ḥijāz after the advent of Islam and their role in the Islamic world in the first centuries of the Hijra.

סיפורו של תמים בן עמאר: יהודי חג'אזי בן המאה התשיעית
במאמר זה נבחנת תעודה מן הגניזה שבמרכזה עומד תמים בן עמאר, יהודי ממוצא חג'אזי בן המאה התשיעית לספה"נ. תיארוכהּ וזהות מחברהּ של התעודה אינם ידועים. לפי התעודה, תמים היה ממונה על העברת המיסים ממצרים לח'ליף לפני תקופת שלטונו של אלמאמון (813–833 לספה"נ) וכן לאחר שאלמאמון עלה לשלטון, אך תקרית שבמהלכה תמים שָבה ושחרר על דעת עצמו בדואים שהתלוו לשיירה ותכננו לגנוב את כספי המיסים הובילה לכליאתו. תמים בן עמאר אינו מוכר ממקורות אסלאמיים, והתעודה היא המקור היחיד המזכיר אותו ואת התקרית. תעודה זו מעשירה את ידיעותינו הן על יהודי חג'אז לאחר הופעת האסלאם והן על התפקיד שמילאו בעולם המוסלמי במאות הראשונות להִגְ'רַה.

The book is a voluminous study (330 pages) that follows the history of the presence and life of Jews and Jewish tribes in pre-Islamic Arabia in the 5th, 6th and 7th centuries, the appearance and teachings of Hazreti Muhammad, and his religious, ideological, political and military contacts and relations with the Jews of Medina (Yathrib), Kaibar, Fadak, Kamusa, Wadi al-Qura, Tema. A part of the book is dedicated to the complete content of the Qur'an text, citing and quoting all parts of the text in the Qur'an which refer to the Jews. And that is 29 per cent of the total content and text of the Qur’an. Through the chapters in the book that talk about the Arabs, Muhammad, the Qur'an, Islam, etc... the book introduces us to mutual historical contacts, relations, influences, interconnections, but also the opposites of Jews and Arabs, as well as their religious teachings expressed in Judaism (and Christianity) and Islam. A particularly interesting part is an introduction with characters of common prophets and angels in Judaism (and Christianity) and Islam. Very interesting, and certainly less known, are the fact that out of a total of 25 prophets in Islam mentioned in the Qur'an, 22 of them are taken from the Jewish and Christian Bible and biblical history, and 15 of them are Jews! Each of them, as well as the angels mentioned in the Qur'an, is given a special description and explanation. An important fact, certainly is, that most of the authors and data sources used in the content of this book are Arabic, Persian, Indian, Pakistani, Turkish ... so primarily Muslim-Islamic authors, historians, writers, and theologians. The foreword to the book was written by Muharem Bazdulj.

‫ﻛﺎﺮﺍﻄﺎﺋﻑ‬ ‫ﺃﻧﺩﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻣﻴﻧﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺪﻳﻣﻳﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﺮﻮﺴﺎﻛﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻤﻴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ﴿ ‫ﺮﻮﺳﻳﺎ‬ ﴾ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﻠﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻐﺮﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﺣﺿﺎﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﺧﻠﻮﻖ‬ ‫ﺃﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺗﺄﻛﺩﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﺩﻴﺛﺔ‬ ‫ﻆﺎﻫﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻌﻮﻠﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻦ‬ ‫ﻤﺗﺄﻛﺪﻮﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻧﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﻦ‬ ‫ﻔﻗﻃ‬ ٠ ‫ﺍﻠﻌﺎﻠﻣﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻣﻧﻅﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻅﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻮﻠﻛﻦ‬ 1 ‫ﺣﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻴﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﺻﻭﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﺤﺪﻴﺛﺔ‬ ‫ﻠﻠﻌﻮﻠﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺃﻮﺿﺤﺖ‬ ٠ ‫ﻓﻮﻓﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﻟﻳﺮﺴﺗﺎﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻹﻤﺎﻧﻮﺋﻴﻞ‬ 2 ﴿ ‫ﺍﻠﻧﻆﺮﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﺆﺴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﺣﺩ‬ ‫ﻮﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﺣﺩﻴﺛﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻌﺎﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻣﻧﻆﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻈﻬﺮﺖ‬ ﴾ ‫ﺒﺎﻠﻣﻧﻆﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺎﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻄﻮﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﺳﺎﺩﺲ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻠﻘﺮﻦ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻄﻠﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﺷﻤﺎﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺫﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻨﺷﺄﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺮﺒﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻌﺎﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬ ٠ ‫ﻓﺭﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻏﻭﻧﺪﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻨﺩﺮﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﻌﺘﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻓﺲ‬ ‫ﻮﻓﻲ‬ 3 ﴿ ‫ﻮﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻧﻆﺮﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻠﻬﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﺆﺳﺲ‬ ﴿ ‫ﺍﻷﺩﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﺷﺮﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻈﻬﺮﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻌﺎﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻣﻧﻆﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ‬ ﴾ ‫ﻗﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻮﺍﻠﻌﺭﺍﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻲﺀ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﻻﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻣﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻧﺫ‬ ﴾ ٠ ‫ﻧﺗﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﺩ‬ ‫ﺇﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺷﺄﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﺣﺩﻴﺛﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻌﻮﻠﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻮﺍﺿﺢ‬ ‫ﻮﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﺤﺪﻴﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻃﻮﺮﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻌﺎﻠﻣﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻤﻧﻆﻮﻤﺎﺖ‬ ‫ﻹﺣﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻣﻌﻮﻠﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻄﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻠﺗﺣﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻣﻨﻆﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻱ‬ ، ‫ﺍﻷﻮﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬ ٠ ‫ﺴﺅﺍﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻮﻠﻛﻦ‬ ‫׃‬ ‫״‬ ‫ﻤﻧﻆﻮﻣﺎﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﺣﺩﻳﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻌﻬﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻤﻌﻮﻠﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻂﺎﻗﺎﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺃﻮﺮﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻏﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫״‬ ‫ﺇﻴﺠﺒﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺠﻮﺍﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﺴﺆﺍﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻨﺠﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺃﻦ‬ ‫ﻮﻨﺮﻳﺩ‬ ٠ ‫ﺃﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺃﻛﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻤﺗﺄﻛﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﻧﺣﻦ‬ ﴿ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻌﺎﻠﻣﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻆﻮﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻣﻌﻮﻠﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻄﺎﻗﺎﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﺣﻀﺎﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﻱ‬ ﴾ ٠ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻠﺗﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺣﻀﺎﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻣﻌﻮﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻄﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻨﺤﻠﻞ‬ ، ‫ﺍﻠﺣﻀﺎﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻠﻬﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻠﻄﺎﻗﺎﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﺃﻦ‬ ‫ﻤﺗﺄﻛﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﻧﺣﻦ‬ 1 World-System Approach.