Roman statues

This book presents a new study of Greek large-scale bronze statuary of the late Archaic and Classical periods. It examines the discovery, origin, style, date, artistic attribution, identification, and interpretation of the surviving bronzes, and focuses in particular on their technical features and casting techniques. It contains over 170 plates of photographs and drawings to illustrate its discussion.

It also places the development of the casting techniques in connection with the stylistic evolution in Greek free-standing sculpture. During the Classical period, artists preferred bronze to marble when creating their contrapposto figures. Indisputably, bronze gave particular freedom to artists in creating three-dimensional figures. In addition, the evolution in style encouraged the development of the uses of bronze to serve the new needs and tendencies in sculpture during the late Archaic and especially the Classical period. Through the examination of how technical matters affect style, this book presents fresh interpretations of these important monuments of Greek art and offers a new approach in the field of Greek free-standing bronze sculpture.

Agrippa's Pantheon remains the subject of lively debates. A much-discussed passage is found in Cassius Dio's Roman History (53.27.2-3), which is most often treated as a stand-alone, self-explanatory whole. However, in order to be comprehensible, each text needs a broader range of reference points in order for meaning to be extracted. In this paper, I analyze part of that contextual spectrum (including Dio's attitude to the so-called imperial cult and the roles played in his narrative by the cults of both Augustus and Caesar), and I argue that we should view his account of the Pantheon with considerable caution. That account contains three different narrative threads: one based on the annalist tradition, but also one which drew on the author's own experiences, and one that constituted a literary and rhetorical overlay aimed at realizing the general objectives of the Roman History. In this account, the 'former Caesar' has been placed in between twice over: between the author's historical knowledge and his present circumstances, and between the realms of gods and humans. That imprecise nature of this expression was no accident. I believe the expression was not so much a reference to a specific statue as a figure of speech emphasizing the difference, fundamental from Dio's perspective, between the incumbent emperor and his deceased predecessor.

Em busca dos significados conferidos a estátuas de deuses na arena pública romana, este artigo apresenta um estudo do discurso sobre a estátua de , no qual a deusa de Enna torna-se "a mais antiga Ceres", vinculada por Cícero à religião romana.

L’enquête a pris pour point de départ une figure familière aux habitants du quartier de la place Navone, la célèbre statue parlante de Pasquino. Dès sa découverte à la Renaissance et jusqu’à nos jours, ce marbre antique est devenu le lieu d’affichage d’épigrammes et d’autres formes d’expression écrite à l’encontre des autorités religieuses et politiques, les « pasquinades ». A partir de ce cas spécifique dont la renommée à l’époque moderne est singulière, l’enquête s’est vite élargie à l’ensemble des manifestations illicites dont les statues ont été le réceptacle depuis l’Antiquité, mais aussi plus largement aux divers signes et manifestations qui leur ont été attribuées, sans négliger le lien unissant la statue elle-même, dès sa conception ou son installation dans un lieu public, et le texte qui l’accompagne officiellement. L’image statuaire, par la vie et les paroles qu’on lui prête, devient alors le lieu d’une expression revendicative, voire d’une contestation violente. Pour en finir avec les forces qu’elle déploie ou qui s’affrontent dans la représentation elle-même, il n’y a qu’un pas à franchir, lorsque la conjoncture s’offre aux manifestations brutales : la destruction ou la mutilation de l’objet lui-même. Ainsi les mécanismes à l’œuvre pour « faire parler » une statue portent-ils toujours en eux le risque de les « faire taire » un jour. Les travaux réunis dans le présent volume – centrés sur le monde gréco-romain, ils s’ouvrent à d’autres contextes et d’autres périodes - appartiennent donc aux deux volets indissociables d’un même effort d’explicitation, depuis la naissance de l’Ecriture jusqu’à l’âge de la médiatisation planétaire.

This chapter examines questions about the role of statue reuse, and recycling in the building and sculptural economies of Late Antiquity, leading to an increased understanding of the cultural changes that characterized this practice during this period. It addresses various approaches to the economic importance of and rationale behind the reuse and recycling of statuary and other sculpted material in Late Antiquity. The basic economic premise that materials were reused and recycled because they were available more economically than new materials seems clear, but care should be taken not to reduce reuse-recycling solely to economics. Reuse-recycling was also a cultural choice rather than a purely pragmatic practice, and one that expressed a late antique mentality. Sculpted stone was a recognizable commodity in the ancient world and its recycling and reuse have both social and economic implications for the artistic and ideological changes that defined the recycling habit of late antiquity.

Throughout confrontations between material and literary documents, this thesis demonstrates another perspective from written sources, that is, Constantine was not only represented as a Christian emperor. Having a hard analysis on archaeological sources, the plurality of his political and religious identity is perceived. When differents representations are observed - sometimes conflicting representations - of the very same character of Late Antiquity, we problematize his image as the first Roman ruler to become Christian, as he has been known for to the discursive constructions of writers Lactantius and Eusebius in the early fourth century. Therefore, an accelerated Christianization hypothesis of the Roman Empire has to be rethought. The research selected temples, reliefs, and statues regarding to Constantine time and to his imperial domain identity, delimiting and justifying its documentary corpus, above all, in the temporal space in which these sources were produced. Readings and exegesis of those documents are made, noting another profile of the emperor, dialoguing and confronting the written sources without depending exclusively on them. Even though Constantine had become himself a Christian, the Roman Empire under his domain did not immediately, rapidly, and massively Christianized itself. Counting on advertisements of different -- and even antagonistic -- origins, Constantine would have prioritized his permanence in the power, his dynasty maintenance, and his image exaltation.

Keywords: Constantine; Material Culture; Representations; Reliefs; Statuary.

Foresta, S., Notomista, M. & Santaniello, E. (2018) La memoria di un "tipo". Osservazioni sull'immagine loricata di Marco Nonio Balbo da Ercolano. In: Cipriani, M., Pontrandolfo, A., & Scafuro, M. (a c.) Dialoghi sull'Archeologia della Magna Grecia e del Mediterraneo. Paestum: Pandemos: 233-244.

10. Sotto il regno di Teoderico è forte il concetto di decor civitatis come eredità del passato, in quanto decor veterum. Dalle Variae di Cassiodoro (Cassiod., var. 7, 13, 3), che considerano il periodo dal 495 al 537, emerge questa volontà di proteggere le antichità, di salvaguardarle e restaurarle come una sorta di patrimonio monumentale: V. Fauvinet-Ranson, Decor civitatis, decor Italiae. Monuments, travaux publics et spectacles au VI e siècle d'après les Variae de Cassiodoro, Bari 2006, 11-12. 13 R. Lanciani, Ancient Rome in the light of recent discoveries, London 1888, 289-290. Sul degrado e sul restauro degli edifici urbani durante la seconda metà del IV e nel V secolo, cf. B. Ward Perkins, From Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages. Urban Public Buildings in Northern and Central Italy A.D. 300-850, Oxford 1984, 42-43 nn. 18-24 (restauri della Basilica Giulia, delle Terme all'Aventino, delle Terme di Costantino, del Colosseo, del Secretarium Senatus, della Curia, dell'atrium Libertatis, del Tellurense Secretarium, del portico del teatro di Pompeo: su alcuni di questi restauri si veda infra nn. 17, 36). 14 Zos., 5, 38-42; cf. P. Courcelle, Histoire littéraire des grandes invasions germaniques, Paris 1964, 45-48. In particolare sul riscatto: Zos., 5, 41, 5-7; 45, 3. Il riscatto consisteva in una quantità esorbitante d'oro, d'argento, di tuniche di seta, di pelli scarlatte e pepe. La tassazione ai senatori fu inutile, secondo Zosimo, sia perché una parte dei beni venne occultata, sia perché il tesoro cittadino si era particolarmente impoverito. Tra le statue fuse, lo fu anche quella della Virtus: in seguito a ciò i Romani persero il loro coraggio. 15 Sul sacco del 410: Procop., Vand. 3, 2; cf. P. Courcelle, 49-56. Secondo Procopio vennero trafugate anche le spoglie di Gerusalemme, dedicate da Tito e Vespasiano nel Templum Pacis, più probabilmente, invece, portate via da Genserico.

Özet: Paplagonia Bölgesi doğuda Halys (Kızılırmak) ve Pontos Bölgesi, batıda Parthenios
(Bartınsu) veya Billaios (Filyos çayı) ile Bithynia, güneyde ise Gangra (Çankırı) ile Galatya
bölgelerinin sınırladığı alan içerisindedir. Ele aldığımız mezar alınlıkları, Safranbolu’da bir, Güneşli
1, Sora 1, Hadrianoupolis ve çevresinde ise dört adet olmak üzere toplam yedi adettir. Eserler 1,
20x1, 35 m ile 3,95x1,95 m arasında değişen ölçülere sahiptir ve alınlık şeklindedir. Malzemeleri
yerel kireç taşı olup 0,38-0,47 m kalınlıklarda levha şeklinde olan kireç taşı eserlerin sadece
cepheleri figürlüdür. Form itibariyle üçgen alınlık şeklinde olan eserlerin; günümüze kadar
yapılan stel ve adak levhası sınıfl andırmalarında, “Alınlıklı Steller” ana başlığında, “Tympanonu
Bezeli Steller”, “Beşik Çatılı Steller”, gibi alt gruplar içerisinde değerlendirilmiştir. Ancak bahsi geçen
stel guruplarında bu alınlık masif blok üzerine şematik olarak işlenmektedir. Ayrıca bu stellerin
ebatları oldukça küçüktür. Steller göz önüne alındığında, eserlerin sadece alınlıktan ibaret oluşu
ve alışılmışın dışındaki boyutları mevcut sınıfl andırmalara uymamaktadır. Eserlerin üçü figürlü
iken diğerlerinde ölü gömme geleneği içinde değerlendirilen, diptiych, stylus, saban, kazma,
bağ bıçağı, asma ve üzüm ile çeşitli kap formlarından “olpe, patera, amphora” oluşan figürler
işlenmiştir. İşlenen bu figürlerden eserlerin bir mezara ait olduğu anlaşılmıştır. Bu şekilde masif
üçgen alınlık formundaki levhaların Kastamonu ve Karabük çevresinde yani Güney Paphlagonia
Bölgesi içerisinde karşımıza çıkıyor olması bu eserleri “Güney Paphlagonia Tipi Mezar Alınlıkları”
olarak adlandırmamızda etken oluşturmuştur. Mezar alınlıklarının nasıl kullanıldığı üzerine
yaptığımız çalışmalarda ise bölgede gerçekleştirdiğimiz çalışmalarda Pelitören köyünde tespit
edilen “Khamasorion Tipi” mezarların üst bölümünün her iki tarafında üçgen levhaların konduğu,
uzun bölümlere ise yerel taşlarla kapatıldığı tespit edilmiştir. Pelitören’den farklı bir mezar ise
yine Safranbolu’nun 7 km doğusunda Yazıköy’de tespit ettiğimiz Oda Mezarda da bezemesiz
üçgen alınlık levhasının kullanıldığı tespit edilmiş ve bu iki örnekten elde edilen verilerin
ışığında bu alınlıkların bölgeye has bir uygulama olarak kullanıldığı anlaşılmıştır. Eserler üzerinde
yaptığımız tipolojik değerlendirmede eserlerin ağırlıklı olarak MS 2-3 yüzyıllar arasını, bir örneğin
ise yazıt ve figür değerlendirilmesi sonucunda MS 3-4 yüzyıllar arasını işaret ettiği anlaşılmıştır.
Üçgen alınlık formu bölgenin erken evre Akhamenid etkili anıtsal kaya mezarlarında sıklıkla kullanılmıştır. Bu nedenle özellikle Roma Dönemi’nde alınlık formunun daha az maliyetli olan
khamasorion ve oda mezarlarda kullanılmaya devam ettiğini söylemek mümkündür. Eserler
üzerinde işlenen kabartmalardan bölgenin Roma Dönemi ölü gömme geleneklerini işaret eden
patera, olpe, domuz gibi figürlerin de işlenmiş olması, bölgenin ölü gömme ritüelleri, mezar
sahiplerinin yaşam şekli, eğitim düzeyi, ekonomisi gibi konularda önemli veriler sağlamıştır.
Bölgede Hadrinaoupolis ve Pompeiopolis kazıları dışında bilimsel kazı çalışması olmadığından,
sadece elimizde yedi örnek bulunmakla birlikte ileride yapılacak olan bilimsel kazılarla örneklerin
sayısının artacağı kanaatindeyiz.-------Paphlagonia Region is situated in an area which is bounded with Halys
(Kızılırmak) and Pontos Region in the east, Parthenios (Bartınsu) or Billaios (Filyos River) in the
west, Gangra(Çankırı) and Galatya regions in the south. The grave pediments that we discuss
are seven in total, one in Safranbolu, one in Güneşli, one in Sora and four in Hadrianoupolis and
its neighborhood. The artifacts have diff erent measures ranging from 20x1, 35 m to 3,95x1,95
m and they are in form of a pediment. The material which they are made of is local limestone
and only the facade of the limestone artifacts which have 0,38-0,47 m thickness have fi gures.
The artifacts which are in the form of a triangle have been evaluated in the classifi cation of
stela and oblation plaque as “Stela with Pediment” in the main category, “Stela whose Tympanon
are Nodal” and “Stela with Gable Roof” in the sub categories. However, in the aforementioned
stela groups, this pediment was schematically processed on the massive block. Furthermore,
the size of these stelas is quite small. When the stelas are taken into consideration, the artifacts
which only consist of pediment and their unusual size do not adapt to the already existent
classifi cation. The three of the artifacts have fi gures, while on the other artifacts, fi gures such as
diptiych, stylus, plow, pickaxe, hacksaw blade, grapevine, and grapes are evaluated in the tradition
of burial and “olpe, patera, amphora” fi gures have been used on diff erent cup forms. Because we
encounter these massive plaques which are in the form of triangle pediment in Kastamonu
and Karabük so-called South Paphlagonia Region, we name them as “South Paphlagonia Type
Grave Pediments”. On the other hand, in the studies that we did on how the grave pediments
were employed, we detected that on the upper part of “Khamasorion Type” graves which were
revealed in Pelitören village, there are triangle plaques on both sides and the longer parts are
covered with local stones. A Chamber Grave was revealed in Yazıköy which is in the 7km east
of Safranbolu, in this chamber grave triangle pediment plaque without ornamentation was
employed and it is understood that these pediments are peculiar to the region in the light of
the information obtained from these two samples. In the typological evaluation of the artifacts,
it is understood that the artifacts mainly indicate the centuries between 2-3 AD and as a result
of an evaluation on an inscription and fi gure, it indicates the centuries between 3-4 AD. Triangle
pediment form is widely employed in the monumental rock graves infl uenced by Akhamenid
in the early period of the region. Therefore, it is possible to say that especially in Roman period;
pediment type was employed in the khamasorion and chamber graves which have relatively
low cost. The reliefs embroidered on the artifacts such as patera, olpe and pig fi gures which
indicate the burial traditions of Roman period provide us with important data about the lifestyle,
education level and economy of the buried. Because that in the region, except Hadrianoupolis
and Pompeiopolis excavations, there are not any scientifi c excavation studies, we only have
seven samples, however we believe that the number of the samples will increase with future
scientifi c excavations

Le compte-rendu de l’ouvrage  Jupiter dans les Gaules et les Germanies est l’occasion de remarques ou de discussions entre autres sur les « pierres à quatre dieux » ; l’association possible d’une colonne jovienne à un autel ; la représentantion d’un dieu à deux reprises sur le même monument ; la restitution des statues au sommet de colonnes et de piliers ; les arcs votifs ; l’iconographie de Jupiter à la roue ; Taranis ; le groupe du cavalier à l’anguipède.

The Colosseum is well understood as a dynastic monument that was key to the Flavian building programme and to Flavian ideology. From this point of view it has been approached as the fulfilment of Augustus's ambition for a large-scale amphitheatre, as serving to diminish Nero's memory as it was constructed on the atrium of his dismantled Golden House, and as a victory monument built with the spoils of the Jewish War. One important political aspect of this dynastic monument has been largely overlooked: its connection with emperor worship. Outside Rome, it is well known that amphitheatres served as a venue for the procession and placement of imperial cult images; in Rome, the Circus Maximus and the theatres were venues for the display of imperial images and attributes brought in during their respective pompae. Through the deployment of textual, topographical and visual evidence, this article demonstrates that the Colosseum also had a pulvinar that displayed images and attributes of the gods and divi brought in during the pompa. The location of the pulvinar and the mechanisms by which it was serviced are explored, as are the ideological implications of cultic activity in the Colosseum.Il Colosseo è considerato un monumento dinastico, chiave del programma edilizio e dell'ideologia flavia. Da questo punto di vista è stato considerato in molti modi: compimento del desiderio di Augusto di un anfiteatro di grandi dimensioni, o ancora la sua edificazione è stata letta come volontà di oblio di Nerone, essendo stato costruito sull'atrio della demolita Domus Aurea e anche come monumento legato alla vittoria di un evento bellico, costruito con le prede della guerra giudaica. Tuttavia un importante aspetto politico di questo monumento dinastico è stato ampiamente tralasciato: la sua connessione con il culto imperiale. Al di fuori di Roma, è ben noto come gli anfiteatri servissero come sede per la processione e per collocarvi le immagini di culto imperiali. In Roma il Circo Massimo e i teatri erano sedi in cui venivano esibiti le immagini imperiali e gli attributi portati durante le rispettive pompae. Attraverso l'analisi di testi, fonti topografiche e iconografiche, il presente articolo dimostra come il Colosseo fosse fornito anche di un pulvinar, in cui venivano esposte immagini e attributi degli dei e divi portati nella processione. Vengono esaminati la localizzazione del pulvinar e il meccanismo di manutenzione, nonché le implicazioni ideologiche dell'attività cultuale all'interno del Colosseo.

Abstract
The main objective of this article is explains taking two roman statues from an Ottoman Bridge called “Debboy
Köprüsü” built in XIX. century for providing connection between the building of military depot and town. Spolia
statues have been functioned as a building block in downstream face of bridge where located in Eski Gediz town
in Kütahya city. The statues have highly possible been carried from the nearest Roman settlement of
Kadoi/Kadohnon/Cadi. Statues removed from their original position in the bridge because of threats of illicit
activities and they are in the Kütahya Museum today. This article is presenting sculptures and discussing their
origins whether they come from Kadohnon with detail description of the removing operation.
Keywords: Kütahya, Phrygia, Roman Sculpture, Architecture, Bridge.

Moles Martis, il turpe sepulcrum di Tarpea e la Luna dell'Arx di Francesco Marcattili 7 Appendice. Moles Martis. Appunti e spunti d'etimologia e di semantica, di Paola Paolucci 31 nuove ipotesi per una rilettura del settore meridionale del Foro di Augusto di Elisabetta Carnabuci, Laura Braccalenti 35 nuovi frammenti di piante marmoree dagli scavi dell'aula di culto del Templum Pacis 67 105 Appendice II. Saggio strutturale nei sotterranei della chiesa del SS. nome di Maria, di Antonella Lumacone 109 Appendice III. Indagini sperimentali su materiali e strutture del settore nord del Foro di Traiano sotto la chiesa del SS. nome di Maria, di Roberto Serafini, Gianluca Primi 115 una testa giovanile dal Foro di Traiano: copia, rielaborazione o originale d'epoca imperiale? di Francesco Paolo Arata 119 L'utilizzo delle tecnologie geomantiche e la Forma urbis: un nuovo approccio di Mattia Crespi, Ulisse Fabiani, Paolo Carafa, Maria Teresa D'Alessio 129 Le trasformazioni di un blocco di granito. Da sostegno di un obelisco antico all'«Ara dei caduti per la rivoluzione fascista» sul Campidoglio (1926-1944) di Sylvia Diebner 153 AREA DEL TEATRO DI MARCELLO: RICERCHE E STuDI SuI MATERIALI DELL'AREA SuD-EST DEL CIRCO FLAMInIO (Atti della Giornata di Studi tenutasi all'Istituto Archeologico Germanico, giugno 2004) Introduzione di Marilda De Nuccio 173 Valori metrici e simbolici nella FuR Severiana. I frammenti della lastra 31 di Luca Sasso D'Elia 175 Analisi della lavorazione degli elementi architettonici del tempio di Apollo Sosiano di Andrea Coletta 179 La decorazione architettonica del tempio di Bellona di Marilda De Nuccio 191 L'intervento di scavo dello spigolo nord-orientale del tempio di Bellona di Alessandria Pollio 227 Sommario Area del Teatro di Marcello Ricerche e studi sui materiali dell'area sud-est del Circo Flaminico a cura di

The research conducted by this paper has been largely updated and elaborated in my MA-thesis "Senses and Passions of Benvenuto Cellini"; you are more than welcome to check it out. // The article aims to rethink the several stereotypes of Romantic tradition, which are still reproduced in regard to Benvenuto Cellini and his Vita. Using the approaches of intellectual history and iconographical studies, the present study pays attention to the coherent system of lay, scientific and ‘secret’ knowledge of the epoch lurking under the surface of the simplicity and even naivety of the author’s language. I argue that this autobiographical writing embodies a certain type of culture of the self deeply rooted in contemporary medical, alchemical and magical contexts. Organized around the concept of “getting pleasure,” Cellini’s practices of the self are built into the Neo-Platonic picture of the world. Analyzing the two passages of Vita, I demonstrate the author’s spiritual ascent from the corporeal suffering to union with ‘the One’ by means of individual and collective magic rituals, transforming his Life into a work of art.

This paper aims to investigate the “unfinished” in Roman sculpture, and the link between the lack of refinement of a statue and its location. A careful review of the statues placed in a number of public buildings dating to the Imperial Age (Velleia, Olympia, Lupiae, Miletus) is a useful way to explore the “unfinished”, due to the fact that on one hand these statues clearly received the probatio of the redemptor, but on the other hand they were also usually left unfinished at the back, i.e. where nobody could see them, as can be argued from their location. In this sense these statues were really exactae. In fact, the sculptors had carefully
planned the invisibility of the “unfinished” parts, interrupting their work on the back and on the sides of the statues along precise lines. The same conclusion can be deduced from the examination of togate and
cuirassed statues. This phenomenon was mainly due to the evident savings in time (and money), and to the consciousness that the reverse section was normally excluded from any form of storytelling about a statue. Therefore, the act of not refining a statue must be interpreted as a sign of the desire to speed up and rationalize the production time rather than a mark of negligence or an “artistic” choice.

This paper explores the ways in which the relationship between emperor and senators was visualized in the urban space of late-antique Rome. I argue that the fourth century did not witness a private take-over of  public space by the aristocracy, but on the contrary the establishment of a new topography of control. The placement of statuary in the Forum of Trajan and the Forum Romanum both celebrated the supremacy of the monarch over the imperial aristocracy and contributed to maintain that supremacy.

Abstract:

In this article an inscribed pedestal of a statuette held in the Karadeniz Ereğli Museum (Zonguldak/Devrek province) is presented. From the inscription it is understood that a man named Asklepiodoros, following the order of an oracle, dedicated the statuette to Heracles Alexikakos. This votive object and inscription encourage reflection on the presence and importance of Heracles’ cult in Roman Bithynia and specifically Heraclea Pontica, the city named after Heracles as its mythological founder; the origin and the character of Heracles Alexikakos; and the ways that orders given by oracles were received and enacted upon. Based on the epitheton “Aleksikakos”, it is understood that this god’s qualities include warding off ill and mischief. The earliest mention of the god goes back to 429 BC when the commentator of Aristophanes’ Frogs notes that a shrine was built in his honour in the demos of Melitine following an outbreak of the plague at the beginning of Peloponnessian Wars; a statue of Heracles Alexikakos was produced by the famous sculptor Hageladas of Argos for this shrine to honour the god’s healing and heroic character. The suggested purpose of the dedication by Asklepiodoros to Heracles Alexikakos is also related to the god’s healing qualities, and was the result of an order of the oracle after an incubation in the shrine of Heracles, or after a dream in which he had direct contact with the god, in order not to be infected with the plague that affected the region. Besides being the first known votive inscription to Heracles in the territory of Heraclea Pontica, the statue demonstrates continuity of the cult of Heracles in Roman Bithynia. Representations of the feet of a man and a boar under a club that are visible on the statuette depict a scene of the fourth of Heracles’ twelve Labours- the capture the Erymanthian boar - and may be a variation of the famous Heracles Farnese of Lysippos.

Doğu Bithynia’dan Herakles Aleksikakos’a Sunulan Bir Adak ve Düşündürdükleri

Özet
Bu makalede, Zonguldak İli Devrek İlçesi’nden satın alma yoluyla Karadeniz Ereğli Müzesi’ne kazandırılan Eski Yunanca yazıtlı bir heykel kaidesi tanıtılmaktadır. Yazıt metninden Asklepiodoros adındaki bir kişinin, kehanetin emri gereğince Herakles Aleksikakos’a sunmuş olduğu anlaşılan bu adak ışığında Devrek’in, adını Herakles’ten alan Herakleia Pontika’ya olan yakınlığı göz önüne alınırsa, Herakleia’daki Herakles inanışının önemi, Herakles Aleksikakos’un niteliği ve kökeni, kehanetin emrinin alınması ve yerine getirilme usulleri açısından bazı fikirlerin verilmesi gereğini doğurmuştur. Aleksikakos epitheton’undan yola çıkarak, Herakles’in “kötülüklerden ve hastalıklardan koruyucu” özelliği olduğu anlaşılır. Aristophanes’in “Kurbağalar (Batrakhoi)” adlı eserinin yorumcusuna göre, Peloponnesos Savaşları’nın başlarında, Atina’da yaşanan bir salgına karşı Melite demos’unda Herakles Aleksikakos adına, kurtarıcı olması amacıyla bir tapınak inşa edilmiş ve salgın bittiğinde dönemin ünlü heykeltıraşı Argoslu Heykeltıraş Hageladas tarafından Herakles Aleksikakos heykeli yapılmış ve bu tapınağa konulmuştur. Asklepiodoros tarafından adağın, şifa verme özelliğiyle bilinen Herakles Aleksikakos’a, gene aynı şekilde, yörede o an yaşanan bir salgın hastalığa yakalanmamak veya yakalanmışsa bundan kurtulmak için, Herakles’in kutsal mekânı/tapınağında yaşanan inkubasyon sonrasında veya doğrudan kendisinin tanrıdan rüyada “aldığı kehanetin emri” neticesinde sunulduğunu düşünmekteyiz. Herakleia territorium’unda veya yakınında şu ana kadar ele geçen Herakles’e adanmış ilk yazılı belge olmasının yanında bu adak, Herakles tapınımının Herakleia’da Roma Dönemi’nde halen etkin bir şekilde devam ettiğini göstermektedir. Adakta görülen “iki ayak” ile “sopa altında diz çökmüş yaban domuzu” betimleri, burada Herakles’in oniki görevinden dördüncüsü olan “Erymanthos’taki Yaban Domuzunun Yakalanması” sahnesinin işlendiğini ve bu heykelin Lysippos’un meşhur Herakles Farnese’sinin yerel bir varyasyonu olabileceğini ortaya koymaktadır.

Based on a close study of the text of the epigraphic dossier IEph 1a 27, dated 104 CE, that once covered an entire wall at Ephesos’ theatre and is now in the British Museum and, in addition, on the evidence of other inscriptions relating to C. Vibius Salutaris, this paper argues that: contrary to a widely held view, Salutaris was not an Ephesian by birth; that the terms of his foundation gave him absolute control over the foundation’s capital; that the objects donated and the rituals in which they featured were so designed as to bestow disproportionately great honor on the founder. Salutaris’ interpretation of euergetism was unconventional and his gifts to Ephesos would most likely have sunk in oblivion, were it not for his connections to representatives of the Roman state, and, most importantly, for his foundation’s successful advertising of Ephesos’ attachment to Rome.
The paper is downloadable (free access) at:
https://ejournals.epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/tekmiria/article/view/17405

The first emperors did not commission any honorific monuments for senators outside the imperial capital. By contrast,  late-antique rulers honored their followers with public monuments all across the empire. This paper explores the meaning of this shift in commemorative practice. I argue that the new memorial policy reflects a shift in Roman understandings of imperial rule. In Late Antiquity, Rome conceived of itself no longer as an empire, in which an imperial aristocracy and an imperial people dominated a variety of exploited subject communities, but as unified world state, in which the boundary between imperial masters and imperial subjects had been erased. In this new political constellation, the purpose of imperial policy was no longer to produce virtue merely amongst a narrow ruling class in Rome. Rather, emperors through the erection of honorific monuments sought to shape the subjectivities of a new trans-regional ruling class whose members were spread throughout the Mediterranean world.

In the territories east of the Rhine the Roman forces encountered completely different conditions than in Gaul. Political, administrative and economic centres which could support a Roman rule no longer existed. In their case east of the Rhine prevailed a peasant subsistence economy. This economy was barely able to support the sometime sudden needs of the Roman army out of the country. If the Romans actually wanted to rule the conquered territories they had to develop their own infrastructure. This was done by the rebuilding and expansion of existing military camps, where additional buildings for administrative and economic purposes were built (Haltern). Furthermore Dio Cassius reports the foundation of cities. The forum in the settlement of Waldgirmes (excavated between 1996 and 2009), which was build atop of stone foundation walls, represents the first proof of such a city foundation east of the Rhine. At his very beginning the forum was equipped with a group of bronze statues.
The dendrochronological dating of timbers of two wells showed the onset of the Roman activities as early as 4 BC. The Roman settlement in Waldgirmes only existed for about 20 years (from no later than 4 BC to AD 16 at the latest). This exceptional situation makes the place an excellent research object for the urbanisation of a rural landscape.

This article examines a marble bust of a charioteer now in Budapest as well as one in Rome and reconstructs the previously overlooked genre to which they belong. First, it discusses the formal qualities of the two busts, including their materials, manufacture, and craftsmanship, and compares their imagery to representations of charioteers in bust form across visual media (i.e., graffiti, ivory figurines, lead weights, terracotta lamps, and freestanding sculptures). It then considers their social patronage and function, and seeks to reimagine the responses of their viewers—especially amongst the lower social orders, who were charioteers’ most passionate and partisan followers. In this way, the article aims to provide new insights into their graded hierarchies of material, form, style, and display—hierarchies which take on their full import when set within the wider context of the Roman economy of civic honors, sacred dedications, and funerary memorials.

The Barletta colossus is the sole large-scale statue in bronze preserved of a late antique emperor; the only comparable image is the even larger, but fragmentary, Constantinian emperor in Rome. According to local tradition, the Barletta colossus depicts the Byzantine emperor Heraclius (610-641). Modern researchers tend to regard this attribution as mere folklore and fiction. But while there is general agreement that the statue does not portray Heraclius, there is no agreement as to whom it may have been intended to portray. About a dozen different emperors have been proposed, suggested dates ranging from the fourth to the eighth century. The present article reviews the evidence and discusses the methodological problems we face when dealing with this enigmatic work.

This article is a study of an honorific inscription from a statue base of Andreas, an imperial official in late fourth–early fifth antique Ephesos. By combining insights from the literary and intertextual analysis of the inscription with a discussion of the visual associations which the text relies on, we argue that Andreas’ inscribed praises find itself at the intersection of classicizing literary idiom, visual patterns of representation of the imperial power attested on coins, and New Testament phrasing. The inscribed honorific statue therefore is an instance of appropriation of traditionally Roman and Hellenic visual, ideological, and literary discourses by the increasingly Christian authors, readers, and viewers of public inscriptions in late antique cityscapes. It attests to profound, if subtly manifesting, shifts in the ‘epigraphic habit’ in late antiquity that were informed by the emergence of hybrid, equally Roman and Christian, identities and ways of representing them epigraphically.

The article examines a gilded bronze portrait statue of
a man in a toga, excavated in 1836 in Ljubljana (Roman
Emona), and other parts of the monument, found next
to it, i.e. a marble base and a marble Corinthian capital.
According to the archives, they were discovered in the
north-western corner of the construction pit for the Kazina
building, i.e. in the area where the northern Emona
necropolis began, directly beside the main Roman road.
The stylistic features of the statue and the capital suggest
it belonged to the first half of the 2nd century.
The iron supports, tenons and lead fillings, which survive
on the statue and the capital, clearly suggest that the statue
was originally attached to the base, which in turn was attached
to the capital atop a column shaft. The latter is mentioned
in the excavation report; however, it did not survive.
The Roman portrait statues on column monuments
from the Principate that we know of to date are exclusively
memorials to emperors and are related to their posthumous
worship: they marked the site of their cremation, stood as
monuments to their apotheosis and could also be grave
monuments; in two cases, they also served as memorials
of their victories.
We assume that the statue from Emona, its base and its
capital are parts of a thus-far unique example of a grave
column monument with a full-figure statue erected for a
person outside the imperial family. There were possibly
more such monuments, which either did not survive or
survived only in part, so the parts have not been recognized
as remains of a column monument.

This paper sheds light on the perception of pueritia (‘childhood’) under the Roman Republic by means of the approaches recently developed in visual culture studies, in order to analyse what portraying a Roman boy meant. In so doing, it takes into account the statues of two Roman boys: M. Aemilius Lepidus and G. Verres’ son. The context of the former statue may be gathered from a denarius (RRC 419/1) and Valerius Maximus’ account (3.1.1). These sources record that, at the end of the 3rd century BCE, Lepidus, aged just fifteen, was enlisted in the army, killed a foe and rescued a Roman citizen. Such a deed was even more admirable by virtue of Lepidus’ young age. Accordingly, the Senate decided to erect an equestrian statue portraying the boy on the Capitol. The second case-study deals with the young son of G. Verres, governor of Sicily between 73 and 70 BCE. Thanks to Cicero’s Verrines (2.2.154 and 2.4.143), we know that two statues of Verres’ son stood in the agorà (‘main square’) and the bouleuterion (‘assembly house’) of the city of Syracuse, alongside equestrian statues of Verres himself. Moreover, it seems that the boy was portrayed completely bare.
After shedding light on the historical contingencies and the ideological backgrounds that led to the making of those statues, my paper explores the multifaceted meanings that such portraits entailed. In particular, I focus on the significance of those representations in relation to the different contexts in which they were conceived and located. First, Lepidus’ equestrian statue will be examined on the basis of its peculiar arrangement on the top of the Roman Capitol Hill. Similarly, the portrait of Verres’ son has to be (re)contextualised in light of the place where it was located, i.e., the main square and the assembly house of a Sicilian city. Building on this analysis, I will then take into consideration not only the architecture but also the other statues that surrounded the portraits of those boys.
By taking into account the urban context of the two statues, I tackle the historical and cultural background of the two cities where the two statues were placed, i.e., Rome and Syracuse, respectively. Whilst the former statue consists of a boy’s visual representation which is properly Roman, the latter shows how the coexistence of Greek art and Roman cultural influences play a prominent role in the way the statue is arranged. In so doing, my analysis deals with the concept of agency applied to ancient art pieces. Accordingly, it aims at fully understanding the relationship between such statues and the socio-cultural contexts in which they were conceived. As a result, the two portraits represent two completely different conceptions of childhood. This investigation allows shedding light on the distinct models of puer (‘boy’) that the two statues meant to codify. Eventually, my paper sketches out a broader picture of childhood under the Roman Republic through these two case studies, by trying to argue what portraying a Roman boy meant.