Roman social history

The Economy of Endowments: the case of Roman associations,” In Koenraad Verboven, Katelijn Vandorpe and Véronique Chankowski-Sable (eds.), ‘Pistoi dia tèn technèn’. Bankers, loans and archives in the Ancient World. Studies in honour of Raymond Bogaert, Studia Hellenistica 44. Leuven, Peeters, 2008: 231-256. For reviews of the book, see, e.g., Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2010.05.02.

This series provides sophisticated and authoritative overviews of periods of ancient history, genres of classical literature, and the most important themes in ancient culture. Each volume comprises between twenty-five and forty concise essays written by individual scholars within their area of specialization. The essays are written in a clear, provocative, and lively manner, designed for an international audience of scholars, students, and general readers.

In this book, Sabine R. Huebner explores the world of the protagonists of the New Testament and the early Christians using the rich papyrological evidence from Roman Egypt. This gives us unparalleled insights into the everyday lives of the non-elite population in an area quite similar to neighboring Judaea-Palestine. What were the daily concerns and difficulties experienced by a carpenter's family or by a shepherd looking after his flocks? How did the average man or woman experience a Roman census? What obstacles did women living in a patriarchal society face in private, in public, and in the early Church? Given the flight of Jesus' family into Egypt, how mobile were the lower classes, what was their understanding of geography, and what costs and dangers were associated with travel? This volume gives a better understanding of the structural, social, and cultural conditions under which figures from the New Testament lived.

Looking at Roman society through a traditional elite lens shows women to be silent and passive participants in both social and economic history. This may have been the reality for elite families, but plebeian women would not have had this luxury. This paper will look into the epigraphical evidence of work undertaken by free women, and how their work evolved as their social responsibilities altered. Through this examination, I will also discuss how much income could have been generated through work performed by women, and if gender bias played a role in women's income.

THE CULT OF DIONYSOS IN ASIA MINOR
IN THE ROMAN IMPERIAL AGE

Making his presence, which can be traced long before the Archaic Age, deeply felt mainly in Hellas, Asia Minor and then in Rome throughout the ancient world, Dionysos, depending on the place and time, appears before us sometimes as a god of grape-wine, sometimes as a god of theatre and acting arts and sometimes as a religious power shaped according to the local needs, however, he has generally been a god of nature representing the fertility and abundance. According to the inscriptions, Dionysos was mentioned with many epithetons in Asia Minor of the Roman Imperial Age, and that he was a god of nature bringing abundance-fertility and his many other features can be observed by these epithetons. Depending on the long stated customs, the cult of Dionysos in Asia Minor survived throughout the Roman Imperial Age (especially in the II-III. Century A.D. with festivals, cult associations and structuring, artists (musicians, players, dancers) that served his cult. According to the written records, festivals such as Dionysia, Lēnaia, Anthestēria, Trietēris organized in the name of Dionysos were celebrated. Dance, music and play competitions were made in these festivals maintained by the rich citizens or directors and not commonly known cult rituals were performed. Besides the associations of synodos artists called by different names in different times in the large cities of the west, cult associations broad in scope such as thiasos, speira or cult member groups with large audience in various names were active both in worshipping and these festivals. In order to achieve this, undoubtedly, both artist associations and cult associations had to have a well organized governing structure. Names were given to the cult members according to the task taken. These members also had to pay a membership fee in order to be a member or to continue to be one. Actually, these fees were as important as the epimeletes in the mainta-nance of these associations. In addition, they were supported both mate-rially and spiritually by the Roman emperors or provincial governors. Although the paganic religious activities in the lands of Asia Minor under the control of Rome were left to the free will of the cities, they would not be strong without the respect shown for the cults of the emperors, emperor and the Roman goddess (Dea Roma). The worshipping of Dionysos could only develop with the close relations with the emperors and the Roman Empire. Correspondingly, supporting a paganic cult significant for the people, the Roman Empire gained the sympathy of the people and also kept them loyal to Rome. The deification of the Roman emperors began with General Marcus Antonius, who was wellcomed as “New Dionysos” on his arrival to Ephesos, and continued in the Roman Imperial Age. During this period the associations in Anazarbos, Ankyra, Ephesos, Teōs, Aphrodisias and Sardeis characterised Emperor Hadrianus, Commodus and Caracalla by this epitheton. Thus, they deified them by considering them equal with Dionysos. Dionysos also had common worship with imperial or Dea Roma cult besides the common paganic worship of Zeus and Dēmētēr. Like all other paganic religions, the cult of Dionysos broke down with the strengthening Christianity with which it had opposite doctrines and finally with the acceptance of Christianity as the official religion of the state. However, many features of the Dionysos cult continued to exist in Asia Minor both in Christian features and local cultures and traditions. Today it still continues this effect.

Arkaik Çağ’dan çok daha eskilere götürebildiğimiz varlığını, coğrafi olarak başta Hellas, Küçükasya ve sonraları Roma olmak üzere tüm Antik Çağ coğrafyasında etkin bir şekilde hissettiren Dionysos, yer ve zaman farkına bağlı olarak, bazı yerlerde üzüm-şarap tanrısı, bazılarında tiyatro ve sahne sanatlarının tanrısı, bazılarında ise yerel ihtiyaçlar doğrultusunda şekillendirilmiş dinsel bir güç olarak karşımıza çıkmıştır. Ama genel olarak bereket ve bolluğu temsil eden bir doğa tanrısı kimliğine sahip olmuştur. Yazıtlardan anlaşıldığına göre Roma İmparatorluk Çağı Küçükasyası’ nda birçok epitheton ile anılan Dionysos’un, bolluk-bereket getiren bir doğa tanrısı olduğu ve diğer başka özellikleri gene bu epitheton’larından anlaşılmaktadır. Küçükasya’daki Dionysos kültü Roma İmparatorluk Çağı boyunca (bilhassa M.S. II-III. yüzyılarda), öncesinden gelen bir geleneğe bağlı olarak şenlikleri, kült dernekleri ve yapılanması, kültüne hizmet eden sanatçıları (müzisyenler, oyuncular, dansçılar) ile varlığını sürdürmüştür. Yazılı belgelerden bu dönemde büyük ve zengin kentlerde hâlâ Dionysia, Lēnaia, Anthestēria, Trietēris gibi Dionysos adına tertiplenen şenliklerin kutlandığını; masrafları, epimeletes olarak bildiğimiz kentin zengin vatandaşları ya da yöneticileri tarafından karşılanan bu şenliklerde külte ilişkin dans, müzik ve oyun yarışmaların yapıldığını ve herkesçe bilinmeyen kült ritüellerinin uygulandığını öğrenmekteyiz. Bilhassa batı kesimlerdeki büyük kentlerdeki, farklı dönemlerde farklı isimlerle anılan synodos sanatçı derneklerinin yanında thiasos, speira gibi daha geniş kapsamlı kült dernekleri ya da en yaygını mystai olan çeşitli adlar altında toplanan geniş kitleli kült üye grupları hem tapınımda, hem de bu şenliklerde aktif olmuşlardır. Şüphesiz ki bunu gerçekleştirebilmek adına gerek sanatçı dernekleri gerekse kült dernekleri, iyi organize olmuş bir idari yapılanmaya sahip olmak durumundaydı. Bu derneklerde üstlendikleri görevlere göre adlandırılan kült üyelerinin, üye olabilmeleri veya üyeliklerini sürdü-rebilmeleri için ödemek zorunda oldukları aidatlar da vardı. Esasen bu derneklerin finansmanının karşılanmasında bu aidatlar, en az epimeletes’ ler kadar önemliydi. Ayrıca Roma imparatorlarının ya da eyalet yöneticilerinin hem manevi hem de maddi desteğini alıyorlardı. Zira bu dönemde Roma egemenliği altında bulunan Küçükasya topraklarındaki pagan dinsel yaşam her ne kadar kentlerin özgür iradesine bırakılmışsa da, imparatorlara, imparator ve Roma Tanrıçası (Dea Roma) kültüne gösterilen saygı olmaksızın güçlü kalamazdı. Küçükasya Dionysos tapınımı da, tamamıyla imparatorlar ve Roma İmparatorluğu ile kurulan güçlü bağlar sayesinde gelişebilmiştir. Bununla paralel olarak da Roma İmparatorluğu, halk için önemli olan pagan bir kültü destekleyerek, hem halkın sempatisini kazanmakta, hem de böylece onların Roma’ya olan bağlılığını sürdürmek amacını gütmekteydi. General Marcus Antonius’un Ephesos’a gelişinde “Yeni Dionysos” olarak karşılanmasıyla başlayan Romalı devlet adamlarını tanrılaştırma geleneği, Roma İmparatorluk Çağı’nda da sürmüş; bu dönemde özellikle Anazarbos, Ankyra, Ephesos, Teōs, Aphrodisias ve Sardeis’teki dernekler, İmparator Hadrianus, Commodus ve Caracalla’yı bu sıfatla nitelendirmişler, böylece onları Dionysos ile bir tutarak tanrılaştırmışlardır. İmparatorluk veya Dea Roma kültü ile ortak tapınımı da görülen Dionysos’un Zeus ve Dēmētēr gibi pagan tanrı-tanrıçalarla da ortak tapınımı söz konusudur. Diğer pagan dinler gibi Dionysos kültünün yıkımı da, öğretilerinin birbirine tamamen ters düştüğü Hıristiyanlık dininin güçlenmesiyle ve nihayetinde M.S. 391’de imparatorluğun resmî dini olmasıyla gerçekleşmiştir. Ancak Dionysos kültünün birçok unsuru, Küçükasya topraklarında, gerek Hıristiyanlık unsurlarında gerekse halk kültür ve geleneklerinde yaşamaya devam etmiştir. Bugün de bu etkisini göstermeye devam etmektedir."

SEG 60-1998. Religion. Dionysos: his cult in Asia Minor, Imperial period:
On the basis of archaeological, numismatic, and (mainly) epigraphic attestations, B.Öztürk,Roma imparatorluk çağı Küçükasaysı’nda Dionysos kültü (Istanbul 2010), studies the cult ofΔιόνυσος in Roman Asia Minor. After general remarks about the god, he presents a geographically arranged catalogue of the relevant inscriptions with brief comments (ph. of some texts). On 196-209, Ö. provides a register with explanations of the most important terms found in the inscriptions, and on 210/211 a list of epithets.

The discussion on the spread of convivial luxury involving key figures of late Republican Rome reported in a passage of the 3rd book of the Saturnalia gives the opportunity to notice that around the end of the 4th century CE and the beginning of the 5th, Roman past history could be evaluated not merely through an idealized view, but also in order to censure some specific customs of the Republican period and to compare them with contemporary ones. In this light, in addition to stating the use of records from the pontifical archives as well as offering useful data from an historic-economic viewpoint, the exchange of opinions attributed to the two Albini brothers by Macrobius in this section of his work, allows us to suppose that through his antiquarian approach the author also meant to defend aristocratic ethics and probably reject the criticism about sumptuous trends which characterized banquets of the pagan élites in Late Antiquity.

Resumen
La presente investigación tiene por fin dar aproximaciones hacia el concepto de prostitución, prostituto y prostituta en el mundo grecorromano, considerando los distintos significados que le fueron otorgados, así como también la visión de varias fuentes frente al tema. Es un estudio comprensivo de los conceptos y las diversificaciones eufemísticas y disfemísticas que les fueron otorgadas a las personas que realizaban actos sexuales. Los resultados son una apertura a la discusión y al debate sobre la prostitución y quienes ejercían dichos actos, así como también una profundización a una realidad social vivida en el mundo grecorromano.

Abstract
The aim of this research is to get closer to the notion of prostitution, male prostitute, and female prostitute in the Greco-Roman world, considering the different meanings that were given to these words, and also the vision of many sources related to the topic. It is a comprehensive study about concepts and euphemistic and disfemistic diversifications, which were given to the people who practiced sexual relationships. The results are an opening to discussion and debate about prostitution and who practiced these acts, just like a deepening to a social reality lived in the Greco-Roman world.


Resumo
O presente estudo tem a finalidade de aproximar-se do conceito de prostituição, prostituto e prostituta no mundo greco-romano, considerando os diferentes significados que lhe foram outorgados, bem como a visão de várias fontes em relação ao tema. É um estudo abrangente dos conceitos e das diversificações eufemísticas e disfemísticas que lhe foram outorgadas às pessoas que realizavam atos sexuais. Os resultados são uma abertura à discussão e ao debate sobre a prostituição e àquelas pessoas que exerciam tais atos, bem como um aprofundamento a uma realidade social vivida no mundo greco-romano.


Résumé
La recherche suivante a par objet donner des approches vers l’idée de prostitution, prostitué et prostituée dans monde gréco-romain, en considérant les différents significations qu’on donné à ces paroles, et aussi la vision de beaucoup de sources relatives au sujet. C’est une etude comprehensive sur des idées et les diversifications euphémistiques et disfemístiques, lesquelles ont été donnés aux personnes qui pratiquaient des rapports sexuels. Les résultats sont une ouverture à la discussion et au débat sur la prostitution et qui pratiquaient ces actes, ainsi qu’ approfondir dans une réalité sociale vécue dans le monde gréco-romain.

Lo schiavo occupa nella società romana una posizione ambivalente: pur visto, sempre più nel corso dei secoli, nella sua complessità morale come una persona, partecipe della ratio subiecti iuris, rimane sostanzialmente equiparato ad un mero oggetto, ad una res che appartiene al padrone in qualità di un bene patrimoniale 1 , privo di qualsiasi dirit-Compravendita di "Merce" umana 35 * Il presente saggio riproduce, ma con l'aggiunta delle note, la comunicazione letta nel corso del Convegno della SIHDA tenutosi a Catania nei giorni dal 24 al 29 settembre 2007.

Dalla pubblicazione dell’agile ma fondamentale volume di Francesco Grelle (Stipendium vel tributum. L’imposizione fondiaria nelle dottrine giuridiche del II e III secolo, Napoli 1963) le ricerche sul tema della distinzione delle imposte conosciute con il nome di stipendium e tributum, nonché dei corrispondenti aggettivi stipendiarius e tributarius, hanno conosciuto rinnovato vigore. Ciò nonostante, molte questioni sono rimaste insolute.
Più di altri, il termine stipendiarius è stato oggetto di indagini parziali, spesso basate su preconcetti che hanno condizionato la lettura e l’interpretazione delle opere antiche. Il presente volume mira ad offrire un’analisi completa e dettagliata delle occorrenze del vocabolo attraverso il confronto tra tutte le fonti – letterarie, epigrafiche, giuridiche e gromatiche – che lo menzionano, ricostruendo, per quanto possibile, l’evoluzione semantica e metonimica del termine dal punto di vista diacronico.
Si sfata così un luogo comune: gli stipendiarii non sono solo gli individui – o le terre –  soggetti al pagamento dello stipendium, ma sono, prima di tutto, i sottomessi, coloro che portavano anche nel nome il peso del trionfo del popolo romano.

This paper highlights a fresh approach in the Mid-Seventies to the historiographical discussion of the female condition and women’s role in the ancient, and more specifically Roman World, thanks to works like Sarah B. Pomeroy’s "Goddesses, whores, wives, and slaves "(1975). Beyond its place in that decade’s feminist debate in the USA, this book’s many faceted and pragmatic nature has contributed a more articulated view of Roman women’s image. It left its mark not only on later historiography, sparking new discussions among Roman history specialists, but also well beyond, as the numerous videos and films on Roman women available on the Internet attest. These latter display the creativity and skill of their authors, of various ages and levels of knowledge and technical expertise. While being informed, the viewer is catapulted into women’s daily life in ancient Rome as they deal with the typical problems ascribed to women in every epoch. In this perspective, such efforts can be seen as an excellent example of applied Public History, whose usefulness in increasing gender studies relating to Roman history is well worth evaluation.

Claudius made substantial changes to the laws governing women as he "upgraded the mother's right to inherit. This concession to her contribution to the family was also a move in line to the 'cognatic' principle of wills, which tended to spread goods beyond the male line of agnatic succession.  Claudius also denied the right of slave owners to kill their slaves because they were old or had a physical impairment.

Graffiti aus römischer Zeit kommen auf Oberflächen aus Stein, Wandputz, Metall, Ton, Glas und Bein vor. Auf persönlichen Gegenständen fungieren sie häufig als Besitzerinschriften, wie im Fall eines Terra Sigillata-Tellers oder -Deckels, auf dessen Fragment ein gewisser Silvester als Besitzer genannt ist (Abb. links oben). Die kursiven, zum Teil gelängten Buchstabenformen sind Merkmale einer elaborierten Handschrift. Diese Schriftart, in der man auch in Wachs, auf Papyrus oder Pergament schrieb, wird als ältere römische Kursive bezeichnet.

Il liber septimus del “De Bello Gallico” è occupato dalla narrazione della grande insurrezione dei Galli che fu guidata da Vercingetorige, re della tribù celtica degli Arverni nonché uno dei più grandi nemici di Roma.
L’inizio delle vicende, che vedono protagonista Vercingetorige, si devono rintracciare nell’inverno del 53 a.C., in concomitanza con la fine della sesta campagna militare di Cesare in Gallia  (“Quieta Gallia Caesar ut consistuerat in Italiam ad conventus agendos proficiscitur”).

HRV: U ovom radu autorica proučava vrstu i strukturu obitelji u ranorimskoj Liburniji. Osnovu istraživanja prije svega čine obrasci komemoracija na nadgrobnim spomenicima, pri čemu autorica koristi statističku metodu koju su razvili R. P. Saller i B. D. Shaw (SALLER - SHAW, 1984., 125 i d.). Osim toga autorica se koristi i rezultatima arheoloških istraživanja i skromnim vijestima antičkih pisaca.
Novim pristupom postojećoj građi autorica nastoji preispitati dosadašnje teorije o liburnskom društvu općenito i o ustroju njihove obitelji. Rezultati do kojih je došla pokazuju da je ideja o postojanju "velike obitelji" kod Liburna neutemeljena. Potpuno suprotno, kod gotovo svih kategorija pučanstva Liburnije dominirao je jezgreni tip obitelji. Izuzetak čini tek vojna populacija kod koje dominira kategorija komemoratora - testamentarnih nasljednika (heredes).
Specifičnost liburnskog društva ogleda se u relativno visokom postotku žena-komemoratora. Autorica to interpretira kao odraz izjednačenosti žena i muškaraca u liburnskom društvu, a ne kao dokaz ženinog povlaštenog društvenog položaja.
Rezultati arheoloških istraživanja, poglavito nastambi i nekropola, potvrđuju ove zaključke. Osim toga, oni ukazuju na postojanje jezgrene obitelji kod Liburna i prije uspostave rimske vlasti.

ENG: THE FAMILY IN EARLY-ROMAN LIBURNIA
Summary
In this paper the author aimed to find out what family type existed in Liburnia during the Principate period. In doing so, the author mainly dealt with tombstones, or rather with the pattern of personal relationships there attested, since the ancient writers gave little or no information at all upon the Liburnian family structure. The results of this analysis are similar to the ones based on the evidence of archaeological excavations (houses and graves in the first place).
Nuclear family relations dominated in the greatest part of Liburnian population: they make 89% of all relations on tombstones of the civilian population (beneath the decurio rank, Tab. 1), 75% on tombstones of the civilian population above the decurio rank (Tab. 2), and 71% on tombstones of the meagre sample of servile population (Tab. 4). Nuclear family dominated both in native or settled population. Relations between members of extended family and between members of affinitas (in-laws) are rare, so they can't justify hypothesis on existence of the extended family type in the native Liburnian population in the pre-Roman period; slightly higher percentages of those relations in the civilian population above the decurio rank should rather be interpreted as a sign of status endogamy practice than as a proof for the domination of the extended family type. Also, in the Liburnian civilian population the same rate of men and women as commemorators has been noticed; the frequency of women-commemorators in Liburnia outnumbers almost all the other examined samples in Western part of Roman Empire. It is possible, then, to conclude that in Liburnian society women were equal to men - not only in funeral practice, but also in some other fields of economic and social life.
The family relations on tombstones of military population make only 41% of all commemorations (Tab. 3). This pattern of commemoration has already been noticed in other military populations of Roman Empire and it was connected with the pattern of recruitment in which soldiers were posted far from their native places. The greatest part of soldiers came to Liburnia from other parts of Roman Empire; separated from their kinfolk, they turned either to a heir (50% of all relations) or a co-soldier to take care about funeral and commemoration.
Archaeological excavations of settlements and cemeteries in Liburnia (both more often on pre-Roman sites) mostly unearthed houses of modest dimensions (average of 40-45 m2) and individual burials in pseudo-Hellenistic family (?) tombs. Such results point out that the nuclear family was the most common form of family organisation in the pre-Roman Liburnia, as well as in Roman Liburnia.
Recent researches on family in Roman society have shown that its commonest family form was not extended, but nuclear family. Establishment of Roman government in Liburnia didn't cause any radical changes in this field of social life; instead it is possible to follow the continuity of the nuclear family form, at least from Liburnian late pre-Roman period.

Рекомендовано Учебно-методическим отделом высшего образования в качестве учебника для студентов высших учебных заведений, обучающихся по юридическим направлениям Книга доступна в электронной библиотечной системе biblio-online.ru Книгу можно заказать в печатном варианте, либо подписаться на нее в электронной библиотеке: http://urait.ru/catalog/409408

È opinione comune, presso gli studiosi moderni, che i giudici privati del processo civile romano (giudici monocratici o recuperatores) appartenessero alle classi sociali più elevate e più colte e che mantenessero, nel ricoprire il loro incarico, un atteggiamento di grande dignità. Questo dato appare in effetti confermato se si considerano tutti i giudici privati, dei quali le testimonianze antiche hanno tramandato l’identità. Ci sono tuttavia significative fonti letterarie, che presentano indizi dai quali è lecito sospettare, di fatto, l’esistenza di una seconda ‘categoria’ di giudici privati, costituita da persone di bassa estrazione sociale, che mantenevano spesso, nell'esercizio della funzione, comportamenti tutt’altro che incensurabili. I giudici di questo secondo gruppo erano, nella maggior parte dei casi, probabilmente quelli scelti al di fuori dell’album iudicum. Dall’indagine è risultato anche che, sebbene le due categorie di giudici fossero per molti aspetti differenziate tra loro, esse erano tuttavia assimilate per un importante carattere comune: l’imperitia iuris dei giudicanti, che si trova a più riprese lamentata dalle fonti antiche.

SUMMARY WRITING THE HISTORY OF FATNESS AND THINNESS IN GRAECO-ROMAN ANTIQUITY Fatness and thinness has been a much underexploited topic in the study of classical Antiquity. After carefully analyzing the Greek and Roman vocabulary to denote the matter, I catalogue information on concrete instances of persons who were considered to have suffered from overweight, or emaciation. On a second level, I deal with popular mentality regarding overweight or thinness. Thirdly, medical and/or philosophical theory regarding weight problems are studied. In this, the moral discourse linking obesity with gluttony or weakness and avarice with underweight will be studied. I will also ask whether changed Christian attitudes towards the body and bodily functions lead to new concepts regarding the matter. For these different levels of questions, I take into account concepts of disability history, asking whether the obviously impairing factors of excess weight or the opposite of it lead to social disfunctionality, hindering people from important social functions and subjecting them to social stigma.

This article takes its cue from the assumption that responsibility for ruling Rome fell jointly on the public authorities, physically represented by magistrates and senators, as well on the gods that the Republic regarded as its "guardian" deities. In this inquiry, I have tried to justify such assumption by documenting and exploring the grounds and principles underlying such cooperation between gods and men, as well as the institutional, political and social implications of having gods involved in the government's responsibilities. The limits of this inquiry strictly lie in the understanding of the scope of the relationship between gods and men, which is the ultimate purpose of this paper, and any extensive discussion and digression is contingent on such main goal.

In A.D. 235, whilst campaigning in Germany, the emperor Severus Alexander was assassinated and replaced by the first of the so-called 'Barracks Emperors', Gaius Julius Verus Maximinus Thrax. Maximinus was perhaps the most exceptional soldier of his time, a celebrity among the troops for his enormous stature, physical prowess, and illustrious military career. Although initial reaction in Rome to the coup was muted, resistance to the new regime quickly solidified, and protests and violence accelerated during Maximinus' three year tenure. This article will focus on why this happened, and how ethnic stereotyping was used to frame the new emperor as the transgressive Other, that is, a 'barbarian' deemed to have no pre-set obligations to the city or its cultural institutions. Such stereotyping combined with the emperor's breach of social and sacred boundaries justified and legitimised escalating performances of popular justice, which in turn contributed to the revolutionary situation of A.D. 238, when soldiers, civilians, and elites made bold, collective claims against the imperial regime and each other.

Echo s du Monde Classique/Cla ssica Z Vie ws i s publ is hed at th e Uni v ersi ty of Cal gary for th e Cl as s i c al As s o c iati on of Canad a . Members of t he As soc iation rec eive both Classic al Views a n d Phoenix . Memb e r s o f th e Ont ari o Classica l As sociatio n a nd t h e Cl a s sica l Ass oci ati on of th e Canad i a n Wes t al so rec eive th e j ournal with out f u r t h e r c h a rge. The journal p ubli sh e s th ree i s sue s per ye a r and is a vailabl e to those who ar e no t member s o f th e CAC a t t he r ate o f $9 .0 0 Can . /U .S . (i n divid ual) and $1 5 . 0 0 Ca n . / U. S .

Caracalla. A Military Biography is now available as a hardcover, Kindle and e-book an from the website of its publisher Pen & Sword Publishing and from most of the major booksellers.  It is not only the first published biography in English of this remarkable individual, but also the first that reassess the evidence from the point of view of military history.

Among the ancients, the regular representation of the built environment on coins was a purely Roman phenomenon.  In the Greek world, architectural representation on coinage was very uncommon; when it did appear it referred directly in some way to the local identity of the issuing state.  Coins of the Persian satrapies only rarely depicted fortifications in conjunction with traditional Persian emblems of royalty and power and temples of the chief deities in the minting city.  The Roman use of the iconography of building was fundamentally different.  From the first occurrence in 135 BC through the late Roman Empire, the architectural image on coins from Rome commemorated or politicized the monument in question.  By the mid-first century BC and into the Imperial period, architecture was commonplace in the repertoire of Roman coin iconography.

The subject of the representation of monuments is one of the most beloved (and belabored) topics in studies of Roman coin iconography.  It is also a theme in dire need of re-exploration.  Appealing to numismatists, archaeologists, topographers and art or architectural historians, architectural representations on Roman coins have been appreciated and studied primarily for the evidence they yield for the appearance or reconstruction of lost monuments. While numismatic representations may provide some evidence for the reconstruction or historical study of Roman monuments, there are a number of methodological problems.  This traditional and often uncritical approach to architectural representations has often treated the images as ‘snapshots’ or ‘blueprints’ of lost monuments, although creating wholly accurate representations of buildings – if the building even existed at the time that the coin was minted – was not the goal of the die engravers or the issuing authorities.  And less frequently have architectural representations been understood in the context of a moneyer’s or an emperor’s wider ideological or visual program as deployed on the coinage.  As a consequence, the actual phenomenon of architectural representation on Roman coinage has been inadequately studied in favor of more myopic considerations. 

Why was Rome the only ancient civilization that habitually depicted built monuments on its coinage?  Why did Greek urban centers with marble-clad monuments and politically charged building programs feature their great monuments on coins only after Roman domination?  What social and cultural developments prompted Roman moneyers in the late second and first centuries BC to depict buildings on coins for the first time?  What circumstances led to the decreasing frequency of architectural coin types in the third and fourth centuries AD until they ultimately disappeared from the Roman coinage in the fifth century?  And why were these late Roman depictions more symbolic in their lack of reference to specific constructions?  These are questions to be explored.  This book departs from the treatment of the images as sources for the appearance of ancient monuments and explores instead the historical, art historical, social, and cultural contexts of the iconography of building on Roman coins as it developed and evolved from its emergence in the late second century BC to its disappearance from the Roman coinage in the fifth century AD.

There are four inscriptions from Lusitania in which freedpersons appear to manumit their own children: (1) Camira Sunuae lib(erta) / an(norum) XXV h(ic) s(ita) e(st) / Docquirus Catueni / et Sunua Docquiri / lib(erta) fil(iae) f(aciendum) c(uraverunt) (Orjais, first century, probably first half).1 Ferreira interprets: "Catuenus libertou Docquirus; este, por seu turno, uniu-se a Sunua, que libertou; dessa união nasceu Camira, que foi libertada pela mãe.

En este artículo se estudian los principales episodios de pestes y epidemias que se produjeron en las civilizaciones de la antigüedad. Se analizan la gran peste de los hititas, en época del rey Mursili II (1321 a. C.-1295 a. C.), la peste padecida por los filisteos (peste de Azoth), las epidemias padecidas por el ejército cartaginés en Sicilia (siglos V y IV a.C.), la gran peste de Atenas en 439-429 a. C. (en la actualidad interpretada como tifus), las epidemias en la República romana de los siglos V y IV a. C., así como las epidemias padecidas por el imperio romano (en especial la peste de los Antoninos en el siglo II, y la de Cipriano en el siglo III, que se interpretan como viruela y sarampión). Finalmente se exponen datos sobre la peste padecida por Bizancio, en época del emperador Justiniano, que constituye ya, sin duda, el primer azote importante de la peste bubónica. ABSTRACT This article examines the principal episodes of pest and epidemics that occurred in ancient civilizations. It discusses the great plague of the Hittites, in time of king Mursili II (1321-1295 B.C.), the plague sufferend by the Philistines (Azoth Plague), the epidemics suffered by the Carthaginian army in Sicily (V and IV centuries B. C.), the great pest of Athens in 431-429 B. C. (at present interpreted as typhus), the epidemics in the Roman Republic of the V and IV centuries B. C.), and epidemics suffered by the Roman Empire (especially the plague of the Antonines in the Second century, and that of Cyprian in the Third century. Which are interpreted as smallpox and measles). Finally, we expose data of the plague suffered by Byzantine in time of Emperor Justinian, which is now undoubtedly the main scourge of bubonic plague.

Commento analitico ai capitoli 75-77 del Satyricon, porzione del romanzo petroniano nota come "autobiografia di Trimalchione". La figura letteraria di Trimalchione è stata costruita da Petronio come rappresentante di un preciso ceto sociale: quello dei liberti arricchiti presenti nell'area commerciale campana che aspirano ad un riconoscimento nel tessuto sociale grazie alle loro cospicue possibilità economiche.