Processes of Conversion (Christianization)

in: Ivo Štefan & Martin Wihoda (eds.), Kostel Panny Marie na Pražském hradě: Dialog nad počátky křesťanství v Čechách (Prameny české historie 3), Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, Praha 2018, s. 29–55. 978-80-7422-625-0

The paper by Jiří Dynda attempts to set the Christianization of medieval Bohemia and Moravia into the broader perspective of Religious Studies and also introduces the problems and issues connected with the study of sources on the paganism in medieval Bohemia and Moravia. The paper is a part of the collective monograph, in which eight researchers, historians, linguists, religionists and art historians (Iva Adámková, Nora Berend, Jiří Dynda, Jan Frolík, Jana Maříková-Kubková, Dalibor Prix, Ivo Štefan a Martin Wihoda) interpret the sigificance of the Church of Virgin Mary at Prague Castle and attempt to connect its archaeological remains with the Christianization of Czech lands.

Firstly, the Roman Catholic «prehistory» of contact between the Panoan groups of Bolivian Amazonia and Jesuit, Franciscan and lay clergy missionaries is described. The paper then analyses the continuity of the evangelization process by diverse evangelical denominations, describing three missionary experiences with the Chacobo since 1955 to the present day. Finally, general insights are proposed relating the anthropological problem of religious conversion.

The conversion of Vladimir, grand prince of Kiev, to Eastem Christianity was a watershed in world history, although the exact reasons for his conversion and the precise nature of the relationship he had with the Byzantine Empire at the time has been
misrepresented by generations of historians, eager to present the episode in a manner which essentially glorifies Vladimir the Russian as the master of his own political and religious agendas and denigrates the Byzantine role for its supposed duplicity. Nevertheless, this study, which scrutinizes the works of these earlier historians, discards their methodologies, which frequently and deliberately manipulate the sources, and instead the present study seeks to deposit greater reliance on the archaeological evidence of this episode by concentrating on the role of the city of Chersōn in the southern Crimea in this legend, which has been overlooked and deliberately misinterpreted in furtherance of previous historians' personal, religio-political agendas. To better understand the truth behind Vladimir's choice of Byzantine Christianity over Latin Christianity, this study will therefore seek to identify the major cultural, linguistic, economic and political influences on early Kievan Rus' at the time, using both text-based evidence and a significant share of archaeological evidence.  In a few words, due to a civil war in Byzantium between 987-989, the rebellious forces of which the citizens of the city of Chersōn had doubtlessly united with against their rightful emperor, Basil II Porphyrogennētos, the early Russian polity, then seated in Kiev and led by Vladimir, embarked on an expedition to capture this city in the southern Crimean peninsula.  But most historians have hitherto suggested that this event was because Basil II had promised Vladimir the hand of his coveted sister in marriage and had then reneged on the offer.  The question is, were the Russians acting on behalf of the emperor or in spite of him?

X wiek, a zwłaszcza jego druga połowa, jest czasem ożywionej i zwieńczonej sukcesami działalności chrystianizacyjnej 2 w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej i Północnej. W tym czasie chrzest przyjmują -Harald Sinozęby w Danii (ok. 960 r.), Mieszko I w państwie gnieźnieńskim (966 r.), Gejza na Węgrzech (974 r.), Włodzimierz na Rusi (988 r.), Olaf Tryggvason w Norwegii (ok. 995 r.) i Olaf Skötkonung w Szwecji (ok. 1000 r.) 3 . Także islandzki Althing w 1000 r. podejmuje decyzję o przyjęciu chrześcijaństwa 4 . Wraz z rozwojem kultu św. Wacława i powstaniem biskupstwa praskiego chrześcijaństwo ugruntowuje się również w Czechach, których chrystianizację jeszcze w końcu IX wieku rozpoczęli książę Borzywoj i jego syn Spitygniew 5 . Z decyzją władzy zwierzchniej o konwersji postępuje także rozwój organizacji kościelnej. Jednakże wielkie obszary Europy, do których można zaliczyć tereny zajmowane przez koczowników z okolic Morza Czarnego, ziemie północne z ludem fińskim, czy przede wszystkim terytoria położone nad południowym i wschodnim Bałtykiem, zamieszkałe przez Słowian Połabskich i Bałtów, pozostawały nadal pogańskie 6 . Pod koniec X wieku idea misyjna była wyraźnie na porządku dziennym 7 a przedstawiciele ówczesnej elity marzyli o pokojowej misji wśród pogan 8 . Niezwykle charakterystyczne jest szczególne cenienie 1 Praca roczna napisana pod kierunkiem prof. Marka Barańskiego w roku akademickim 2007/2008. 2

The imposition of Christianity on pagan peoples was one of the most formative events in medieval history, and engendered a broad spectrum of responses and a variety of local adaptations and appropriations of the Christian message. My dissertation demonstrates that the outcomes of Christianisation processes depended on a complex interaction between local circumstances and missionary attitudes. In order to elucidate the causal links between the circumstances and outcomes of Christianisation processes in eighth-eleventh centuries, this study approaches Christianisations from a comparative perspective, and proposes a new theoretical framework. The categorisation of Christianisations into empathetic, sympathetic and apathetic processes aims to encapsulate the typological diversity of responses to the imposition of Christianity, and allows a significant reconsideration of the outcomes of Christianisations in terms of the interplay between missionary methods and local circumstances. To this end, this study re-examined the Christianisations of Saxony, Bulgaria, Bohemia and Rus’. These cases were chosen to represent the broad spectrum of possible circumstances of Christianisations. In terms of missionary methods, they represent both Byzantine and West European approaches; in terms of dynastic politics, they exemplify instances in which politics impeded or aided processes of Christianisation; in terms of noble involvement, these cases include both instances in which nobility played a decisive role and cases in which the nobles were not involved in the process. In terms of outcomes, these cases exemplify a spectrum of responses, ranging from full conversion to an apathetic acceptance of a bare minimum of Christian practices. In each case, the study considers the interplay between missionary methods, dynastic politics, the interests of the nobility, levels of coercion, and the relationship with the converting culture. By doing so, the study offers new insights regarding the impact of each factor on the course of Christianisations and examines the manner in which the interaction between all factors engendered a variety of reactions to Christianity. In addition, the comparative approach provides a new perspective on familiar narratives, recorded reactions to Christianity, and even archaeological finds.

The paper addresses the issue of transformation of the emperor Diocletian’s mausoleum in Split into a Christian church, namely the chronology of the process itself and the circumstances under which it happened. The author tries to demonstrate that the funerary building underwent the same process of appropriation and gradual transformation, developing in several stages, just like many other similar buildings did, throughout the Roman Empire. Since the late 19th century, modern scholarship has devoted considerable attention to the problem of original layout and function of Diocletian’s mausoleum at Split. Afterlife of the building up until the 9th century was definitely understudied, partly because of a lack of comprehensive and coherent sources. Thus, it is hardly surprising that it was an American, Mark Johnson, who was the first to examine tetrarchic funerary buildings as a group (in 2009) – in terms of their functions, typology and architectural iconography. However, during the past few decades the study of relevant textual sources, as well as the number of archaeological ones, have multiplied. So has the international scholarly attention given to the process of Christianisation of pagan buildings in general (J. Alchermes, B. Brenk, J.-P. Caillet, G. Cantino Wataghin, B. Caseau, F. W. Deichmann, C. J. Goddard, J. Hahn, J. Hillner, Y. Janvier, M. J. Johnson, A. Karivieri, H.-R. Meier, H. Saradi Mendelovici, J. Vaes, B. Ward-Perkins). Stressing the new approach to relevant textual sources, the author will, at the same time, present some new material evidence in order to corroborate the claim that the pagan mausoleum in Split did not undergo any substantial modifications prior to 6th century. Furthermore, he will demonstrate that the change went through several stages.  In a first stage, the building has been obviously transformed into a relatively simple church and only afterwards it was transformed into a cathedral. There is no doubt, that this case study of a transformation of a pagan monument into a Christian one holds many important clues that could put some new light on the processes of transformation of pagan buildings into churches in general. The traditional scholarly interpretation of Croatian archaeologists, historians and historians of art, persists on a hypothesis that the Mausoleum was transformed into a cathedral (that of a runaway Salonitan archbishop) during the 7th century and that this was a one-stage transformation. Conversely, it is usually held that the emperor’s tomb suffered destruction immediately after the Edict of Milan, proclaimed in February 313, awaiting further on 640s to be re-used for a new Salonitan cathedral. However, new interpretive paradigms – that have, unfortunately, circumvented the case of Split – along with the new archaeological evidence surfacing all the time, have put the traditional interpretations to a serious test. Before mentioned innovative approaches to the problem of reuse have resulted in several important conclusions: there were three separate periods of transformation of Roman pagan and secular buildings into churches: the first phase, pertaining mainly to the 4th century, concentrated predominantly on the adaptation of profane, private buildings; the second phase reutilized public buildings of any kind; only in the third phase, during the 5th and 6th century, pagan temples and sanctuaries were finally appropriated. The case of Spalatum fits nicely into these overall results. One should also add that these studies have shown that many extremely important Roman shrines and public monuments (e.g. »Temple of Romulus« at the Roman Forum, Pantheon, Academy in Athens, Serapeum of Alexandria, temple complex on Philae near Aswan) have all been appropriated by the Church only after a long and arduous process that included several steps – the final Christianisation of respective structures being the last one. This was even more true in the case of structures forming the part of imperial estates or public property, which could not have been subjected to arbitrary destruction with impunity. As the Diocletian's palace itself was actually built on an imperial property, established as such as early as the 1st century AD and retained as part of the fiscus for centuries to come, by-passing this fact naturally resulted in some outdated theories that will now obviously have to be overcome. As a part of unalienable property of the crown, the palace at Spalatum as well as the mausoleum were under imperial supervision. Thus for any suspension of its usual function an imperial decree was necessary in order to freely dispose with the building. The removal of its pagan contents could only have taken place in several stages, during a protracted time-span: suspension of pagan cult practices, desacralization, dissolution of imperial prerogatives attached to the building, followed by the possible exemption of the parts of its inventory, ultimately its Christianisation and adaptation for a new use. The archaeological findings of the earliest post-Diocletianic phase hardly received any attention, although they seem to hold many important clues which can shed light on its later development. These useful archaeological details consist of several examples of Early Christian sculpture, found during excavation works in and around the cathedral, that can be firmly dated. Thanks to these remains, dating from the mid-6th century, we are able to date the earliest Christian adaptations of the mausoleum to the same period. On the one hand, this seems to confirm that the adaptation of octagon for Christian usage happened at least a hundred years earlier than the mid-7th century; on the other hand, it implies that the original state of the building was left intact for a much longer period of time than it has been previously hypothesized. This can be further corroborated drawing on a variety of sources, dating from 4th, 5th and 6th century (Ammianus Marcellinus, St. Ambrose of Milan, Codex Theodosianus, Codex Iustinianus, etc.). Particularly important is the evidence provided by Sidonius Apollinaris (late 480s), which seems to confirm that the emperor's mausoleum was still in function during the Gallic bishop's lifetime. Although these facts and material traces have all been common knowledge for many years, neither the data in question nor its implications for the process of Christianisation were never considered in relation to one another. Consequently, most arguments hitherto offered for the conclusions about the mentioned process were inevitably incomplete. Some other issues have also never received explanation. For example, how did the frieze on the top of the interior – bearing images of Diocletian, his wife Prisca, Hermes Psychopompos and erotes – ever survive the supposed Christian reprisal? Furthermore, how is it possible that the iconographically most important relief of the same frieze, positioned directly above the main niche (and probably representing emperor’s apotheosis), reached 16th century undamaged? All of this, again, points to the conclusion that there was no immediate or noteworthy Christian retribution at the expense of the dead emperor, namely that important parts of the mausoleum's pagan interior were left in place at least up to 6th century, when the first functional modifications took place.
To sum up, one should differentiate between the conversion of pagan mausoleum into a church and the subsequent elevation of the latter to the status of a cathedral, which was a much later and contextually different event. Under what circumstances did the former event take place? The importance of the palace during the transitional period from Late Antiquity to Early Middle Ages is confirmed by its inclusion in the so-called Ravenna Cosmography, compiled by an anonymous cleric in Ravenna around 700. In it the structure is recorded as Spalathron, Spalathrum and as such included among other civitates, that is among small towns. As it is generally accepted, the data concerning these settlements and towns recorded by the Anonymous from Ravenna were based on geographical and topographical knowledge gathered prior to the 560s. Thus, it seems that the palace itself certainly retained its important position in the years prior to 6th century, only for it to be further emphasized by a settlement forming in it roughly in the early 500s. Apart from this, the existence of a town called Spalatum is attested by a number of Early Christian churches in the palace, built as early as the 6th century. The settlement, surely, predated the transition of populace from the town of Salona that, probably, happened during the 7th century. Again, the alterations in question must have happened during the 6th century and were, most surely, arranged by the then-inhabitants of the Palace. The question that remains is who initiated these large-scale interventions. Considering the well-known policy of emperor Justinian I (527-565) towards the Church after the Gothic wars of 535-555, it can be assumed that at least some parts of Diocletian's palace were ceded by the Byzantine government to the Ecclesia catholica Salonitana under archbishops Honorius II (528-547) or Peter (554-562). Thus, most of these alterations could be attributed to them, in close collaboration with the Byzantine military units stationed in the palace at the time.

The main objective of the article is to determine the territorial scope of the Great Moravian territory of Nitra based on an analysis of archaeological sources. Specific cultural manifestations identified in the focal area of the Danube lowland delimit the studied territory from the settlement of adjacent regions of Slovakia and from the central settled territory in the Morava River basin. An interpretation of the results, supported by a comparison with written sources and linguistic data a new view of the social-political identity of the Nitra population.

Religia chrześcijańska oraz Kościół będący instytucją odpowiedzialną za pielęgnację właściwych dla niej form kultu nie wyewoluowały z rodzimych kultów przedchrześcijańskich. Chrześcijaństwo pojawia się na ziemiach polskich nagle, jako twór całkowicie obcy rodzimej kulturze. Po przyjęciu chrześcijaństwa przez Mieszka I, dzięki jego wsparciu, nowa wiara szybko uzyskuje najniezbędniejsze podstawy organizacyjne w postaci podstawowych struktur kościelnych: jednego biskupstwa, potem nawet kilku oraz bliżej nieznanej, ale dość ograniczonej, choć trudnej do oszacowania, liczby kościołów wiejskich i grodowych oraz zaledwie kilku kilkunastoosobowych wspólnot monastycznych.

This book, the product of anthropological fieldwork over a thirty-year period, provides a deep and broad picture of the Sa'dan Toraja as a society in dynamic transition to modernity over the course of the twentieth century. The analysis, firstly, sets Toraja society in the context of the Austronesian world, tracing some widely shared themes of culture, kinship and cosmology. Secondly, the author evokes a historical context within which she examines Toraja social memory and the uses of the past, as a source of social identity, a resource for claims of precedence, or a template for action in the present. Toraja are famous for the dramatic architecture of their 'tongkonan' or houses of origin; here the house is shown to be the true focus of the bilateral kinship system, making this an emblematic example of the type of social organisation that Claude Levi-Strauss termed a 'house society'. The structure and ethos of the indigenous religion, 'Aluk to Dolo' or Way of the Ancestors, with its complex cycle of rituals, is clearly presented,  while the author traces the continuing decline of this religion in the face of accelerating conversion to Christianity. The book concludes with an analysis of the ceremonial economy associated with mortuary ritual, whose continued inflation, even as rites are performed in Christianized forms, puts increasingly severe strains on household economies. Toraja ethnic identity is shown to have emerged over the course of the past century as an active response to far-reaching political and social changes, from Dutch colonial takeover in 1905, through the struggle for Indonesian Independence and the Soeharto era of 'Development', to the effervescent mood of 'Reformation' following Soeharto's fall from power in 1998, and entry into the 21st century. In tracing these transformations, the book charts the story of one society's journey into modernity.

El artículo habla sobre los procesos de cambio en lo que respecta a la diversidad lingüística reportada en la región desde 1525, y respecto a la tradición religiosa. En términos generales, se observa un paso de la diversidad lingüística al uso en una amplia extensión del territorio, del náhuatl, aunque ésta era una lengua propia de la región. La extensión de esta lengua en el territorio fue favorecida por la administración colonial y la Iglesia. En lo que a la tradición religiosa se refiere, se observa el paso de una beligerancia y rechazo abiertos, hasta una aceptación, matizada, conforme fue pasando el tiempo.

Like many other areas of history, our knowledge about the adoption of Christianity by Southeast Asians during the 16th and 17th centuries is still rather circumscribed, while the relatively small number of documents still extant results in construction of narratives on the basis of only a few sources. For the most part, the sources available have been scattered letters from Jesuit missionaries and a few (other) Portuguese texts, as well as a number of 17th and 18th century Dutch documents, primarily written by clergy and administrators serving the V.O.C.
On the other hand, some of the earliest known Malay language texts, dating from the 17th and 18th centuries and published by the Dutch V.O.C., have more recently become more widely known. It is generally understood that the Malay language was used as a trading language throughout the Indonesian archipelago, however, these early Malay language documents relate not to trade but rather to teaching Christianity, and their existence indicates a commitment to Christianization. This commitment directly contradicts the commonly accepted view of Spanish and Portuguese as Christianizers and the Dutch as money-lovers, rather than being seen as complex agents. In fact, involvement in both religious and economic pursuits is apparent from both the origins of the Portuguese and Spanish expansion in the 15th and 16th centuries and Dutch expansion in the 16th and 17th centuries.

This study seeks to explore this early Christianization in an unusual case, Ambon, whose substantial Christian population converted to Calvinism and has remained Christian up to the present. This includes some consideration of the language of communication, in this case the Malay language, as an essential element which was involved in both Islamization and Christianization.

The conversión of Vladimir, grand prince of Kiev, to Eastem Christianity was a watershed in world history, although the exact reasons for his conversión and the precise nature of the relationship he had with the Byzantine Empire at the time have been misrepresented by generations of historians, eager to present the episode in a manner which essentially glorifies Vladimir the Russian as the master of his own political and religious agendas and denigrates the Byzantine role for its supposed duplicity. Nevertheless, this study, which scrutinizes the works of these earlier tóstorians, discards their methodologies, which frequently and dehberately manipúlate the sources, and instead the present study seeks to deposit greater reliance on the archaeological evidence of this episode by concentrating on the role of the city of Cherson in the southem Crimea in this legend, which has been overlooked and dehberately misinterpreted in furtherance of previous historians' personal, religio-political agendas. To better understand the truth behind Vladimir's choice of Byzantine Christianity over Latin Christianity, this study will therefore seek to identify the major cultural, linguistic, economic and political influences on early Kievan Rus' at the time, using both text-based evidence and a signifícant share of archaeological evidence. In a few words, due to a civil war in Byzantium between 987-989, the rebellious forces of which the citizens of the city of Cherson had doubtlessly united with against their rightful emperor, Basil II Porphyrogennetos, the early Russian polity, then seated in Kiev and led by Vladimir, embarked on an expedition to capture this city in the southem Crimean península. But most historians have hitherto suggested that this event was because Basil II had promised Vladimir the hand of his coveted sister in marriage and had then reneged on the offer. The question is, were the Russians acting on behalf of the emperor or in spite of him? I would like to thank many friends, family members, mentors, professors and colleagues who have contributed to my research and helped to make this work possible. First, I will acknowledge family: my parents, Deb Mesibov and Rick Feldman and their parents, Hugh and Eudice Mesibov and Annette Feldman who have all together provided the support, both economic and mental, and an ever-present confidence in my abilities. I would like to acknowledge some of the close friends I've made here who each furnished me with advice or other assistance in my research, whether by providing guidance or counsel in translating, historiographical investigation, or organizational and grammatical coherence. In this list I would include my dear friends

Chapitre 5 de la thèse de doctorat de Bruno Restif, soutenue en décembre 2004 à l'Université Rennes 2 Haute-Bretagne sous la direction d'Alain Croix : La Paroisse, cadre d'application de la Réforme catholique en Haute-Bretagne (diocèses de Rennes, Dol et Saint-Malo). Histoire d'un processus de transformation religieuse et culturelle (XVIe et XVIIe siècles). Titre du chapitre 5 : Christianiser la société.

This paper reconsiders the nature of Christian conversion in Viking-Age Sweden and traditional assumptions of a centre-periphery model that places Viking and medieval Scandinavia on the periphery of Christian Europe. Notions of Scandinavians as barbarians lingered and tainted outsiders’ perception of them even after conversion, as seen in early medieval texts which portray Scandinavians’ Christian beliefs and practices as trivial or unsophisticated. The Swedish Viking-Age runestones provide evidence that challenges the assumption that Christianity was passively appropriated to Scandinavia from Europe. Instead, the runic material helps demonstrate the Scandinavians’ originality and sophisticated understanding of the new religion by exposing how they adopted and incorporated Christian beliefs and practices into their uniquely Scandinavian context. Scandinavians’ adoption and application of Christian concepts, such as the development of Purgatory and its association with bridges and Christian deeds, to their monuments in order to accommodate the new religion is particularly examined.

Dans le texte qui s’ensuit nous voulons donc examiner de plus près les phases initiales de la pénétration et de l’établissement du christianisme en région de la Danube moyen durant le haut moyen âge. L’intensité de la pression politique et culturelle faite par l’Empire franc, la décomposition du khaganat avare ainsi que la transformation qui s’ensuit des rapports de pouvoir dans la Danubie centrale et ses environs – tout cela influence le développement social et culturel de cette région. Ce qui nous intéresse ici, c’est la façon dont ces rapports directs avec l’Empire franc déterminaient le commencement même et le déroulement de la chrisitianisation, ainsi que la façon dont les institutions religieuses et les centres missionnaires francs y entraient, cela du point de vue des ambitions et des possibilités réelles

Vindplaatsen met een rituele functie zijn archeologisch moeilijk grijpbaar, zeker als dat alleen maar `plekken’ in het landschap waren, zelfs niet afgebakend. In zijn 'Germania' noemt de Romeinse historicus Tacitus die herhaaldelijk. In latere heiligenlevens van missionarissen worden `heidense’ heiligdommen ook vermeld. Spannend, maar hoe identificeer je dat soort sites? Tot op zekere hoogte aan de hand van concentraties van oppervlakte-, detector- of opgravingsvondsten die qua aard, samenstelling én landschappelijke situering afwijken.

The issue of climate change is a complex one, yet we cannot simply neglect this problem because it is a pressing reality of the twenty-first century. Neglecting it will amount to neglecting not only the present generations, but most of all the future generations. We reaffirmed the findings of the IPCC that climate change is caused by human activities, though we cannot rule out the other factors caused by natural process. Science, politics and economics alone could not solve the problem of climate change which calls for the involvement of different faiths in the world, but in this study we have limited to one particular faith: Christianity.

This paper seeks to determine how the ceremony of the baptism of Mieszko I of Poland (ca. 960-992) could have been performed. It presents the development of the baptismal liturgy in the Carolingian times and the then emerging baptismal theology that was also predominant in the Ottonian period. The probable course of the baptism of the Polish ruler is described on the basis of the rite of baptism for a catechumen made from a pagan (ordo ad catecuminum ex pagano faciendum) contained in the Pontificale Romano-Germanicum. The paper emphasises the far-reaching ritualistaion of the sacrament of baptism and stresses the importance of three-time immersion of a catechumen in water, a practice followed also in the Roman Church, the model of proper liturgical practices. Based on the described rite of baptism, the article also assesses whether it was possible to perform the rite in structures now interpreted - on the basis of archaeological findings - as early Piast baptisteries, in which Mieszko I could have been baptised.

RESUMEN: Teniendo en cuenta la acción misericordiosa de Dios en los hombres y la respuesta de éstos a Dios, se pasa revista tanto al don de la conversión (fruto de la misericordia divina) como a las obras de misericordia impulsadas por esa misma conversión. Mencionando a varios conversos famosos, son recordados desde una visión cronológica otros más desconocidos, destacando algunos testimonios recientes y ciertos casos especiales de acción misericordiosa de Dios.  PALABRAS CLAVE: Conversión, misericordia, obras de misericordia, caridad.
ABSTRACT: Using as a point of departure the merciful action of God toward human persons and their response to God, this article examines both the gift of conversión (as a fruit of divine mercy) and the works of mercy undertaken as a result of this conversion. A number of famous converts are mentioned, with emphasis on recent testimonies and certain special instances of the merciful action of God. KEY WORDS: Conversión, mercy, works of mercy, charity.

Dla historyka zajmującego się wcześniejszym średniowieczem podjęcie tematu chrystianizacji jest tyleż nieuniknione, co niełatwe, rozmaite aspekty tego zjawiska są bowiem przedmiotem rozważań mediewistyki od pokoleń. Mimo jednak tak długiej tradycji badawczej samo pojęcie pozostaje niedoprecyzowane, a historycy-niekiedy w zależności od własny potrzeb-rozumieją je rozmaicie. Próbę typologii zaproponował niedawno francuski mediewista Bruno Dumézil. Rozróżnia on mianowicie ewangelizację, którą rozumie jako rozpowszechnianie orędzia chrześcijańskiego wśród niechrześcijan, i chrystianizację, którego to terminu używa w odniesieniu do "zjawisk związanych z postępami chrześcijaństwa na obszarach już ewangelizowanych, gdzie większość ludzi przyjęła chrzest" 1. Punktem przełomowym będzie tu oczywiście konwersja; chrystianizacja w tym rozumieniu zaczyna się więc dopiero po niej. Warto jednak zwrócić uwagę, że Dumézil, którego monografia poświęcona konwersji królestw barbarzyńskich kończy się na wieku VIII, tworząc swą typologię, znajdował się w sytuacji dość komfortowej. Jako że jasne jest, iż w przyjętym przez niego przedziale chronologicznym "postęp chrześcijaństwa" wśród nawróconych ludów ciągle się dokonywał, nie musiał on właściwie określać jego punktu docelowego. Gdyby jednak chcieć spojrzeć w szerszej perspektywie czasowej, okaże się, że uznanie chrystianizacji za proces o nieokreślonym momencie zakończenia (czy

The Christianization of the Slavs is a historical event that can be studied as a long process with numerous factors to be taken into account and several recent studies about religion change may improve our understanding of such a process. Although the conversion of the rulers plays an important role, it is not the only factor that can help us determine the inflexion point of the Slavic people’s conversion. Other elements need to be evaluated, such as the work of the missionaries and their relative success; the settlements of Christian populations such as merchants or prisoners in Slavic territory; the return to their country of the ruling elites that had converted in Christian states and the importance of the Christianization of the princes’ wives and mothers in the process of conversion of the Slavic leaders.

The paper explores the relationship between Swiss ethnographer Alfred Métraux and Scottish missionary John Arnott of the South American Missionary Society, which lasted almost a decade. The reciprocal influence between
these individuals is described with regard to both religious and academic factors. The paper also provides an analysis of the historical, social and political context of the Anglican missions in the Argentinian Chaco during 1933-1939, when Métraux did his ethnographic fieldwork.

This project aims to incorporate urban settlement data within a framework of landscape archaeology approaches to map the effects of Christianisation on town development in Anglo-Saxon England from the 7th-11th centuries A.D. With the introduction of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England came churches, this coincided with increasing productivity and trade, which necessitated the growth of towns and larger settlements. The great dynamism of this period both socially and economically has meant that previously studies have focussed on single aspects of the changing Anglo-Saxon world,
however this study aims to use multi-proxy evidence to demonstrate the need for more comparative and collaborative approaches.
From the 7th century onwards land ownership and estate management changed in England, shifting not long after the arrival of missionaries. There were also changes in
elite sedentism, dynastic power shifts, and increasing settlement and economic centralisation. This project investigates the links between Christianisation and
centralisation in Anglo-Saxon England. Links between placement of churches, town development, and changes in funerary behaviour are illuminated. One unifying factor in these settlements is waterways. The essential nature of these riverine and coastal landscapes highlights the multi-factorial nature of the Christianisation process from c. 600-1000 AD and beyond.
The process of Christianisation is not a solely religious question, it affected most aspects of early medieval society, and lasted far longer than what has been historically accepted (c. 8th century A.D.). These questions of changing land ownership and settlement development are multi-faceted and intertwined.

This contribution analyses the Confessonario en lengua cumanagota (1723) by Diego de Tapia as an instrument of conversion based on models of repression and inquisitorial techniques. In order to persecute the indigenous people of the eastern coast of Venezuela in their unfaithful and lascivious behaviour, coercion is employed in order to teach them Christian ethics. Tapia stresses the examination of the sixth commandment with repeated questions about the indigenous people’s sexual desires and practices, and includes moralising examples and symbols of eternal punishment.  e confessionary can also be used as didactic material for learning the Cumanagot language, and at the same time it re ects the colonialcontext: confession through an interpreter, perception of the Caribs’ cultural idiosyncrasies and of their capacity for repentance in confession, and absolution without full expression of their sins, etc. Contextualising the confessionary in the Iberoamerican discourse genre of power, I will portray the author and his missionary and intellectual trajectory.  e thematic organisation of the text re ects the challenge confession posed for the priest as well as the Cumanagot people.  e analysis of discourse elements found in the sixth commandment (‘Thou shall not commit adultery’) show how stylistic means and the formulation of the questions may have instilled fear in the indigenous people.

The Jesuits were the most effective force in the Christianization of Amerindians in North America. Although for more than a century the total number of Jesuit personnel in Canada never exceeded forty individuals, they curiously had a powerful impact on New France and its indigenous populations, an influence that was sometimes resented by rival groups. Like all other newcomers to the New World, the Jesuits arrived with their own set of convictions, motivations, and ambitions, which we attempt to uncover in this paper as we seek to understand what drove the followers of Loyola to travel more than 5,000 kilometers away from home (usually never to return) to peoples with seemingly strange languages, cultures, beliefs, and practices. After a brief sketch of the Jesuit’s views, we will examine the Jesuit himself from the views of the modern observer. Then we will examine the methodology and evangelistic strategies that characterized the Jesuit missionary approach before we end with an evaluative assessment that attempts to gauge the success of the Jesuit mission.
    In this research paper, I have relied on secondary historical accounts as well as on primary sources, especially the invaluable Jesuit Relations.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the Chromatius of Aquileia’s Sermo XVI to prove that the simple mention by the bishop of Iudaei and gentiles who celebrated the Easter Vigil, does not constitute, as up to now it has been asserted, an evidence of the presence in the city of Jews and pagans permeable to Christians practices. Contrarily, we think that this allusion just tried to extol the magnificence of the feast and to incite Christians to take part in it.

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el Sermo XVI de Cromacio de Aquileya a fin de demostrar que la mención por parte del obispo de Iudaei y gentiles que celebraban la vigilia pascual no constituye, como se ha hasta aquí sostenido, un testimonio de la presencia en la ciudad de judíos y paganos permeables a las prácticas cristianas. Pensamos, por el contrario, que dicha alusión tuvo por finalidad simplemente ensalzar la magnificencia de la festividad cristiana.

São Columba de Iona, monge irlandês que viveu no século VI d.C., foi um conhecido personagem no processo de cristianização dos Pictos (povo que vivia na futura Escócia). Juntamente com São Patrício e Santa Brígida, Columba é canonizado padroeiro da Irlanda, principalmente por seus esforços em levar o cristianismo à novas regiões das ilhas e, como consequência, construção de vários mosteiros. A vida de São Columba foi escrita por diversos autores, porém, seu mais conhecido fora Santo Adomnano de Iona, em sua Vita Columbae. O seguinte trabalho analisa um trecho da obra dantes mencionada, procurando entender a interação entre o monge irlandês e o conhecido monstro do Lago Ness, entre o cristianismo e o mito celta, utilizando uma tradução direta do texto latino de Adomnano feita pelo autor. ABSTRACT Saint Columba of Iona, irish monk that lived in the sixteenth century, is a well known character within the christianization process of the Pict (people that inhabited future Scotland). Together with Saint Patrick and Saint Brigit, Columba was canonized a patron of Ireland, mainly for his efforts on leading christianism to new regions of the isles and, as a consequence, building a series of abbeys. The life of Saint Columba was written by various writters, of which Saint Adomnan of Iona was the most known, for his Vita Columbae. The following work aims to analyse a piece of the text just named, trying to understand the relations between the irish monk and the well known Loch Ness monster; between christianism and the celtic myth, by a translation of the latin text of Adomnan made by the author.

The author undertakes an analysis of the ideological foundations of an armed evangelization of the Avars by the Franks in the end of the eighth century, characterized as missionary war. He puts the thesis that the Franks thought that they – by participation in this war – fulfill the obligations of Christ as Good Shepherd, who – through apostles – brings pagan people to the Church and leads them to eternal life. The subjugation of the Avars in 796 by Pepin, the King of the Lombards and son of Charlemagne, is regarded as a manifestation of divine grace showed by Christian God to pagan kingdom. In common opinion, the leader of the military expedition, which aim is to baptize the Gentiles, is in fact Christ Himself. The author argues that the wartime violence was meant to create the right conditions for missionary work among the pagans – after Christians had mastered the lands previously belonging to the heathens, they had to be convinced to voluntarily accept the Christian faith.

The paper is a short summary about the process of the Christianization of Hungary concentrating on the development of the ecclesiastical system and on its steps. Besides the foundation of the archbishoprics and the dioceses, the question of the Byzantine impact and the development of the Christian mentality is examined as well. The study focuses on the results of the latest researches, so they can find their way to the interested readers.

Version préliminaire : Une lecture critique des « Lettres »  entre le roi catholique du Congo (Dom Afonso 1er) et plusieurs dignitaires Portugais au XVIème siècle.
L’objectif de ce travail est de distinguer le processus de christianisation de l’Afrique subsaharienne de l’événement colonial ou de la conquête. En effet, l’évangélisation précède et se poursuit, dans certains cas, indépendamment des impositions historiques, politiques ou sociales. Nous voudrions singulariser le fait religieux et le dialogue philosophique en Afrique subsaharienne.
Les « Lettres » qui font l’objet de l’article ci-dessous, documentent la relation entre deux pays souverains au XVIème siècle. Pour ce premier texte, nous présentons une lecture soulignant un dialogue qui se constitue en référence à des concepts normatifs : la justification, l’établissement et la pratique de règles et de normes. Ces contraintes se trouvent dans le corps des textes épistolaires – convention d’écritures, formules de respect etc., –  tout autant que dans les projets de société formulés.
Cette lecture constitue une première étape dans la démonstration d’un dialogue ayant contribué à transmettre – plutôt qu’imposer – le christianisme.

17 octobre 2018 : Conférence réalisée à deux voix, avec Catherine Peters, archéologue à l'Agence Wallonne du Patrimoine, dans le cadre de la Neuntes rhein-maasländisches Archäologen-Treffen / Neuvième rencontre rhéno-mosane d'archéologie (Stavelot).

Resumo:
Este artigo visa analisar as transformações causadas pelo processo de conversão da Saxônia ao Cristianismo entre os séculos VIII e X através do estudo do Heliand, reformulação dos Evangelhos para a língua e cultura saxônias, e as Res Gestae Saxoniae do monge Widukind de Corvey, detendo-nos em como as figuras de Cristo e dos apóstolos, assim como dos reis são apresentadas.

Abstract:
This paper intends to analyze the changes motivated by the process of conversion to Christianism in Saxony between the 8th and 10th centuries, through the study of the Heliand, a reformulation of the Gospels to the Saxon culture and language, and Widukind of Corvey’s Res Gestae Saxoniae. I will focus on how the figures of Christ and the apostles, as well as the kings, are presented.

The study of the architecture of the sepulchral types (window-tombs; canopied-tombs of different shapes …) and the funerary rituals (funerary banquets, arrangements for libations …) in the Maltese early christian hypogea points out some distinctive features which differentiate these catacombs from the other ones of the late antique world: these characteristics really reflect a persevering Punic tradition and a social system of the clan type, contrasting with the structure primarily communitarian of the first christian society.

In the Passio Olavi, an hagiographic legend about St. Óláfr from the second half of the twelfth century, the saint is referred to as an anointed king. Through comparison with other Saints’ Lives and with the baptism of king Clovis I, this article suggests that for the authors of Passio Olavi the baptism of king Óláfr was like a royal unction, making him a christus Domini. Moreover, the Norwegian hagiographers could have known the French model directly thanks to the close relations between the Church of Nidaros and the abbey of St. Victor, Paris, during the twelfth century.

Nella Passio Olavi, leggenda agiografica su Óláfr Haraldsson redatta nella seconda metà del XII secolo, al santo vengono accostati termini normalmente riferiti ai re consacrati. Attraverso il confronto con altre fonti agiografiche e soprattutto con il battesimo di Clodoveo descritto da Incmaro di Reims, l’articolo suggerisce che per l’autore della Passio Olavi il battesimo agì su Óláfr come una sacra unzione, facendo di lui un christus Domini. Il modello francese, inoltre, potrebbe aver influenzato direttamente la Passio Olavi per via delle strette relazioni culturali che, nel XII secolo, legarono la chiesa di Nidaros all’ambiente parigino e, in particolare, all’abbazia di San Vittore.