Political Caricature

Nous avons pu constater que l'humour, comme point de départ, peut s'emparer d'un éventail de sujets différents les uns des autres. Le sens ordinaire des mots, les situations, la physionomie des personnages n’est qu'une invitation à deviner leur autre visage, le sens figuré des images comiques. La presse germaniques a été vivement inspirée par les événements qui ont précédé la chute du mur de Berlin en octobre / novembre 1989 et par ceux qui lui ont succédé. Elle a suivi avec beaucoup d'attention le développement politique jusqu'à la Réunification du 3 octobre 1990 et aux premières élections dans l'Allemagne unifiée en décembre de la même année. Les caricatures se réfèrent à cette série d'événements sous un double point de vue: celui d'une affaire interallemande, et d'un événement de la politique internationale.

Before the former Yugoslavia was divided by wars, its inhabitants successfully lived side by side in peace. This collection seeks to explain how former neighbors became enemies, with the hope that understanding what drove these peoples apart will help us discover ways for them to coexist in peace again.Contributors analyze political cartoons, psychiatry, the arts, visual media, and law to present a diversity of views on the conflicts in Yugoslavia. While the chapters in this book deal with regional developments, they are not so much focused on politics as they are concerned with how values and attitudes are altered and new identities formed. Thus, this volume goes beyond recent journalistic accounts and should remain relevant for years to come.This book began as a special issue of the journal Anthropology of East Europe Review. Most of the contributors to that issue have revised their chapters for this collection, and new chapters have been added, including one on the recent war in Kosovo. Essays range across all of former Yugoslavia, emphasizing the variability and diversity of ethnic relations throughout its history: Joel M. Halpern & David A. Kideckel (eds.)

This study focuses on the commercial and media aspect of the oppression of black women in America and perhaps all over the world. It looks at the caricatures of Mammy/Aunt Jemima, a Sapphire, and a Jezebel. These were invented during times of slavery and they are continuously being used to misrepresent black women and discredit any efforts to liberate ourselves and others. The myth of the strong matriarch was created to oppress the black community using it as an example that everything will fail if black women or women were put in charge of the household or community. This study was created to debunk the myth, expose the caricatures, and alter people's bad idea of black women. Also, I provide a solution to groups of people who are currently helping young black girls and afro-latinas to have high self-confidence and self-esteem.

Gundega Gailīte. Latvian Caricature of the Late 19th and Early 20th Centuries as a Factor of the Formation and Development of National Identity.

The origins of Latvian caricature date back to the same time period that saw the beginning of the formation of the Latvian nation, and graphic satire played an important role in the processes that gave rise to national self-awareness. Artists actively used the ability of caricature to produce deformed images as the representation of One’s Own and Others. Caricature, which contains all the basic elements of identity, served as the nation’s means of visualization and thus also a factor promoting the development of national identity. Along with the creation of signs of the nation’s typical features, including the character and appearance, nature and the representation of Latvian traditions, caricature helped provide a very clear distinction between the Latvians and Others, first of all their neighbors. For the images of the Others cartoonists only chose those elements that could help build a positive identity of the Latvians, promoting typical Latvian features and characteristics and raising their prestige. At the same time, this involvement of caricature in the nation-building processes significantly increased the Latvians’ interest in graphic satire and thus also its status. The Svari magazine, for instance, received broad critical acclaim. Already after the publication of its first issue in November 1906 critics praised the high quality of the magazine’s artistic design, which eclipsed its literary qualities. Rūdolfs Blaumanis compared the Svari magazine with the German magazine “Simplicissimus” and particularly praised R. Zariņš’ contribution. The history of the Latvian caricature of the late 19th and early 20th century therefore cannot be properly studied without taking into consideration the factor of national identity.

L’analyse des caricatures offre un éclairage intéressant sur les évènements révolutionnaires qui mènent à l'indépendance du pays en 1830. Avant la révolution, les dessins satiriques contribuent à dénoncer les abus du régime hollandais et à exprimer les revendications populaires. Pendant les journées révolutionnaires, les caricatures se mettent au service de la propagande patriotique et contribuent à souder l’opposition en diabolisant l’ennemi. Une fois les soldats hollandais en déroute, les caricatures se font de plus en plus virulentes à l’égard de la personne de Guillaume Ier et de ses fils, annonçant le caractère définitif de la déchéance des Orange-Nassau en Belgique. Enfin, une fois le nouvel État belge reconnu par les puissances européennes, les caricaturistes soulignent la fragilité du nouveau pouvoir et sa dépendance envers l’extérieur, en particulier envers la France. Dans tous les cas, la richesse des thèmes et des procédés comiques utilisés fait des caricatures une source non négligeable pour étudier la période.

Nella tumultuosa primavera del 1977, su Lotta Continua e sulle fanzine dell'area creativa Pablo Echaurren inizia a rappresentare la gioventù ribelle che agita le piazze e le università. Dal suo lavoro di quei mesi scaturisce una «teratologia politica» che registra la radicalità del movimento del 1977, ma segnala, al contempo, la crisi di un'idea di militanza.

The article, focusing on Russian satirical journals research, dwells upon role of the symbol of the Motherland in discourses of Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917. The author points out that the symbol was exploited by majority of political forces. The authorities employed it in maintaining legitimacy of power. The author discerns two modes of delegitimation of power with the help of the symbol. The first one implies symbolic struggle for possessing the symbol, for the right to speak on behalf of the Motherland. It is based on the populist (the narodnik) image of the Mother Russia as a victim of the Russian state. The second, that was connected with the Bolshevik and liberal ideologies, implies devaluation and desacralization of the symbol.

La presente investigación analiza cuál fue el papel de la Caricatura Política durante el Frente Nacional (FN) (Colombia 1958-1974). Este periodo ha sido ampliamente estudiado, sin embargo, la perspectiva  iconográfica, guiada por categorías tales como Caricatura Política y Sátira Pictórica han sido de menor interés.
La principal contribución del presente trabajo es mostrar una perspectiva  de estudio en la cual la Caricatura Política puede llegar a evidenciar complejos fenómenos, en este caso del orden político. Para ello, este estudio se divide en dos partes, la primera sigue criterios convencionales  al revisar la historiografía existente, los elementos conceptuales respecto de la caricatura y las característica particulares de ellas durante el periodo en cuestión (Frente Nacional). En tanto la segunda, busca seguir la apuesta de Aby Warburg en donde una colección de imágenes puede llegar a narrar una historia.

Palabras clave: Consociacionalismo, Caricatura Política, Sátira Pictórica, Frente Nacional, Iconología, Iconografía.

El presente artículo delinea las representaciones caricaturales desplegadas desde la prensa estadounidense sobre el pueblo venezolano y su presidente Cipriano Castro, en ocasión del bloqueo naval anglo-germano, efectuado sobre los principales puertos del país sudamericano en diciembre de 1902. Mediante la observación de un corpus de ciento cincuenta caricaturas, en compañía de artículos editoriales, se develan los aspectos criteriales de representación visual y textual más recurrentes en la opinión pública norteamericana en relación con los actores implicados en tal incidente.

This thesis considers the Catalan satirical cartooning tradition in the period 1898 to 1977. It breaks from current approaches in Catalan cultural studies and Humour Theory in several significant ways. First, across four chronologically divided chapters – beginning with the post-colonial period through to Franco’s dictatorship – the study considers how Catalan satire was shaped by a shifting socio-political context and to what extent it, in turn, played a role in shaping that context. Here, it engages with humour’s role in identity construction through in-group solidarity. Second, supporting its inclusive position that a continued tradition can be observed throughout the twentieth century, the thesis looks beyond the common cut-off point of the Spanish Civil War by engaging with Catalan satirical cartoons in exile, in the clandestine press and in children’s comics during the Franco period. Third, it tests a multimodal framework that combines three major theories of humour: superiority, incongruity and release-relief, with Gestalt Visual Organisational Principles and socio-political context to produce a three-dimensional analysis of cartoon case studies. These cases have been selected from the most representative publications and cartoonists of the period and include the work of Tísner, Escobar and Cesc. The framework incorporates an expansion of superiority humour theory by raising the profile of the inferiority factor. More importantly, it marks a move towards addressing a verbal-centric imbalance in existing approaches to humour.
Introducing the previously undervalued Catalan tradition to humour discourse, while at the same time injecting a much-needed academic approach to Catalan cartoon humour, the thesis also highlights the important potential of cartoons as a resource in Catalan Studies and in cultural analysis in general.

ספרות ההומור העשירה של היישוב היהודי בארץ-ישראל במחצית הראשונה של המאה העשרים כמעט לא נחקרה עד כה, למרות ערכה ההיסטורי והספרותי כאחד. ספרות זו התבססה גם על עיתונות היתולית ענפה, שכללה חוברות רבות, ואלה שמורות היום בארכיון המכון לחקר התפוצות באוניברסיטת תל אביב ובמרכז לחקר הפולקלור באוניברסיטה העברית. המאמר מתמקד במחזור פופולרי ומייצג של בדיחות על משפחת בן-יהודה שפורסמו בעיתונות ההיתולית בתקופה הנדונה. הדיון עוסק בעזרת דוגמאות בשאלות מדוע עלה הצורך לציין את אחרותה של משפחת בן-יהודה? למה דווקא בהומור? ומה ניתן ללמוד מכך על היישוב היהודי בן הזמן?
עבור עורכי העיתונים ומחבריהם היה בן-יהודה יריב אידיאולוגי ופוליטי לא רק על רקע התחרות על ההון התרבותי הצנוע של היישוב, אלא גם בשל זיקותיו הסותרות לכאורה לקבוצות המרכזיות שפעלו בו באותה עת. הומור היה הכלי הלגיטימי ביותר לערער על סמכותו של בן-יהודה בלי לפגוע במוניטין של הכותבים, שכן הוא אפשר לעיתונאים להתנסות בעיתונות צהובה בלי לוותר על סגנונם ההגון. כך תרם ההומור לא רק לתיעול ביקורת פנימית, אלא גם להתבססותה של קבוצה חברתית חדשה ביישוב בעלת סדר יום תרבותי משלה.

Le caricaturiste Robert La Palme a livré un portrait saisissant du Québec d'après-guerre, lui qui a mené une véritable croisade contre Maurice Duplessis et son régime. Dans le cadre de ce mémoire de maîtrise, nous nous proposons de retracer le parcours de Robert La Palme dans ses années au quotidien libéral Le Canada, où il travaille de 1943 à 1951, afin de comprendre le théâtre satirique qu'est son oeuvre caricaturisée selon deux forces qui s'opposent ou se complètent l'une l'autre: le contexte sociopolitique, qui inspire et dont s'abreuve le caricaturiste, d'une part, et l'engagement même de Robert La
Palme, qui dirige et conduit sa plume, d'autre part. Nous verrons que le caricaturiste, par la disposition des acteurs qui prennent place dans son théâtre entre autres, a balisé en quelque sorte l'espace du pensable concernant le régime duplessiste.

This paper revolves around James Gillray -a political caricaturist of the 18th century- along with his views and portrayals of the French Revolution and it's protagonists, followed by his contribution to the then circulated Anti Jacobin newspaper.

Although the Congress of Vienna was not a main topic for political caricature, it was anything but ignored. During the first five months of 1815, while monarchs and diplomats were deliberating on Europe’s future, caricaturists in Great Britain, France and the German-speaking states depicted the Congress as a major or minor subject in 20 satirical prints. Together these caricatures provide a multi-perspectival view of the way contemporaries assessed the diplomatic deliberations taking place in Vienna. To obtain an insight into this important part of contemporary public opinion on the Congress, the corpus of graphic satire was submitted to close scrutiny in two ways. Firstly, a context analysis ascertained the artists who produced them; how the prints were published and brought to public attention; and for what audiences they were intended. Secondly, a content analysis explored the political messages that the caricatures on the Vienna Congress tried to convey and the persuasive techniques that were applied to visualise these points of view. Notwithstanding different national origins and opposite political views, the message is a negative one: the satires denounce the territorial greed of the Great Powers and their disregard for the demands and aspirations of the peoples they seek to incorporate.

Garbage Pail Kids: On Caricature, Satire and Political Stench

Originally produced by Topps Chewing Gum, Inc. (Brooklyn, New York), a local version of Garbage Pail Kids (GPK) sticker cards were distributed in Israel in 1987-8. Although designed as product for children, the Israeli version of GPK left a deep impression on its local political discourse. “Havurat HaZevel” - the Hebrew transliteration of GPK, became a newly coined word, often used by publicists as well as by members of the Israeli parliament in order to portray the ultimate “other”, whether movement, group or party, whether part of the coalition or the opposition. As this paper wishes to point out, the use of the GPK in Israeli political context gave birth to several spinoffs. Moreover, appearance of these creative initiatives over the last three decades correspond the political circumstances, mainly to the elections for parliament and for prime minister as well as to expressions of dissent. Examination both the visual and textual means used by the illustrators and copywriters shed light public image of Israeli politicians as well as of the political events in question.

More than 20 years after presenting his first interpretation of the mosaic from the House of Aion in a paper entitled “Uwagi na temat mozaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr)” (Meander 9/10, 1987, p. 421-438, in Polish, and translated to English: « The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory [in Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from the “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus]»), where he proposed reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 3. The Dionysian thiasos; 4. Apollo and Marsyas; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis, the author now enhances his initial interpretation with numerous reflections concerning the historical context of this work of art, created in the years 320-360.
If, according to the author, the mosaic is a “Hymn” in honour of the pagan gods, Man (his soul) and his place in the (pagan) universe, then at the same time it polemicises with the Christian faith and its God, Jesus Christ.
The author puts forward numerous new solutions relating to the mosaic’s iconography and iconology. Analysis of the mosaic also leads him to propose a solution to the as-yet unanswered question regarding the absence of images of the crucified Christ in Christian art of the 3rd and 4th centuries, up until 420/430, when the first images of Christ on the cross appear.
CONTENTS:
Introduction
1. Research to-date (recap)
2. Description of mosaic (recap)
2.1. Composition of five mythological scenes
2.2. Brief iconographic description of mythological panels
2.3. Outline of individual iconographic elements and their respective roles
2.4. The pagan gods’ air of majesty and dignity as an expression of piety
3. A few words about the pagan reaction
4. An apology of pious human life according to pagan principles and a polemic on the Christian model of Man and his theological idol, Jesus Christ
4.1. Divine intervention in the act of human conception (allusion to/polemic on the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary)
4.2. The Epiphany of Dionysus (an allusion to the Epiphany of Christ – Theou Pais)
4.3. The procession and dissemination of Dionysian order (allusion to/polemic on Christ’s entry into Jerusalem)
4.4. The error of Marsyas (polemic on/allusion to the error of Jesus the Messiah): arrest, sentencing for arrogance and lack of piety (asebeia) and condemnation to a martyr’s death
4.5. The anabasis (or anagoge psyches) of a ‘beautiful soul’ (allusion to/polemic on the Ascension of Christ)
5. A few words on the mosaic programme prior to final conclusions
Final conclusions
Key words: mythological mosaic, House of Aion, Nea Paphos, Late Antiquity, Roman art, allegorical narrative, allusive language of mythological pictures, wordplay (Marsyas-Messias), Jesus Christ, anti-Christian polemic, Dionysos, Cassiopeia, Apollon, Nereides, Abstract Personifications, Greek Mythology, ΚΥΠΡΟΣ

Responding to David Harvey’s critique of my paper ‘Why a radical geography must be anarchist’, I once again reiterate the importance of anarchist perspectives in contemporary politics and geographical praxis. In challenging Harvey on the limits to Marx, I urge him to think again about the hidden vanguardism, implied statism, and veiled hierarchy that continue to lurk within the Marxist project, and importantly how these specters constrain both our collective political imagination and the possibilities of radical geography. I am admittedly very critical of Harvey, but I nonetheless refuse to close the door on dialogue between the Black and Red, even in the face of ongoing Marxist ridicule of anarchist politics. Accordingly, I propose an agonistic embrace of a ‘postfraternal’ or ‘postsororal’ politics on the left, where we come to appreciate ongoing conflict as a sign of a healthy leftist milieu. In doing so we can move beyond the misguided idea that all disagreements over strategies, tactics, and organizing methods will ever be resolved. Ultimately, what I have dubbed ‘the condition of postfraternity’ keeps us alert to the continually unfolding possibilities of a thoroughly politicized and forever protean space. By embracing this shifting horizon, not as a static limit to our politics, but as a beautiful enabler of visionary possibilities, the rhizomes of emancipation grow stronger.

The French satirical newspaper, Charlie Hebdo, which originally ran from 1969 to 1982, pending a revival in 1992, distinguishes itself through its 'bête et méchant' (stupid and nasty) humorous heritage, defined in its parent publication Hara-Kiri, as the freedom to make jokes on potentially any subject, however taboo.

While this satirical ethos predominated in Charlie Hebdo up to 1982, its enduring place in the publication has become more ambiguous since 1992, with the abrupt sacking of Siné in July 2008 seemingly belying its vigorous defence of provocative humour in the context of the 2006 Danish caricature affair.

An important underlying continuity nonetheless remains in Charlie Hebdo and transcends the 'bête et méchant' project: that of negotiating a space for satirical expression that has continuously engaged with both elements of bande dessinée and the rich tradition of polemical editorial cartooning and caricature.

One highly prominent aspect of ISIS’s program of destruction in Syria and Iraq that has come to the media attention recently is their program of cultural heritage destruction that took the form of smashing artifacts in archaeological museums, iconoclastic breaking and bulldozing of archaeological sites, dynamiting of shrines, tombs, and other holy sites of local communities, and burning of libraries and archives. In this paper, I focus on ISIS’s destruction of archaeological heritage. I argue that this destruction can be seen as a form of place-based violence that aims to annihilate the local sense of belonging, and the collective sense of memory among local communities to whom the heritage belongs. Therefore, heritage destruction can be seen as part and parcel of this scorched-earth strategy described above. I also argue that the Islamic State coordinates and choreographs these destructions as mediatic spectacles of violence aimed at objects and sites of heritage, and these spectacles take place as re-enactments or historical performances that are continuously and carefully communicated to us through ISIS’s own image-making and dissemination apparatus that increasingly utilizes the most advanced technologies of visualization and communication. I will also pose questions about the relatively weak responses from the archaeological community around the world that rarely went beyond the stereotypical expression of “dismay” to ISIS’s heritage destruction. At the same time, I will try to answer the why and how of ISIS’s dislike of archaeological heritage in the context of late capitalism.

Avec la Révolution tranquille, la Grande Noirceur occupe une place de choix dans l’imaginaire collectif des Québécois. Ces deux mythistoires articulent une conception dichotomique du passé québécois où l’année 1960 apparaît comme une fracture entre deux temps et deux mondes, entre l’Ancien et le Nouveau Régime. Cette thèse s’intéresse aux origines caricaturales de la Grande Noirceur duplessiste. Jusqu’ici, les chercheurs qui ont abordé la question des mythistoires constitutifs du Québec moderne se sont surtout arrêtés aux discours des intellectuels regroupés au sein du journal Le Devoir, de la revue Cité Libre et de la Faculté des Sciences sociales de l’Université Laval. Pour notre part, nous mettons en lumière la contribution du caricaturiste Robert La Palme dans la conception et la diffusion du mythistoire de la Grande Noirceur duplessiste au Québec.
Robert La Palme est l’un des plus éminents caricaturistes que le Québec ait connus. Entre 1939 et 1962, à l’emploi des plus importants journaux canadiens-français de l’époque, il présente sa vision caustique de l’actualité.

Au fil des ans, quantité de personnages de tous horizons et milieux politiques et culturels se sont retrouvés dans le grand théâtre qu’est son œuvre satirique. Mais nul n’a autant retenu l’attention de l’artiste que Maurice Duplessis, chef de l’Union nationale et premier ministre de la province de Québec de 1936 à 1939, puis de 1944 jusqu’à son décès survenu en 1959. Dans des centaines de caricatures, La Palme prend un malin plaisir à caricaturer l’homme et son « régime », ses idées et ses convictions, ses actes et ses prises de position. Ce faisant, le caricaturiste produit quelques-unes des images d’Épinal de la Grande Noirceur duplessiste.

Par le truchement de l’œuvre du caricaturiste Robert La Palme, cette thèse étudie les processus de production et de circulation des discours ayant pour objet la Grande Noirceur duplessiste depuis les années 1940. Nous montrons que Robert La Palme tient un discours original sur la Grande Noirceur duplessiste. Sa contribution la plus importante à cet effet est certainement la formule « Toé, tais-toé! », que le caricaturiste est le premier à mettre dans la bouche de Maurice Duplessis. Cette formule est, depuis, devenue l’un des fleurons de ce mythistoire. D’autres discours sur la Grande Noirceur duplessiste ont recours aux caricatures de La Palme. Deux brochures électorales du Parti libéral provincial ainsi que des manuels scolaires, un événement commémoratif et une synthèse historique ont retenu notre attention. Dans les années 1940 et 1950, le Parti libéral provincial recourt aux caricatures de La Palme pour répondre à la démagogie de l’Union nationale. Quand la caricature ne sert pas carrément de discours politique, celui-ci prend les traits de la caricature. Depuis les années 1980 enfin, les caricatures de Robert La Palme ont été utilisées pour des motifs éducatifs, commémoratifs et historiques afin de renforcer le mythistoire de la Grande Noirceur duplessiste.


Alongside the Quiet Revolution, the Great Darkness occupies a special place in the collective imaginary of the Quebeckers. Those two mythistories articulate a dichotomical conception of Quebec’s past where the year 1960 appears as a fracture between two distinct times and two worlds, between the Old and the New Regime. This thesis explores the caricatural origins of the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era. Up until now, researchers who have discussed the matter of the constitutive mythistories of modern Quebec were mostly interested in the discourses from intellectuals grouped at newspaper Le Devoir, journal Cité Libre and the Faculté des Sciences sociales of the Université Laval. As for us, we focus on the contribution of caricaturist Robert La Palme in the conception and diffusion of the mythistory of the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era in Quebec.

Robert La Palme is one of the most prominent caricaturists that Quebec has ever known. Between 1939 and 1962, he worked at the most important French-Canadian newspapers of the time and presented his caustic view of current affairs. Throughout the years, a wide variety of characters from all political and cultural backgrounds found their way inside the great theatre which was his satirical comedy. No one else attracted the attention of the artist more than Maurice Duplessis, leader of the Union Nationale and Premier of the province of Quebec from 1936 to 1939, then from 1944 right until his death in 1959. In hundreds of caricatures, La Palme took malicious delight in drawing caricatures of the man and his “regime”, his ideas and his convictions, acts and position statements. By doing so, the caricaturist produced some of the iconic images of the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era.

Carried out through the works of caricaturist Robert La Palme, this thesis studies the production process and flow of the discourses that referred to the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era since the 1940s. We show that Robert La Palme gave an original discourse on the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era. His most important contribution to this regard is the formula “Toé, tais-toé!”, that he first put over the mouth of Maurice Duplessis. This formula has since become one of the icons of this mythistory. Other discourses regarding the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era have also resorted to La Palme’s caricatures. Two electoral brochures of the provincial Liberal Party as well as schoolbooks, a commemorative event and an historical synthesis grabbed our attention. In the 1940s and 1950s, the provincial Liberal Party used La Palme’s caricatures in order to reply to the Union Nationale’s demagoguery. When the caricature did not serve as a political discourse, the latter took the traits of the caricature. Since the 1980s, Robert La Palme’s caricatures were finally put to use for educative, commemorative and historical purposes to enhance the mythistory of the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era.

Dans cet article, je m'interroge sur la place de l'humour dans la presse marocaine d'aujourd'hui. Sur la base d'un corpus de dessins humoristiques parus dans quelques journaux nationaux 1 , une analyse a été faite dans le but de mettre en lumière le fonctionnement de la caricature diffusée par la presse marocaine et d'en saisir le potentiel subversif. Le dessin de presse 2 est un mode d'expression dont l'existence au Maroc remonte à la fin des années 1960 3 . Cet art graphique humoristique repose sur la déformation et l'exagération des traits d'une personne ou d'une situation 4 . Les caricaturistes dont la ressource est l'actualité mettent en avant l'absurdité d'une situation ou bien dénoncent l'action d'une personnalité publique. Le dessin de presse est de ce point de vue un mode d'information qui complète le contenu rédactionnel. C'est un moyen d'expression qui informe le public et porte un regard critique sur l'actualité. La caricature a des avantages sur les autres modes de communication ; elle est brève, piquante et atteint toutes les couches de la société. A défaut de presse satirique à part entière au Maroc, la caricature se disperse dans les journaux qui veulent bien l'accueillir tels, Almasae (Le soir), Alakhbar (Les informations), L'économiste, Le soir écho, et Asahrae Almaghribiya (Le Sahara marocain). Selon Larbi Sabane (ancien caricaturiste marocain), le dessin de presse au Maroc remonte aux années 1930, dans des journaux tels, Majalat Almaghrib (La revue du Maroc), Majalat Alithnayn (La revue du Lundi), et Almitraka (Le Marteau). Ces titres disparurent cependant très vite. Dans les années 1960, la presse écrite du Maroc nouvellement indépendant inclut la caricature dans ses rubriques, mais les caricaturistes sont confrontés à la censure et à la répression du pouvoir. Le manque de liberté d'expression ne permet donc pas à cet art de s'épanouir. Akhbar Souk (Les informations du marché) est le premier journal satirique à être créé au Maroc en 1978 ; il est dirigé par Hamid Bouhali. Le journal est suspendu à cause d'une caricature de Driss Basri, ministre de l'intérieur à l'époque. Il est relancé par la suite sous un nouveau titre, Takchab (La plaisanterie) qui sera vite interdit à cause de sa 1 Tous les dessins humoristiques ont été trouvés sur internet-qui donne un public très large au dessin humoristique au Maroc-, notamment sur des comptes ou des pages Facebook créés par les dessinateurs eux-mêmes. 2 Dans une conférence organisée sur le thème : « Quel avenir pour le dessin de presse », Guillaume Doizy explique que, « L'expression « dessin de presse » apparaît, semble-t-il, pour la première fois en 1979, dans le titre d'un colloque organisé à Grenoble sur Daumier. Elle devient à la mode à partir des années 1990. Jusqu'alors … on employaitet on emploie encoreles termes de :

A vicc olyan sajátos társadalmi, kulturális jelenség, amely bizonyos "időtlen" formák és alakzatok mellett képes leképezni azt a történelmi időpillanatot és korszakot, amelyben létrejött. A viccek sajátossága, hogy egyszerre tudnak orális műfajként cirkulálni egy adott populáció körében, konkrét szerző nélküli kollektív alkotásokként, illetve intézményesülhetnek különböző humorműfajok formáiban: kiadványokban, újságok hasábjain vagy más médiumokban.

A closer look, however, reveals the inadequacy of this static model. When viewed dynamically, invective and humour are seen not merely as opposites but as antagonists, which raises the question if they can coexist in harmony. Elsewhere I tried to show that satire is inherently contradictory (Kozintsev 2010: 22-24, 39, 64-65, 114-115). In this article, I will try to explore this issue using war propaganda as an extreme example.

This article focuses on media coverage of the sportive " civilizing mission " that the American YMCA initiated in the Philippines, Japan, and China through the founding of the Far Eastern Championship Games (1913–1934), the biggest regional sports event held during the interwar period. It analyzes a number of cartoons printed in Philippine English-language newspapers, which communicated visions of a " modern " Asia meeting Western civilization. Cartoons dealing with the Asian capability for sportive self-government show that between the 1910s and 1930s images of Asian bodily and social deficits and of American expertise were substituted with images showing Asian officials appropriating the " civilizing mission. " The analysis of cartoons about internationalism and egalitarianism illustrates that in 1934 all newspapers saw these ideals as part of " civilization " and rejected Japanese expansionism. Cartoons featuring gender roles reflect the fact that female athletes were still a marginal topic for cartoonists. Finally, the depiction of stadiums promoted development successes.

"This thesis considers the Catalan satirical cartooning tradition in the period 1898 to 1977. It breaks from current approaches in Catalan cultural studies and Humour Theory in several significant ways. First, across four chronologically divided chapters – beginning with the post-colonial period through to Franco’s dictatorship – the study considers how Catalan satire was shaped by a shifting socio-political context and to what extent it, in turn, played a role in shaping that context. Here, it engages with humour’s role in identity construction through in-group solidarity. Second, supporting its inclusive position that a continued tradition can be observed throughout the twentieth century, the thesis looks beyond the common cut-off point of the Spanish Civil War by engaging with Catalan satirical cartoons in exile, in the clandestine press and in children’s comics during the Franco period. Third, it tests a multimodal framework that combines three major theories of humour: superiority, incongruity and release-relief, with Gestalt Visual Organisational Principles and socio-political context to produce a three-dimensional analysis of cartoon case studies. These cases have been selected from the most representative publications and cartoonists of the period and include the work of Tísner, Escobar and Cesc. The framework incorporates an expansion of superiority humour theory by raising the profile of the inferiority factor. More importantly, it marks a move towards addressing a verbal-centric imbalance in existing approaches to humour. Introducing the previously undervalued Catalan tradition to humour discourse, while at the same time injecting a much-needed academic approach to Catalan cartoon humour, the thesis also highlights the important potential of cartoons as a resource in Catalan Studies and in cultural analysis in general."

Erste nachweislich nach lebenden Modellen geschaffene Karikaturen der Neu-zeit finden sich im zeichnerischen Werk der Brüder Annibale und Agostino Carracci, die damit als Begründer der Kunstform der Karikatur und ihrer Theo-rie gelten. Das Verb »caricare« meint übertreiben. Die »übertriebenen Bildnisse« (»ritrattini carichi«) des Annibale Carracci (1557–1602) waren Porträts, »in denen der Künstler vorhandene Missbildungen, Missproportionen, auffällige Züge eines Gesichts oder auch die Formen eines Körpers übertreibend wiedergibt«. 1 Die Künstler zeichneten diese Bilder, um ihre Freunde zu amüsieren oder zu hänseln und griffen dabei vermutlich auf die vermeintliche Wissenschaft der Physiognomie zurück, die sich mit der Ähnlichkeit menschlicher Typen mit Tiergestalten befasste. Die Karikatur findet sich allerdings schon in der Antike und es ist gut möglich, dass bereits frühere groteske Köpfe der Renaissance lebende Vorbilder hatten, also eigentlich Karikaturen waren. Gombrich verweist zudem auf die Tradition der spätmittelalterlichen und frühneuzeitlichen Schandbilder, die zwar eher rohe Beschimpfung als ein witziger Vergleich sind, aber durchaus als Vorstufen der Karikatur betrachtet werden können. 2 Insofern sind die Brüder Carracci nicht die eigentlichen Erfinder der Karikatur, aber deren Wiederentde-cker, Verbreiter und Begründer des Karikaturbegriffs, der im 18. Jahrhundert fortgeführt wird. Domenico Bernini überliefert in der 1713 erschienenen Biographie seines Vaters Gian Lorenzo Bernini (1598–1680) dessen Auffassung von der Karikatur. Er habe es unternommen, Portraits zum Scherz zu deformieren, »jedoch nur in jenen Teilen, wo die Natur selbst auf irgendeine Weise gefehlt hatte, und ohne seinem Vorbild die Ähnlichkeit zu nehmen, gab er es auf dem Papier sehr ähnlich und seinem innersten Wesen entsprechend wieder, obwohl man sah, daß er einen Teil bemerkenswert verändert und übertrieben hatte«. 3 Bernini nannte als erster seine Zeichnungen Karikaturen – »Caricature«. Er bezweckte keine Zeitkritik, sondern wollte die menschliche Unvollkommenheit veran-schaulichen. Seine Karikaturen wurden aber allgemein zur Erheiterung herum-gereicht. 4 Nach heutiger Auffassung ist die Karikatur eher eine Gattung der Bildsatire. Zur Sprache der Bildsatire gehört die Karikatur als übertriebenes Bildnis – als bildliche Pointierung eines Witzes oder satirischen Textes –, die Symbolik und die Allegorie.

La caricatura es un aspecto básico para el estudio de la historia contemporánea. El objetivo de este artículo es ilustrar el concepto a través del estudio de dibujos satíricos publicados en prensa durante el Asunto Dreyfus a finales del siglo XIX.  Los tres aspectos analizados son: el antisemitismo, el juicio de Zola y la división social.

Identifies caricature as a "visual form of wit" and describes four resulting modes: portrait, satiric, comic or humorous, and grotesque. I discuss caricatures by Ghezzi, Max Beerbohm, David Levine, Hogarth, Gillray, Rowlandson, Bunbury, Daumier, and others.

The French Revolution and the grotesque belong together like two peas in a pod – that is, if we rely on eyewitness accounts of the 1790s and their aftermath. It may come as something of a surprise how little sustained reflection this linkage has invited so far, particularly since its study can serve as a springboard for a social and cultural theory of the age of Revolutions. Those who lived through the Revolutionary era perceived their age as one of form failure, and the grotesque was the exceptionally supple, pliable medium through which these anxieties could be expressed. Since the 1790s, the grotesque turned into a site of contestation where the frontiers between the self and the other, above and below, as well as between civilization and barbarism were constantly redrawn, collapsed, and subjected to playful travesty.

Cet article fait partie du mémoire de l'auteur intitulé « Un héritage précaire des Lumières : la caricature comme expression de la liberté de la presse », présenté et soutenu en juillet 2013. Depuis des années, la France est frappée par des attentats. Le 2 novembre 2011, les locaux du journal Charlie Hebdo sont incendiés suite à la publication de caricatures de Mahomet. Le 7 janvier 2015, douze employés du journal sont assassinés par arme à feu. Le 13 novembre 2015, est cette fois-ci encore plus sanglant... Ces actes de tuerie sont considérés comme directement liés aux caricatures du journal, jugées trop offensives et mêmes blasphématoires. Depuis son premier numéro, Charlie Hebdo se permet quasiment tout pour se moquer et critiquer la politique et les religions et ne cesse de susciter de vives polémiques tant au niveau national qu'international. Parmi les plus controversées, les caricatures de Mahomet restent toujours d'actualités. Affirmant avoir subi des insultes, des organisations islamiques lancent des procédures judiciaires en soulevant la question de l'assimilation des fondamentalistes à tous les musulmans, qui amènera à la consolidation des préjugés et à la discrimination par le grand public. Les stéréotypes, les conflits et les affrontements ne font qu'aggraver une situation déjà tendue. Cependant, pour Charlie Hebdo, la liberté d'expression doit englober celle de la satire envers les religions. Selon les caricaturistes, l'objectif, c'est non seulement de défendre la liberté de la presse, mais aussi de critiquer le fanatisme, incompatible avec la tolérance interreligieuse. En effet, la liberté de la presse et la tolérance interreligieuse sont très souvent traités par les philosophes au siècle des Lumières. Jusqu'alors, la France, appelé pays des droits de l'Homme, continue à faire face aux mêmes enjeux et à approfondir sa réflexion. Nous allons donc revenir et contribuer au débat sociétal sur l'affaire des caricatures de Mahomet en 2006 afin d'étudier, à travers l'analyse des caricatures, le rôle historique que jouent les notions de liberté d'expression et de tolérance interreligieuse dans la société française.

Mots-clés : Charlie Hebdo, caricatures de Mahomet, philosophie des Lumières, liberté d'expression, tolérance interreligieuse

This article takes a broad look at the last decade of transnational and international controversy related to political cartooning. The perspective is Australian, although the issues dealt with - including the new sensitivity to offensive or controversial subject-matter - is global in relevance. The piece is designed to open new scholarly dialogue on a variety of issues related to contemporary cartooning.

This study examines the visual representations of the European Union (EU) in political cartoons on the 2004 enlargement and the 2009-2012 Eurozone debt crisis, and the interactions between these depictions and Europe"s socio-political order. Carried out on fourteen political cartoons (out of a 300-cartoon corpus), the visual analysis is based on the theories of traditional semiotics, social semiotics, and metaphor. The analysis results show that the cartoonists" depictions of the EU bear a strong resemblance to the popular discourse. The EU is often depicted as a disunited political entity, whose orientation and action are decided by pragmatism and national egoism of its individual member states. The EU"s power structure and national / regional stereotypes are also emphasised in the political cartoons. These satirical representations form a dissenting voice against the EU, but can also contribute to the naturalisation of Europe"s socio-political order. This complex process depends on both the viewers" interpretation and the whole media "ecosystem" surrounding the cartoons.

This essay considers how caricature aesthetics, which feature overloading, incongruity, and animation, undermine caricature functionality, which includes economical representation, the perpetuation of stereotypes, and the affirmation of pre-held beliefs and opinions. Analyzing this contradictory logic assists in theorizing contemporary media environments that suffer from “hypernormalization,” that rely on the condensation and acceleration of information, and that explicitly use caricatural logics in political satire, news media, and social media more broadly. This essay’s analysis of caricature theories and practices builds on what Wittgenstein referred to as “seeing as” and demonstrates the critical value of reflecting on perceptual and conceptual entanglement.

As 1MDB rose into one of the most controversial issue in the political arena, a Malaysian cartoonist known as Zunar took the storm as well for constantly being arrested for a crime of provocative political drawings believed to mock the government and the leaders. The results of this study would provide insights into understanding the meanings and determine the real depictions behind his caricature drawings on the event of 1MDB. This study analyses the semiotic meanings behind the illustrations made by Zunar and the most prominent political cartoon elements he used in the illustration to portray the controversial political issue of 1MDB. The study employed a qualitative content analysis as the mode of the research. Two instruments namely coding sheets were used: an adopted standardised coding sheet designed by U.S. National Archives and Record Administration to analyse the cartoons-visual, words, and colour, and another coding sheet which was constructed based on standardised elements of political cartoons – symbolism, exaggeration, labelling, analogy, and irony – by Library of Congress and Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library Foundation. Results on the semiotic meanings of Zunar’s drawings on 1MDB issue showed that he was depicting the real-life events, and mocking political individuals involved accordingly to facts and news released several days before his cartoons were published. Most of his works contained elements of political cartoons without crossing rules that would sometimes were done excessively by other political cartoonists.