Peter Abelard

O propósito deste estudo é refletir sobre duas questões em Heloísa de Argenteuil (1090-1163/64), quais sejam: (i) o que é filosofia? (ii) A fêmea humana é naturalmente capacitada para o exercício da filosofia?. A reflexão está dividida em três partes. Na primeira, apresento uma introdução geral sobre as duas questões a partir de outros autores, aliás, mediante tais autores, evidencio que, quanto à segunda questão, Heloísa não se constitui como raridade. Na segunda parte, por sua vez, articulo as noções de "filosofia" e "racionalidade" ao especular se, para Heloísa, Marcela de Roma (325-410) exercia a filosofia. Na terceira parte, enfim, analiso duas diferentes leituras sobre Aspásia de Mileto (470-410/400), uma de Cícero (Sobre a invenção 1, 31), que considera Aspásia apenas como oradora e, outra de Heloísa (Carta II) segundo a qual, além de oradora, Aspásia também seria filósofa. Palavras-chave: Razão. Alma intelectual. Ensino de Filosofia. Gênero. Heloísa de Argenteuil Abstract: This study contemplates two questions in Heloísa de Argenteuil (1090-1163/64). What is the meaning of Philosophy? Is the human female naturally capable of exercising philosophy? The examination is divided into three parts. First, it presents a general introduction to the questions from other authors. These authors show that, regarding the second question, Heloisa is not a rarity. The second part, in turn, articulates the notions of "philosophy" and "rationality" by speculating whether, for Heloisa, Marcela de Roma (325-410) practised philosophy. Finally, in the third part, it analyzes two different readings of Aspasia by Miletus (470-410/400), one by Cicero (On the invention 1, 31), who considers Aspasia only as an orator, and another by Heloísa (Letter II) according to which, in addition to being an orator, Aspasia would also be a philosopher.

Est-il possible de parler d’intentionnalité au Moyen Âge et notamment avant la redécouverte du De anima d’Aristote ? Une réponse peut être recherchée au travers de l’étude de l’attentio chez Abélard à laquelle ce livre est consacré. La fonction de l’attentio n’est pas seulement celle de viser un objet, mais également de gérer chez l’auditeur la formation des intellections engendrées à partir des sons vocaux proférés. Si l’attentio dirige tantôt le processus cognitif, tantôt le processus sémantique, alors un tel objet de recherche requiert une nouvelle perspective d’étude sur la sémantique et l’ontologie d’Abélard, à savoir une mise en relief de sa philosophie de l’esprit. L’éclaircissement de la noétique abélardienne s’impose alors comme un passage obligé pour tout essai d’interprétation originale de la philosophie d’Abélard.

This paper examines a groundbreaking innovation to medieval Easter plays: the creation of the extra-biblical merchant scene, in which the Marys purchase spices prior to their Visitatio Sepulchri. The patron of its earliest known representation was the female religious leader Uta von Kirchberg. An illuminated roundel in the Uta Codex she commissioned towards the end of her term as abbess of Niedermünster (1002-25), depicts the Holy women purchasing spices from a spice merchant. Until the twelfth century, this remained the only representation of an Easter merchant scene, visual or textual. The only textual Easter merchant scene predating the thirteenth century is within the twelfth-century Latin/Catalan Ludus Paschalis of Vic Cathedral, near Barcelona, a highly influential Easter text whose transnational impact has been traced in numerous later Easter texts across Europe, including many with merchant scenes. Around 2000, musicologists David Wulstan and Constant Mews suggested the renowned composer and poet Heloise (c. 1090s-1164) as its author. Widely accepted by musicologists, their attribution's significance for the female impact on the merchant scene is barely acknowledged. Here, I ask: 'how did women influence the creation, promotion and development of the merchant scene's visual, textual and performative manifestations?' By repeatedly reattributing responsibility for decisive input into the development of the merchant scene from anonymous male scribes to identified female religious leaders, my interdisciplinary analysis moves women to the centre of this creative process.

Nous avions déjà évoqué dans un précédant chapitre le lien que nous faisons entre la parution de la Querelle des Diagnostics, consécutive en psychiatrie à celle du DSMIII et au discrédit médiatique de la psychanalyse qui depuis lors continue d'être orchestré, et la Querelle des Universaux qui, au Moyen-Âge, a durablement déchiré aussi le monde des théologiens. (cf. Malaise dans la "transition" culturelle, 10. Querelle des "universaux", lutte des "classes", conflit de "genre", et "querelle des diagnostics") Sans rien céder aux dogmes religieux schismatiques qui se sont employés jadis à maltraiter la liberté de pensée, il est temps maintenant d’explorer plus avant avec Alain de Libera l’importance historique de cette antique et savante Querelle théologique quant à l'élaboration progressive des concepts contemporains de "subjectivité" ou de "structure psychique".

El título de esta ponencia sugiere el alcance práctico de la investigación
filosófica agustiniana. La conversión en la literatura protréptica significaba una reconquista de sí mismo a través del retorno a los principios y la ruptura con un modo anterior de vida. La búsqueda de la sabiduría significó para Agustín encontrar a Dios como fuente de la verdad y de la felicidad; esto implica concebir la conversión como una dinámica entre contemplación y acción. Quien no pertenece a esta lógica, suele buscar primero contemplar la verdad para después actuar en conformidad. Así, el creyente escucha el mensaje: Fides ex auditu (Rom 10, 17), y con frecuencia su respuesta es condensada en fórmulas, ritos y símbolos, que acompañan un cambio de vida.  La cuestión aquí es que, así entendida, la conversión antecede al acto de creer, y a la vez se identifica con él. Entonces, ¿la conversión se identifica o precede el acto de fe? Si lo antecede, se abre la posibilidad de no llegar nunca a creer, como de hecho puede ocurrir con la conversión filosófica; pero si se identifican, entonces corremos el riesgo de reducir la razón a la fe, o la inteligencia a la voluntad. Nuestra pregunta es: ¿Cómo se articulan estas dos realidades tan cercanas, la conversión y la fe?

En 1143, l'abbe de Cluny Pierre le Venerable annonca a Heloise la mort de son epoux Pierre Abelard, et sa lettre de "consolation" s'ouvre par un eloge de cette abbesse modele, presentee comme une femme forte, et d'une culture exceptionnelle . Heloise devait garder cette reputation de femme savante, hors du commun par son intelligence, en meme temps que celle de grande amoureuse, aimee d'Abelard et cause involontaire du terrible châtiment qu'il subit, et somme toute, selon une formule d'Emmanuel Maujean, " chaque epoque a vu en Heloise, selon ses propres preoccupations, une vierge folle ou une vierge sage " .

This paper offers an explanatory approach to the
emergence of medieval nominalism from the perspective
proposed by the Argentine historian José
Luis Romero. Romero suggests that there is a double
source, namely, a historical and a philosophical
one. The first of these would be of an empirical
order and would correspond to the bourgeoisie
and its mentality. The second source, the academic
one, would be the one that arises from the
well-known Quarrel of the universals during the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. These two sources
would have been the condition of possibility for
later theoretical developments of nominalism,
which would suppress the idea of the universal as
something real and maintain that the only real
thing is concrete, sensible things, while concepts
constitute empty words.

The paper discusses the importance of the contacts between Abelard's and Kant's ethics which have been proposed by various scholars. It argues that we cannot deny that Abelard ascribed an autonomy to the human actor only because he saw human reason as created by God. Rather, Abelard stresses that human beings find in their reason the foundament of moral rules and may guide themselves by them. A further resemblance between two others lays in the focus which both of them put on the Golden Rule as kind of a Christian formulation of what Kant will call the Categorical Imperative.

I present the tables in Ibn Mubārakshāh's commentary on the Epistle, adding to them my own table for 1-premise inferences. I am grateful to Khaled El-Rouayheb for alerting me to the value of this work, and offering me a manuscript of it; and to Dustin Klinger for overcoming my reluctance to consult yet another commentator: Ibn Mubārakshāh, Sharḥ al-shamsiyyah (Zeytinoğlu Halk Kütüphanesi, Kütahya, MS 616), fols. 0b-122a. 1 The tables appear, in the order I give them below, on folios 96a, 98b, 99b, 102a, 102b, 103a. I list first the propositional types. I will put up the relevant folios of the manuscript in the near future.

IRÈNE ROSIER: Grammar, Logic, Semantic. Two Conflicting Doctrines in the Thirteenth Century: Roger Bacon and the Modistae The complex interplay between grammar and logic in the 12th and 13th centuries is an important element in understanding the development of these two disciplines. Two 13th century doctrines (the Modistae's and Roger Bacon's) show a strong coherence in their logico-semantic and grammatical theories, but rely on diametrically opposed assumptions about language: the Modistae seek to base themselves on the universal and stable (logical and grammatical) properties of a timeless language, Bacon on the variability of language and the freedom of the speaker to change the meaning of words as of constructions, thus enabling mm to take into account the evolution of language. The differences between the two conceptions explain the contradictory answers of the Modistae and Roger Bacon to the important linguistic questions of the latter half of the 13th century.

Priscians Institutiones Grammaticae , which rely on Stoic and Neoplatonic sources, constituted an important, although quite neglected, link in the chain of transmission of ancient philosophy in the Middle Ages. There is, in particular, a passage where Priscian discusses the vexed claim that common names can be proper names of the universal species and where he talks about the ideas existing in the divine mind. At the beginning of the 12th century, the anonymous Glosulae super Priscianum and the Notae Dunelmenses , which heavily quote William of Champeaux (as master G.), interpret the passage in the context of a growing interest in the problem of universais, raising semantic as well as ontological questions, and introducing a Platonic view on universais in the discussions on the signification of the noun. Moreover, this same passage will be used by Abelard to elaborate one of his opinions about the signification of universal or common names-that they signify "mental conceptions".

No dia 16 de Agosto de 1968 foi-me parar às mãos um livro que se deve à pena de um certo abade Vallet, Le Manuscript de Dom Adson de Melk, traduit en français d'après l'édition de Dom J. Mabillon (Aux Presses de l'Ablaye de la Source, Paris, 1842). O livro, acompanhado de indicações históricas na verdade bastante pobres, afirmava reproduzir fielmente um manuscrito do século XIV, por sua vez encontrado no mosteiro de Melk pelo grande erudito seiscentista, a quem tanto se deve pela história da ordem beneditina. A douta trouvaille (para mim, portanto a terceira no tempo) alegrava-me enquanto me achava em Praga à espera de uma pessoa querida. Seis dias depois, as tropas soviéticas invadiam a desventurada cidade. Consegui afortunadamente alcançar a fronteira austríaca em Linz, dali dirigi-me para Viena, onde me reuni à pessoa esperada, e juntos seguimos o curso do Danúbio. Num clima mental de grande excitação, eu lia, fascinado, a terrível história de Adso de Melk, e tanto me deixei absorver que quase de um jato redigi a sua tradução, nuns grandes cadernos da Papelarie Joseph Gibert, em que é tão agradável escrever se a caneta for macia. E assim fazendo chegamos às proximidades de Melk, onde se ergue ainda, a pique sobre um meandro do rio, o belíssimo Stijt, muitas vezes restaurado através dos séculos. Como o leitor terá imaginado, na biblioteca do mosteiro não encontrei vestígios do manuscrito de Adso. Antes de chegar a Salzburg, numa trágica noite numa pequena estalagem das margens do Mondsee, a minha viagem a dois foi bruscamente interrompida, e a pessoa com quem viajava desapareceu, levando consigo o livro do abade Vallet, não por mal, mas por causa do modo desordenado abrupto como tinha findado a nossa relação. Fiquei assim com uma série de cadernos manuscritos pelo meu punho e um grande vazio no coração. Alguns meses depois, em Paris, decidi ir ao fundo da minha investigação. Das poucas informações que tinha tirado do livro francês restava-me a referência à fonte, excepcionalmente minuciosa e precisa.

In this paper, “physicalism” claims that moral good and evil of actions can be determined merely by their physical features, in contrast to acts of the will. More precisely, exterior actions have a moral good or evil independently of interior actions (that is, actions interior to the will). Exterior actions have their own good or evil independently of the will and bestow this good or evil onto the will that chooses them. The contrasting view, which the paper opposes and which I call “Abelardianism,” maintains that exterior actions receive their moral character only from the will. Choices or intentions are first of all good or evil, and then the actions that are chosen or intended become good or evil.

Abelardianism appears true because intention, within Aquinas’s ethics, seems central to the moral species of human actions. Actions involve some agent moving out to an effect, and it is precisely this movement – as arising from the agent – that identifies the action. For human actions, this movement arises from intention, which is an act of the will.

Physicalism points out, however, that actions receive their species from the object. This object includes an effect to which the action is directed and the material or subject into which the action is directed. Which features of the effect and of the subject give species depends upon the power that gives rise to the action. Those features give species that relate per se to the power. Furthermore, physicalism points out that the interior act of the will is itself specified by the exterior action. By a kind of priority, then, the exterior action must first have moral character before the interior action can.

El autor propone una relectura de la primera parte de la Logica ingredientibus; después de un breve análisis del método filosófico aplicado por el magister palatinus –articulado en tres momentos: expositivo, crítico y resolutivo– intenta estudiar el momento crítico (pars destruens) examinando los argumentos antirrealistas de Abelardo.

Cet article vise à montrer que le perfectionnement est une modalité de toute éthique dialectique qui s’opère dans toute situation herméneutique où le sujet se confronte au savoir pratique pour décider de son action. D’Aristote à Basil-Juléat Fouda le savoir éthique n’a de sens que dans une intersubjectivité de la compréhension du monde. De cette unipolarité se dégage le lieu commun d’un fondement philosophique de l’éthique, à savoir à partir de la phrónèsis qui a la particularité d’être un savoir pratique, mobilisant une raison pratique, et qui se distingue du savoir théorique de l’epistêmê. Toutefois, cette disposition qui s’exprime dans le savoir-sagesse africain et guide sa conduite pratique trouve sa consolidation dans son rapport à la transcendance. Ainsi, au-delà de se comparatisme qui établit l’identité entre la philosophie pratique (Aristote) ou fonctionnelle (Fouda) on se rend compte qu’il l’est une plus-value africaine quant aux fondements de l’agir éthique.

O passo do Lysis que se trata de considerar neste breve estudo tem o carácter de uma "peça" de um puzzle muito mais vasto – e tudo o que veremos corresponde justamente à natureza fragmentária e unilateral que uma "peça" tem, quando arrancada ao puzzle a que pertence. Não poderemos aqui dar sequer um vislumbre da complexidade desse puzzle, mas importa ainda assim referir de passagem mais algumas das suas peças, a fim de se perceber um pouco melhor o contexto em que a "peça" do Lysis se vem inscrever e a "figura" que se desenha nela. Uma dessas peças diz respeito ao próprio campo semântico da palavra " ύ". ύ não é senão o nome de um advérbio ou de uma preposição relativa à ideia de lugar ou de tempo – e significa "apenas" qualquer coisa como "entre", "no meio de", "intervalo", "entretanto", etc. Por outras palavras: aos ouvidos dos Antigos " ύ" não soaria como algo estranho, r...

This chapter is focused on thirteenth-century logical hylomorphism. It describes an original chapter in the history of logical form, when argument had "substantial forms," namely syllogistic forms, and when logical matter did "matter," as much as logical form, when defining the scope of logic and the essence of the syllogism. Various senses of logical "matter" are distinguished and the idea of a Latin "material logic" is defended. The study of a series of vexing issues, especially puzzles in modal syllogistic, shows how many arguments lingered in a "syllogistic limbo" at that period. The contribution of logical matter was such that the possibility of a logical "salvation" of these arguments, as syllogisms or as a formally valid arguments, remained undecided.

Spoken sentences have parts. Therefore they take time to speak. For instance, when you say, 'Socrates is running', you begin by uttering the subject term ('Socrates'), before carrying on to the predicate. But are the corresponding thoughts also composite? And are such thoughts extended across time, like their spoken counterparts? Peter Abelard gave an affirmative response to both questions. Alberic of Paris denied the first and, as a corollary, denied the second. Here, I first set out Abelard's account. I then present a series of arguments against Abelard, reconstructed from (sometimes fragmentary) manuscripts associated with Alberic's school. I conclude with an observation about present philosophy of language: this twelfth-century debate points to some undefended (and largely unstated) assumptions common to more recent thinking about propositions.

Les œuvres en vers les plus célèbres d’Abélard sont ces poèmes d’amour composés pour Héloïse au temps qu’il la séduisait　; mais ils sont perdus, et c’est en vain qu’on les cherche. La célébrité de ces textes inconnus a laissé dans l’ombre d’autres poèmes qui, eux, sont bien parvenus jusqu’à nous. Eux aussi ont été composés pour Héloïse, d’une certaine manière ; eux aussi sont, d’une certaine manière, des produits de l’amour, et même des poèmes d’amour. Il s’agit des hymnes que, dans les années 1130, Abélard composa pour le monastère dont Héloïse était la supérieure, le Paraclet. Leur série, presque complète, constitue au fil de l’année liturgique un itinéraire spirituel et intellectuel d’une cohérence inégalée. Ces hymnes ne sont pas seulement des témoins d’une tentative quasiment inouïe dans l’histoire du christianisme de réformer la totalité de la liturgie　: ils sont aussi la pensée d’un théologien exceptionnel coulée dans les vers d’un poète génial. L’Hymnaire du Paraclet mérite bien ainsi, à de multiples titres, d'être appelé un monument de la culture occidentale. Ce volume offre à la fois le texte latin original, entièrement établi et contrôlé sur les manuscrits, et, en regard, l'une des premières traductions complètes de l'Hymnaire, et la première en français.

The lecture on logic, which an anonymous scholar from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth delivered in 1612 at the University of Ingolstadt, is one of the oldest sources related to the teaching of logic in our region. The author reveals metaphysical assumptions and, while applying the rules of logic to practical examples, addresses essential political problems of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. This edition includes a fragment of a lecture delivered by Iacobus Ortiz in Poznań in 1591. In his logic, the Spanish scholar followed Suárez’s metaphysics and, more specifically, used the concept of mental being (ens rationis). He thus co-prepared the context in which Martin Smiglecki would write his Logica. Published in 1618 in Ingolstadt and several times reedited in Oxford, it was famous for its creative use of the concept of mental being.

Polonica Philosophica Orientalia, a series of editions of manuscripts held in Lithuanian and Ukrainian libraries. It contains testimonies to the intellectual history of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the states established on its territories: Poland, Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine. The sources and documentation were compiled jointly by researchers from these countries as part of the project „Polonica Philosophica Orientalia. Philosophy in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from 16th to 18th century and the Historiography of Philosophy in Poland, Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine” (2018–2024).

Petrus Lombardus beschränkt die Gültigkeit der These Abelards auf eine ausschließlich "allgemeine" These, vgl. Lottin (1954(1)), S. 319: "La thèse abélardienne reste donc [bei Petrus Lombardus] vraie dans sa généralité, ne souffrant d'exception que pur les actes intrinsèquement mauvais. " 18 Mullady, 1986, S. 23: "There were two traditions regarding the moral good and evil of the object of exterior acts which predated that of St. Thomas. One was that of Abelard, the other of Petrus Lombardus. Petrus Lombardus accentuated the object of the exterior act of finis operis as having a proper classification without reference to that of the will." 19 Petrus Lombardi, (Distinctio XL, 8) "Non tantum quare, sed etiam quid fiat attendendum est." Die folgenden Übersetzungen sind von mir. 20 Petrus Lombardi, (Distinctio XL, 10-11) "[...] [S]unt nonnulli actus, qui etsi bonam habeant causam, tamen peccata sunt. [...] non semper ex fine iudicatur voluntas sive actio mala, sicut in illis quae per se peccata sunt. Illa enim cum quis gesserit pro aliqua bona causa, bonum videntur habe finem; nec ex fine voluntas est mala, nec ex voluntate actio fit mala, sed ex actione voluntas fit prava" (meine Übersetzung). 21 Lottin (1954 (1)), S. 319: "[…] [L]es actes humains deviennent bons ou mauvais selon l'intention poursuivie, à l'exception toutefois de ceux qui sont mauvais en soi, omnia igitur opera hominis sucundum intentionem et causam iudicantur bona vel mala, exceptis his quae per se mala sunt. La thèse abélardienne reste donc vraie dans sa généralité, ne souffrant d'exception que pour les actes intrinsèquement mauvais." 22 Petrus Lombardi, Sententiae ,Distinctio XL, 12: "id est quae sine praevaricatione fieri nequeunt." 23 Lottin hat dies nur kurz erwähnt. Lottin (1954(1)), S. 318: "Incontestablement, répond-il après saint Augustin : ex fine suo, ut ait Augustinus, voluntas cognoscitur utrum recta an prava sit. Et cette fin n'est autre que Dieu ou, si l'on veut, la charité. " In seinen Sententiae hat Petrus Lombardus das Buch contra Medacium (besonders c7 n18) Augustinus' ausführlich zitiert, um seine Position zu unterstützen, (s.u.).

A definição de vício tem como função, na economia do texto, distingui-lo do pecado. O vício é uma inclinação da vontade. Encontra-se na alma (anima) e, quando existe, está sempre presente, mesmo sem que se manifeste como ação. Além disso, a fonte do vício seria, em muitos, "a própria natureza ou compleição corporal", que os toma inclinados, por exemplo, à luxúria ou à ira. Ou sej a. o vício pode não ser adquirido. E, diz Abelardo, não há como censurar estes luxuriosos ou iracundos "pelo fato mesmo de serem como são" (Cf. 3, p. 4), quer dizer, seria possível encontrar homens com tal "temperamento" tanto entre os bons como entre os maus. Com a diferença de que os primeiros resistem ao vício, os outros, não. Este tipo de vício, assim como de virtude, escapa aos limites da ética, já não seriam de fa to vício ou virtude, a não ser, lembra Dal Pra, na medida em que tal vício indicaria "a possibilidade de uma função ética indireta", por estabelecer o lugar e o momento de uma luta em que o homem pode vencer-se (Cf. 10, p. 6-7). "O homem paciente-Abelardo cita Salomão-é melhor que o homem forte e quem domina o próprio espírito é melhor que quem toma uma cidade" (Cf. 3, p. 4). Como se, propriamente falando, o vício, enquanto qualidade, pudesse ser tomado de duas maneriae, como diria Abelardo (Nota A), e a virtude, de apenas uma. Esta só pode ser hábito, isto é, adquirida: a caslidade nascida da frigidez, por exemplo, não poderia ser chamada de virtude (Cf. 2, p. 116).

Ġslâm düĢünce tarihinde, gerek teolojik gerekse felsefî problemlere yönelik farklı çözüm arayıĢları hep ileri sürülmüĢtür. Bu arayıĢların en temel hedefi, dinsel fikirlerin ve dilin ardında bulunan önemli noktaların ortaya çıkarılması ve izah edilmesi yönündeki iĢlevselliği aydınlatmaktır. Bu amaçla, düĢünce tarihinde geniĢ ve ciddi bir yer kapsayan, özellikle de egzistansiyel açıdan büyük bir önem ve değer taĢıyan ölümden sonra hayat problemi hakkında farklı yorumların ileri sürüldüğü görülmektedir. Bu yorumlar arasında öne çıkan farklı yaklaĢımlardan biri, Ġslâm düĢünürleri olan Farabî ve Muhammed Ġkbal tarafından ele alınan kazanılan ölümsüzlük görüĢüdür. Kazanılan ölümsüzlük, bireyin benliğini hem teorik hem de pratik anlamda sürekli olarak geliĢtirmesi, zenginleĢtirmesi ve olgunlaĢtırmasının bir sonucu olarak ayrıcalıklı bir pozisyona ulaĢma diye ifade edilebilir. Kazanılan ölümsüzlük, verilen bir Ģey değil, nazarî ve amelî uzun gayretler sonucunda kazanılan bir Ģeydir. Farabî, kazanılan ölümsüzlük konusunda, nefs kavramını gündeme getirir ve anılan görüĢlerini bu bağlamda ortaya koyar. Ġkbal ise benliğin hayat aktivitesiyle olgunlaĢıp ve böylelikle ölümsüzlüğü elde edebileceği fikrini ileri sürer. Bu çalıĢmanın amacı, ölümden sonra hayat konusunda ikna edici, umut verici ve soyut ile somut dayanaklarla ifade edilebilen, düĢünce tarihinde konunun tartıĢmalarının seyrini etkileyebilecek olan ve Ġslâm düĢünürlerinin önemini vurgulayan bir kavram olma mahiyeti taĢıyan kazanılan ölümsüzlük görüĢünü tartıĢmaya sunmaktır. Bu tartıĢma yapılırken takip edilecek yöntem, sistematik karĢılaĢtırma yöntemidir. Muhtemel sonuçlar, Ġslâm düĢünce tarihinin birçok konuda olduğu gibi, ölümden sonra hayat konusunda da farklı yaklaĢımları gündeme getirdiğini ortaya koymak, eskatolojik tartıĢmalar yapılırken yeni bir kavrama odaklanmasını sağlamak, Farabî ve Ġkbal'in problemlere yönelik özgün görüĢlerinin daha iyi bilinmesini aydınlığa kavuĢturmaktır.

Progress is a structural and systematic concept in the thought of Origen of Alexandria, which represents one of the most advanced syntheses of the Christian reading of the Old and the New Testaments’ legacy and the classical paideia, as well as a rational critique towards every kind of static objectification of the religious. Origen’s legacy was capable of radiating its influence through Western theology and philosophy, thus shaping its idea of theological, moral, intellectual, social and political progress. The volume follows the intellectual dynamism generated by the reception of Origen’s thought through seventeen articles, which span through the centuries, from the analysis of Origen’s thought to its reception history in the Middle Ages, the Renaissance, and the Modern Age, up until the 20th century.

L'entreprise peut paraître étrange qui consiste à comparer les conceptions hégélienne et bourdieusienne du «sens pratique» au prisme du type de normativité qui leur est liée et ce, d'abord, au regard de son objet même. En effet, s'il est assez évident que le «sens pratique», dans son rapport à l'habitus et à l'élaboration d'une «théorie de la pratique», est un des concepts fondamentaux de la sociologie bourdieusienne et de la théorie de l'action qu'elle contient, une telle centralité ne paraît pas immédiatement s'imposer s'agissant de la philosophie pratique de Hegel, telle qu'elle s'énonce plus particulièrement en une doctrine de l'«esprit objectif». De fait, l'expression «sens pratique» est extrêmement rare sous la plume de Hegel 1 et pour l'ensemble des Principes de la philosophie du droit, une seule occurrence est à recenser 2. Indépendamment, toutefois, de la simple question de mots, l'analyse de quelque chose de tel que le «sens pratique» chez Hegel se justifie en premier lieu à partir du concept, quant à lui manifestement fondamental s'agissant de la Sittlichkeit et de sa détermination, de sittliche Gesinnung, disposition-d'esprit éthique, dont l'explicitation occupe une grande partie de l'introduction de la section «Éthicité» et qui est constamment à l'oeuvre dans l'exposition de celle-ci: c'est d'abord à partir de la sittliche Gesinnung que le sens pratique peut et doit être compris. Mais c'est encore la mise en regard de deux pensées qui, à bien des égards, peuvent être tenues pour opposées qui peut surprendre. De fait, le propos ne sera pas ici de livrer une analyse systématique et globale de celles-ci pour tenter de sauver, malgré tout, quelques points d'accord. Sous un angle autre que celui de la comparaison exégétique, il s'agit bien plutôt de tenter de saisir la manière dont la normativité, le devoir-être, sont conçus dans deux appréhensions de l'action et de la pratique qui, pour être distinctes, ont au moins en commun d'accorder une place importante aux «dispositions» subjectives de l'agent (qu'elles 3 C'est en effet bien plutôt l'usage du terme de Gesinnung que l'usage hégélien du terme d'«habitus» qui peut être désigné par là : Hegel n'emploie pas le mot «habitus» selon cette acception et il est d'ailleurs absent des Principes de la philosophie du droit. Il se trouve, entre autres, dans la Philosophie de la nature, mais il a alors plutôt le sens de «complexion», ingenium spinoziste (voir, par exemple, Enz. 2, § 368A, p. 500; ESP 2, p. 323). 4 CD, p. 23.

year of the reign of 'Ali "amir al-muslimin," second king of the Berber Almoravid dynasty, rulers of Moorish Spain from 1071 to 1147. Córdoba, the capital of Andalus and the center of the Almoravid holdings in Spain, is a bustling cosmopolitan center, a crossroads for Europe and the Middle East, and the meeting-point of three religious traditions. Most significantly, Córdoba at this time is the hub of European intellectual activity. From the square-itself impressively large and surrounded by a massive collonade, the regularity and ordered beauty of which typifies the Moorish taste for symmetry (so beloved of M.C. Escher)-can be seen the huge Córdoban mosque, erected in the 8th-century by Khalif Abd-er-Rahman I to the glory of Allah, oft forgiving, most merciful. It is the second largest building in Islam, and the bastion of the still entrenched but soon to fade Muslim presence in western Europe. SCENE: Three figures sit upon stone benches beneath the westernmost colonnade of the Córdoban mosque, involved in an animated, though friendly discussion on matters of faith and reason, knowledge and God, language and logic. The host is none other than Jehudah Halevi, 1 and his esteemed guests Master Peter Abelard 2 and the venerable Råmånuja, 3 whose obviously advanced age belies his youthful voice, gleaming eye, quick hands, and general exuberance. It is autumn, early evening… * The following text reproduces, to the best of his ability, a recent dream of the author, after an evening of overstrenuous persual of sundry medieval texts. It should be noted that any historical or factual errors are entirely the fault of the limitations of retrieval, and in no way reflect upon the veracity of the characters or the truth of the dream itself. Jehudah: Once again, I cannot sufficiently express my sincere pleasure in having two such esteemed guests. Master Abelardus, your taking some time from your busy schedule is much appreciated… Abelard: But my dear ben-Samuel, you must know that my affairs are in a disordered state, as per the usual. 4 My persecutors are relentless, and now I hear that the famed Bernard of Clairvaux has shown interest in defaming me to the Christian world. At any rate, the opportunity to discourse with you again would alone be enough to tear me away from the pesterings of Lombardus 5 and that damnable Brescia, 6 let alone the rare chance to hold forth with the venerable Master Råmånuja; to drink, if you will, a rare draught from the timeless fount of Indian knowledge and teaching. Jehudah: Young Lombardus no doubt looks upon you as something of a hero, as I am sure do many of the hot-blooded youths of Paris… Abelard: That wretched affair 7 has caused such distraction; I'm sure that even in the most remote hills of India the story of my misfortunes abounds. I wish to speak of it no more. I am sure Råmånuja, whose own ascetic practice, though freely chosen, unlike my own, was precipitated by the ways of the fairer sex, 8 will oblige. But let us continue our discussion, as pleasant as such digressions can be on such a beautiful autumn eve. I was asking our resident Brahmanist here to explain, if he may, his so-called viçi‚ †ådvaita; to explicate, in particular, his "qualified non-dualism" vis-à-vis the teachings of his estimable predecessor Çaπkaråcårya. As our (Jehudah and my) Proverbs say: "A wise man by hearing will be wiser, an intelligent man will gain sound guidance" (Prov. 1:5). Råmånuja: Thank you, Master Abelard, for your kind words, and you dear Ha-Levi, for your hospitality, and the opportunity to speak on divers matters in this great city of learning. My regret, if any, is that we lack a Mohammedan participant in our colloquy. Jehudah: Yes, there are certainly Muslim (as they prefer to be called) scholars abounding here (though none, perhaps, of equal to the late Ibn S⁄nå 9); unfortunately none have been able to make it here this evening, it being Rama∂ån. Perhaps at a later date we will be obliged as such. But there is young Roshd [gestures towards a young boy reading on a bench nearby]. Though but a boy of nine, he is said to be quite an adept in such matters as we have been speaking. 10 I shall call him over.

Mevlânâ Celâleddîn Rumî'nin ahlak öğretisinde mutluluk konusunun ele alındığı bu çalışmada Mevlânâ'nın mutluluk kavramına yüklediği anlamların incelenmesi ve etik değerinin gösterilmesi hedeflenmiştir. Bu nedenle bu çalışmada daha çok literatür taraması ve temel kaynakların incelenmesine dayalı bir yöntem kullanılmıştır. Araştırma sonunda Hz. Mevlânâ'nın geçici bedensel hazlardan ziyade kalıcı ruhî hazlara dayalı dinî-tasavvufi yönü ağır basan bir "manevî mutluluk" anlayışı geliştirdiği görülmüştür. Onun, mutluluğu daha çok insanın Allah ile kurduğu psikolojik bir birlik bilinci içerisinde aradığı ve "gönül huzuru" veya "sükûn hâli" ile ifade ettiği sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.

Este artículo tiene por objetivo analizar la clasificación de virtudes que se encuentra en la Ysagoge in theologiam, un texto anónimo de mediados del siglo XII que puede considerarse como una de las primeras sumas sistemáticas de teología. El interés de esta clasificación es doble: por una parte, ella vale por sí misma en tanto tiene ciertas características originales; por otra, debido a su punto de partida. En efecto, en lugar de seguir la definición de virtud ofrecida por Hugo de San Víctor –que será la adoptada, entre otros, por Pedro Lombardo–, es una de las pocas sumas de la época que toma la que propuso Pedro Abelardo. Ello la convierte no necesariamente es una rareza, pero sí en un eslabón de la historia de la ética cristiana bastante peculiar.

Platonic Investigations / Платоновские исследования 19.2 (2023): 341–362. DOI: 10.25985/PI.19.2.15.
The publication presents the text and a commented Russian translation of the xii-century Goliardic poem Metamorphosis Goliae Episcopi, wrongly attributed to Walter Mapes (1130-ок. 1210), a courtier of King Henry II of England, but in reality written by a student or champion of Peter Abelard (c. 1079-1142) soon after the philosopher's condemnation at the Council of Sens (1141) executed under the pressure of Bernard of Clairvaux (1090-1153). The first half of the xii century is marked by the renascent interest for the Platonic philosophy, and for academic or "universitarian" forms of organization of scholarly activities. At the same time, it was the epoch of Gregorian reforms within the Catholic Church, including, as an important point, the imposition of celibacy among the clergy, which had been prescribed by the Second Lateran Council (1139). But it was precisely the clerics who learned and taught at the schools that were created at various ecclectical centers, cathedrals and abbeys. Hence a collision between learning and love, a full-fledged and full-blown love, for which Abelard had been punished with an especial cruelty. The author of the poem attempts to show that love and learning are not to be opposed and separated, but on the contrary, are supposed to nourish and complement each other. The obvious model is supplied by The Marriage of Philology and Mercury by Martianus Capella (fl. c. 410-420). The "metamorphosis" apparently intends an implementation of such a purported mating of love and scholarship against ecclesiastical monastic obscurantism. The translation is based on Winthrop Wetherbee's edition of the text (2017).