Peace and Justice Studies

The Vatican, as one of the oldest religious institutions in the world, adopts a cautious yet optimistic perspective toward artificial intelligence (AI). Emphasizing ethical principles and human dignity, the Vatican views AI as a tool that can enhance human life-provided it is properly guided and managed.

In the intricate tapestry of our world, the threads of gender, environment, and sustainability are woven together in ways that demand our attention and action. The eco-feminist movement stands at the forefront of this intersection, illuminating the profound connections between the oppression of women and the degradation of our planet. As we face unprecedented environmental crises, it becomes increasingly clear that the liberation of women and the health of our Earth are not merely parallel struggles; they are deeply entwined.

This paper highlights the amalgamation of feminism with foreign policy and international relations. It analyzes the brief history of this intersectionality while articulating the need, methods and implications of a feminist foreign policy. Lastly, it also highlights, through significant case studies, why feminization of foreign policy is crucial.

This article grapples with the justifiability of nuclear deterrence in the aftermath of Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. Disillusioned about the failed promise of nuclear disarmament, as well as other ethical issues inherent to nuclear weapons, Pope Francis has attached the immorality label not just to the use of the Bomb but also to its very possession. This step, which his predecessors hesitated to take during the Cold War and the quarter of a century after the fall of the Berlin Wall, has received considerable attention. However, these assessments precede the war against Ukraine. Given that the regime of Vladimir Putin has repeatedly made nuclear threats in the context of this war, and a Cold War 2.0 of sorts has returned, there is reason to reappraise Francis's argument on nuclear weapons for a post-2022 era. I argue with regret that in light of the contemporary security environment it would be a sign of irresponsible statecraft to abandon the nuclear deterrent unilaterally. At the same time, I hold that a renewed and genuine effort needs to be made not just to avoid nuclear war but to create a culture that one day will lead to complete nuclear disarmament.

It has been argued that Elizabeth Anscombe's writing on killing and just war in the 1950s and early 1960s were highly influential, not only on just war theorists (such as Michael Walzer and Thomas Nagel), but also on the recovery of just war thinking among the US and British military. In researching the sources for Anscombe's thought, it became clear that Donald MacKinnon's unknown early writings on social ethics and war inspired and influenced Anscombe's earliest thought on justice in war. In this paper, I focus on MacKinnon's and Anscombe's prophetic analysis of the function of the Church and the lay faithful in a time of war. This paper argues that among other things, MacKinnon and Anscombe anticipate much of the contemporary concerns of the advocates of the 'just peace' approach to thinking about war and other violent conflicts.

My personal experience with oppression has motivated me to write this article. Between 1999 and 2000, my family and I endured profound physical and psychological suffering due to a religious conflict in Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. During this tumultuous period, I encountered sermons and spiritual counsel on forgiveness and non-retaliation that ultimately proved to be insipid and superficial rather than genuinely convincing or helpful. This experience has compelled me to reexamine the fundamental tenets of nonviolent theology. From this perspective, I observed distressing religious displays and performances under duress rather than exemplifying Christian virtues like beauty, forgiveness, and love. Superficial consolations hastily obscured the profound wounds borne by victims of traumatic losses. While mourning was permissible, there was a prevailing emphasis on adhering to God's instruction of forgiveness, seen as an opportune moment to potentially inspire non-believers to embrace Christianity and profess Jesus as their Lord. Familiar adages like "God will not let his children suffer beyond their strength" and "there must be goodness behind every suffering that we must endure" were frequently invoked. However, instead of fostering true healing, this emphasis on non-retaliation often exacerbated and prolonged the trauma for victims who grappled with overwhelming guilt stemming from their perceived inability to forgive swiftly and comprehensively. This paper underscores the significance of incorporating aesthetic theology into nonviolent theology and activism discourses. Aesthetic theology, far from being a superficial concept entangled in the capitalist commodification of beauty, is firmly rooted in the significance of human "experience" and "embodiment." This theological approach stems from a rejection of abstract theology that frequently sidelines the rich dimension of human experience. In aesthetic theology, our complete physical and emotional experience is considered a valid wellspring for theological exploration, capable of revealing spiritual truths and fostering a profound connection with the divine. In aesthetic theology, our sensory capabilities serve as the window through which we can attain a genuine encounter with the divine. I firmly believe that aesthetic theology can offer a platform for the voices and wounds of victims-an invitation that has regrettably been overlooked in the construction of nonviolent theological discourse.

A call to nonviolence in the world today is one of my priorities as a citizen of the world. Nonviolence establishes sure conditions for lasting peace. People in this world are called upon to live together despite their differences. Nonviolence that generates peace carries one message: all people are equal as far as the natural law is concerned, and they share the same divine dignity, no matter what. Such an understanding of nonviolence is what I am called to proclaim in my world. Peace is possible in the world, even though evil seems to be in control. A nonviolent peacemaker is in a good position to implement the ideas of nonviolence. He/she will have to show how evil in our society can only be uprooted to the extent that society avoids any sign of complicity with evil. People must avoid at all costs blaming evil on any group. This creates a dangerous tendency to identify one group as having an inborn inclination to engage in atrocities. In one area of the world people may, for example, blame evil on Muslims. In another corner of the globe people will accuse Palestinians of being troublemakers. Such views are unfair and unjust. They do not allow for a just way to hold those who are guilty responsible for shamefully committing evil acts that cause so much destruction to people and their belongings. Nonviolence does not dream of a world without violence. Instead, it allows for the possibility of forgiveness within human imagination where a person imagines himself/herself sitting at the same table with those who hurt him/her yesterday, but as living together once again. Such an imagined world of peace relies on a spirit of openness regarding the necessity of dialogue in conflict resolution. Dialogue that builds up bridges is the only way to cherish unity in diversity. Nonviolence detests the unfortunate behavior of finger pointing that allows someone to avoid responsibility in any given situation that requires peace. It values the idea of building hope among people as they become more open to one another, and overcome whatever may create a kind of psychology of fear that hinders any given progression towards peace. Coming from Rwanda and having witnessed the consequences of genocide on the morale of people, I know that fear can become the common weapon used to determine the identity of the enemy. Then this enemy, without any other reasonable motivation, must be eliminated. In such a context dialogue is of great help to get over the fear inspired by the simple reality of being the Other. Such a dialogue finally allows one to open new venues to build a society that honors justice for all without discrimination. Overcoming the psychological fear that preoccupies itself in pointing out faults of the Other that are also one's own is a key step in rendering justice for all people, and a precondition for lasting peace. Nonviolence teaches how unwise it is to identify the villains out of fear. In the long run people put themselves in danger by creating a vicious environment. The spirit of honesty which is required to practice nonviolence hopes against hope for its ultimate success. This spirit believes that yesterday's enemies can become today's prophets of peace. Such an honest spirit bears its fruit as people discover that there is good in relating to one another on a new level of humanity. By developing a spirit of tolerance and respect people are able to build up a peaceful world. A given process of nonviolence is developed in modern society through democratic principles. The same process teaches that the ideals of democracy are reachable as long as each citizen participates freely in choosing good and wise leaders whose love for their country is beyond doubt. Such a context permits every citizen to embrace a spirit of responsibility. Then he/she understands the importance of abandoning whatever may overshadow democratic principles, principles that clearly teach how to live together in a society where, for the sake of peace, people agree to disagree.

The authors of the three essays featured in this focus challenge assumptions that are central to the official Catholic teachings on sexual ethics. Elizabeth Antus and Megan McCabe do so by taking on topics that have not received much attention from the magisterium. Cristina Traina urges us to think differently about the way we usually frame the moral issue of abortion. Although they address different moral problems, I argue in this introduction that they highlight common themes—social sin, interruption, and solidarity—share methodological commitments to using empirical data and to valuing human experiences, and push us to imagine a sexual ethic grounded in a just vision of human sexual flourishing.

In this essay, the author describes the trajectory toward a just peace framework in contemporary Catholic social teaching, as well as similar trends in the broader Christian community. He articulates a refined just peace framework or process that has arisen from and within a pastoral approach that listens to the experiences and voices of people in conflict situations across various cultural spaces. He then turns to the recent and challenging case of the war in Ukraine to explore and argue for a just peace approach rooted in the praxis of accompaniment. The author also reflects on the distinction between and implications of an accompaniment approach and a justification-of-war approach to initiate more inquiry on this topic.

This research paper thoroughly examines the patterns of failures in peace processes through empirical analysis of case studies, with a focus on the influence of the international community. Descriptive narratives and challenges in achieving enduring peace, emphasizing a need for context-specific strategies

A society's. .. civilization is measured first and foremost by the position that women occupy in it."-Jacques Chirac, 2003 While some have argued that civilization, defined by ethnicity, language, and religion, will be the engine of future world conflict (Huntington 1996), others have begun to make the case that a more fundamental cleavage between societies, represented by attitudes toward and beliefs about women, is a far more telling indicator of the potential for future conflict and instability among states (Inglehart and Norris 2003a). The geography and the

This article examines the origins and uses by the Vatican of the theological anthropology of complementarity, arguing that the doctrine of complementarity, under which the sexes are essentially different though not unequal, is an invention of the twentieth century untraceable in earlier centuries, but developed by, among others, the Popes from Pius XII through Benedict XVI, in part as a response to feminist claims, including those recently anathematized by the Vatican under the term 'gender.' After exploring some difficulties with the application of the doctrine of complementarity as Catholic orthodoxy, the article concludes by compiling preliminary evidence as to the extent Pope Francis will continue his predecessors' approach to complementarity.

We examine feminism in international relations from the emergence of women's peace pragmatism during WWI to the development of the United Nations (UN) Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda a century later. We argue that feminism did not come late to international relations. Rather, international relations came late to feminism. Moreover, we show how the principles articulated by women peace activists at the 1915 Hague Conference represent distinct contributions to the discipline. These principles reflect a pragmatic approach derived from women's experiences of promoting peace and inclusion. The pragmatism of these principles is echoed by, and further developed in, four pillars of the WPS agenda-as shaped by advocates of women's rights, working through processes of trial and error, to gain state support for advance principles of equal and lasting peace. States may have rejected discussion of women's rights as an appropriate matter for international negotiations in 1915. But with the evolution of women's political rights during the twentieth century, it is now possible to advance a feminist perspective on international peace and security. By recovering neglected aspects of the last century of international relations' feminism, this article helps further an alternative, pragmatist perspective on ways of knowing and doing international relations.

Religion, culture, and heritage are major factors that contribute to the formation of identity. Religion, in particular, plays a crucial role in the causes, dynamics, and resolution of conflicts, making it a powerful tool for both generating and preventing conflicts. While some view religion as a source of conflict, it cannot be denied that religion can also play a significant role in conflict resolution and peace building. This paper delves into the multifaceted role of religion in society, which can act as both a source of conflict and violence, but also as a means for conflict resolution and peacebuilding. The interplay between religion and identity formation is explored in relation to its impact on conflict, including causes, dynamics, and potential resolutions. With a focus on the Islamic perspective, the paper outlines the guidelines and methodologies provided by religion to prevent conflicts and promote peace. Additionally, the role of religious leaders in facilitating peaceb...

The local turn in Peace Studies has raised important practical and normative  questions  around  the ‘liberal  peace’ approach  that defines  post-Cold  War  international  peacebuilding.  However, recent  critical  interventions  reveal  the  limits  of  the  local  turn’s engagement  with  themes  including  race,  gender,  class,  and colonialism.  Engaging  Indigenous  authors  who  ground  diverse conceptualizations of peace in the restitution of Indigenous land, the  following  discussion  shows  how  the  local  turn’s  theoretical framing  of  indigeneity  risks  erasing  decolonial  accounts  of Indigenous peacebuilding  in  settler-colonial  societies through  its conceptual  reliance  on  international  intervention  and  normative prioritization of hybrid peace outcomes.

Feminist Peace Research (FPR) has expanded, complicated, and questioned the previous assumptions of how scholars have defined peace. FPR also attempts to incorporate various local perspectives to complicate and expand the horizon of the context of peace. On that note, I attempt to introduce and explore a potentially new strategy for feminist peace and security: ' refusal’. From Escape the Corset movement to Bihon movement, I observe that South Korean women’s social movements are orbiting around the concept of ‘refusal’. They refuse to conform to the fixed and forced notion of femininity; they refuse to participate into heterosexual practices. I have noticed that the motive(s) of such refusal comes from their yearning for peace: refusing the practices of femininity was intended to give them peace and security by being less exposed to sexual discrimination, sexual harassment, and sexual violence, which they seemed to succeed. Participants of Bihon movements were motivated to refuse the practices of heterosexuality to be free from the economic/social/political exploitation from South Korean men through the form of marriage. People often frame the movements as aggression and fixate on that note; however, this paper will offer a new lens to some young feminist movements in South Korea with the perspective of feminist peace and security approach and with the concept of ‘refusal’ in the South Korean context. Observing two movements keenly for years, I try to ask and explore, ‘Can refusal be a new strategy for feminist peace and security?’ If the refusal is the potential strategy for feminist peace and security, in what sense is it successful and meaningful? If there are, what are the limits of the ‘refusal’ strategy, and what would be the solutions for sustainability?

A COMUNIDADE DE JESUS DE BARI COMPLETA 40 ANOS Direção: Antonio Calisi 40 anos se passaram desde que a Comunidade de Jesus, uma Associação Internacional de fiéis da Igreja Católica dedicada à Adoração, Evangelização e Reconciliação dos Cristãos, nasceu no dia de Pentecostes de 1983, na Abadia Beneditina de Santa Scolastica, em Bari. Fundada por Matteo Calisi, com o apoio de sua esposa Giovanna De Pascalis, logo participou um grupo de adolescentes, incluindo Antonio Calisi, e alguns representantes de outras igrejas cristãs que criaram as bases sobre as quais a Comunidade seria construída mais tarde. O aniversário será comemorado na Sede Internacional na Via San Tommaso d'Aquino, 10d Bari no sábado 17 e domingo 18 de junho de 2023.

Incidents that have unfortunately plagued the world for centuries but have become more pronounced over the last decade or so, show an increasing ‘emphasis’ for political violence flavoured by faith, culture and identity where the world is seen through a singular lens of ‘good’ and ‘evil’ and  an ‘us’ vs. ‘them’ attitude. 
The role of faith and spirituality in particular in the search for new solutions to address these issues is very important as it offers a simple and easy access to communities (strong in their spiritual and faith teachings) and a simple language to express the commonalities of existence and create the prerequisites for forgiveness, respect, understanding and acceptance.  The notion of the importance of  global faiths, such as Islam, in conflict resolution is based on some distinctive aspects. First peacemaking is integral to faith and is often thought to be a sacred duty.  In this regard, religious enthusiasm and inspiration can be channelled to bring about peace and reconciliation.  Second, religion offers critical understanding of the process of peace making as religious traditions provide some fundamental explanations and insights into both war and peace.  Third, religious traditions possess unique authority and capacity among the followers of the particular religion to deal with conflicts, particularly by preventing conflict and making sustainable peace. Fourth, religious traditions can be effective in practical ways, particularly in reconciliation. In the context of conflict transformation (replacement of violent with non violent means for settling disputes), religion could play a role of advocacy and mediation.
This paper will understand broad ethics and teachings from an Islamic perspective on violent conflict and bloodshed at a community level and how these principles and references can promote  conflict resolution with the communities it works with to minimize violence  and ensure peaceful transformation of conflict through dialogue and compromise.    It will also explore traditional community practices at the grassroots to marry the theory with practice.  In so doing it offers an attempt to address misconceptions about Islam and Non Violence.

How does one respond to such horror as war?  In January 2022, I was encouraged by U.S. Archbishop Wester's pastoral letter, illuminating Jesus' clear call to active nonviolence and making the argument to abolish all nuclear weapons. As the war in Ukraine approached in February 2022, a colleague and I offered our thoughts on some possible paths to avoid the war oriented by a just peace framework. What can we do now, especially as Christians?

Apesar das esperanças depositadas nos potenciais benefícios de uma maior aproximação entre jornalistas e audiências no espaço digital, a possibilidade de as audiências comentarem ou acederem facilmente aos/às jornalistas tornou-se um problema reconhecido. O assédio e os ataques em linha a estes/as profissionais, mais visíveis com o crescimento da extrema-direita, tornaram-se problemas relevantes que têm também dimensões de género. A partir de um estudo tridimensional que incluiu o mapeamento de uma amostra de comentários a notícias, um inquérito a jornalistas e um conjunto de entrevistas em profundidade a mulheres jornalistas, esta investigação procura analisar a situação em Portugal. Os resultados confirmam a presença de discurso abusivo nos comentários a notícias, a perceção pelos/as jornalistas de que o ambiente digital veio agravar a hostilidade contra a imprensa, a falta de confiança nos mecanismos de proteção e como aspetos como o género são relevantes no assédio online.

they watch player violence from the stands or on television their aggression, if anything, is increased. Thus, as intuitively appealing as the concept is to most people, the body of scientific findings on the question cannot be taken to encourage them in that belief. Modern technology has enabled the media to bring a number of major violent sports to worldwide audiences. The challenge for sports officialdom is to minimize participant violence in a sport(s) while at the same time preserving what is socially beneficial. The challenge is formidable.

Recebido em: 04 de Novembro de 2022 Aceito em: 07 de Dezembro 2022 RESUMO Este trabalho discute como a cobertura de conflitos pode ser psicologicamente prejudicial para os profissionais da imprensa também nos bastidores da notícia. A grande questão aqui é o que acontece com os editores de fotojornalismo, em aspectos psicológicos e circunstanciais, quando parte de seu trabalho diário é ver, rever e avaliar graficamente cenas de mortes, guerra e horror por horas, enquanto também são responsáveis hierarquicamente pela equipe que está em campo. No front digital, eles podem nunca ter pisado em uma zona perigosa, mas podem do mesmo jeito ser afetados e até desenvolver o Transtorno de Estresse Pós-Traumático em segunda mão por meio da lente de outros profissionais. Palavras-chave: Cobertura de conflitos; transtorno de estresse pós-traumático secundário; trauma psicológico vicário; editores de imagens; fotojornalismo.

In this paper we examine the relationship between mindfulness, memoir, and critical pedagogy. We propose that memoir links critical pedagogy and contemplative practice, furthering the goals of both. This proposal is rooted in an analysis of three years' worth of memoirs prepared by students in a Peace and Justice Studies course. Our study shows that the pedagogical strategy we have employed assists students' increased self-awareness as well as insight regarding their inter-connectedness with other living beings. Both the study and contemplative practice of memoir root this awareness in the specific places, relationships, and situations that form our students' lives. Students are thus situated for deeper reflection regarding the ways their own lives are linked with the destiny of a much larger world reality, and specifically, with questions of peace and justice.

Angola viveu entre 1975 e 2002, uma prolongada guerra civil. A guerra civil só terminou com a assinatura do memorando de entendimento do Lwena no dia 4 de Abril de 2002. Durante todo o período da guerra civil, a Igreja Católica desempenhou um papel decisivo, através dos compromissos humanitários e sociais, nas áreas da ajuda alimentar às populações, da saúde, da educação, das denúncias das atrocidades cometidas e pelas propostas sucessivas de negociações e cessar-fogo, em ordem à pacificação do país, ao respeito pela liberdade e direitos humanos, à justiça social. A Igreja Católica deu ainda a sua colaboração para a paz, infundindo a fé e esperança nas populações martirizadas e espezinhadas pelos militares de ambos os lados da trincheira (MPLA e UNITA). Percebendo tudo isto, avancei para este trabalho falando da Experiência dos missionários do Verbo Divino em Angola, onde pude perceber o contributo dos verbitas durante a guerra civil angolana a partir das quatro dimensões caracterís...

The article deals with reflection on justice and peace in Christian framework in the contexts of Belarusian peaceful protests of 2020. It presents ecumenical theological and social activities of the group "Christian Vision" in a journey of justice and peace in the situation of growing repressions and oppression. The group unites ordained ministers, theologians, and Christian activists of the Orthodox, Roman Catholic, Greek Catholic, Anglican, and Evangelical churches and its mission is to empower Christians and churches to become a prophetic voice in the society and to contribute to the democratic process, restoration of the rule of law, justice and genuine peace, as well as to facilitate national dialogue and understanding.

In this paper, I integrate key developments into a "just peace" moral analysis and argue for the Catholic Church to also develop and embrace a "just peace" approach. First, I describe present Catholic social teaching and the present threads I see related to just peace. Second, I describe the ecumenical turns to just peace and Glen Stassen's just peacemaking, which has similarities to present Catholic social teaching. Third, I offer a critical analysis of Catholic social teaching and just peacemaking to propose a turn to a freshly integrated "just peace" approach. in this active work and are especially reminded both that peace requires justice-making and justice requires peace-making. Jesus Christ, the presence and manifestation of God's love on earth, concretizes these themes in a set of formative and core practices. "Jesus lived in a warzone, under foreign military occupation, in periods of civil war and violent insurgency against the foreign occupiers and the domestic leaders who cooperated with occupying forces. He and his family were refugees and fled genocide." 5 Yet, Jesus makes it clear that he was not in favor of a negative peace based on the sword. Instead, Jesus models the way of just peace by becoming vulnerable, inviting participation in the Reign of God, caring for the outcasts and prioritizing those in urgent need, loving and forgiving enemies, people building, challenging the religious, political, economic, and military powers, healing and trauma healing of persons and communities, praying and fasting, along with risking and offering his life on the cross to expose and transcend both injustice and violence. Jesus centers Shalom on the embodiment of mercy and compassion in the Good Samaritan story. Jesus draws us to "righteousness," which refers to living in accord with the will of God. We know this will primarily through how Jesus lives, hence the "new commandment" from Jesus is to "love as I have loved you," i.e. the nonviolent love of neighbor, strangers and enemies. With Jesus' focus on healing and reconciliation, even with enemies, we have been increasingly learning that the kind of justice Christ leans us toward is restorative justice, i.e. focus on the wounds to relationships and how to heal those wounds.

This article presents the most comprehensive available view of Elise Boulding's perspective on feminism, which broadly includes movements to challenge and change larger patriarchal structures (social feminism) and the women's equal rights movement. It was written during the activist phase of her life, nine years after she retired from Dartmouth, yet is presented in a way that speaks to both academics and activists. 1

RECENT work in religion, conflict, and peacebuilding demonstrates the vast resources that scholars and practitioners working with and/or within religious traditions and institutions can contribute (and have contributed) to transforming conflict, conceptualizing and cultivating justice, and building sustainable peace.' What happens when this important engagement between religious peacebuilding and peace studies more generally becomes intentionally bidirectional? What insights, lenses, and approaches emerge from peace studies that uniquely fit the purposes and practices of religious peace building? This chapter explores ways that the analytical lenses of structural and cultural violence that have emerged in peace studies debates since the 1960s aid in illuminating and addressing religious and cultural dimensions of conflict, violence, and peacebuilding that are of specific interest to religious peace builders. These analytical lenses have been powerfully applied across cases pertaining to poverty, development, gender, and race. Yet their application to concerns about religion and peacebuilding are comparatively underdeveloped.' I argue that they are equally incisive when applied to religious identity-based forms of violence and injustice, and the social, spiritual, emotional, and psychological effects of those forms. Critical attention to the processes and debates by which these analytical lenses emerged in peace studies will illuminate an array of theoretical points of contact, overlap, and possibilities for mutual enrichment between peace studies as a still emerging field, and the flourishing literature on religion and peacebuilding. In what follows I demonstrate two ways that developing analytical lenses of structural and cultural violence, and incorporating them into religion, conflict, and peacebuilding, importantly expands and deepens that field. First, I argue that integrating these lenses into the conceptual framework of religion and peacebuilding requires critically revising that subfield's temptation toward an overly narrow focus upon "deadly violence:' This correction makes possible multifocal forms of critical analysis in religion and peacebuilding, thereby rendering more sensitive and fine-grained the identification and assessment of the manifold forms that violence may take, and the compound and multi-layered effects those forms may